.v#'* 


fli  tw  ®hM,09W  jr. 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


% 


a 


Purchased  by  the  Hamill  Missionary  Fund. 


Division  m&5  s 

.F  7.2 ' 


Section 


THE 

PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


LONDON  : 

PRINTED  BY  EYRE  AND  SPOTTISWOODE, 
HER  MAJESTY’S  PRINTERS. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/philippineisland00fore_0 


THE  AUTHOR  AND  HIS  TRAVELLING  SERVANT. 


THE 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


A Political,  Geographical,  Ethnographical,  Social  and  Commercial 
History  of  the  Philippine  Archipelago 


AXD 


ITS  POLITICAL  DEPENDENCIES, 
Embracing  the  whole  Period  of  Spanish  Rule. 


BY 

JOHN  FOREMAN,  F.R.G.S. 


SECOND  EDITION,  REVISED  AND  ENLARGED, 

WITH  MAPS  AMD  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


NEW  YORK: 

CHARLES  SCRIBNER’S  SONS. 


1899. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


It  would  be  surprising  if  the  concerns  of  an  interesting 
Colony  like  the  Philippine  Islands  had  not  commanded 
the  attention  of  literary  genius. 

I do  not  pretend,  therefore,  to  improve  upon  the  able 
productions  of  such  eminent  writers  as  Juan  de  le  Concepcion, 
Martinez  Zuniga,  Thomas  Comin  and  others,  nor  do  I aspire, 
through  this  brief  composition,  to  detract  from  the  merit  of 
Jagor’s  work,  which,  in  its  day,  commended  itself  as  a valuable 
book  of  reference.  But  since  then,  and  within  the  last  twenty 
years,  this  Colony  has  made  great  strides  on  the  path  of  social 
and  material  progress  ; its  political  and  commercial  importance 
is  rapidly  increasing,  and  many  who  know  the  Philippines,  have 
persuaded  me  to  believe  that  my  Notes  would  be  an  appreciated 
addition  to  what  was  published  years  ago  on  this  subject. 

The  critical  opinions  herein  expressed  are  based  upon 
personal  observations  made  during  the  several  years  I have 
travelled  in  and  about  all  the  principal  Islands  of  the 
Archipelago,  and  are  upheld  by  reference  to  the  most  reliable 
historical  records. 

An  author  should  be  benevolent  in  his  judgment  of  men 
and  manners  and  guarded  against  mistaking  isolated  cases  for 
rules.  In  matters  of  history  he  should  neither  hide  the  truth, 
nor  twist  it  to  support  a private  view,  remembering  how  easy  it 
is  to  criticize  an  act  when  its  sequel  is  developed  : such  will 
be  my  aim  in  the  fullest  measure  consistent. 

By  certain  classes  I may  be  thought  to  have  taken  a 
hypercritical  view  of  things  ; I may  even  offend  their  suscepti- 
bilities— if  I adulated  them,  I should  fail  to  chronicle  the  truth, 
and  my  work  would  be  a deliberate  imposture. 


VI 


PKEFACE  TO  THE  EIKST  EDITION. 


I would  desire  it  to  be  understood,  with  regard  to  the 
classes  and  races  in  their  collectiveness,  that  my  remarks  apply 
only  to  the  large  majority  ; exceptions  undoubtedly  there  are — 
these  form  the  small  minority.  Moreover,  I need  hardly  point 
out  that  the  native  population  of  the  Capital  of  the  Philippines 
by  no  means  represents  the  true  native  character,  to  com- 
prehend which,  so  far  as  its  complicacy  can  be  fathomed,  one 
must  penetrate  into  and  reside  for  years  in  the  interior  of  the 
Colony,  as  I have  done,  in  places  where  extraneous  influences 
have,  as  yet,  produced  no  effect. 

There  may  appear  to  be  some  incongruity  in  the  plan 
of  a work  which  combines  objects  so  dissimilar  as  those 
enumerated  in  the  Contents  pages,  but  this  is  not  a History, 
nor  a Geography,  nor  an  Account  of  Travels,  in  the  strict  sense 
of  the  word— it  is  a concise  review  of  all  that  may  interest  the 
reader  who  seeks  for  a general  idea  of  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
this  Colony  in  the  past  and  in  the  present. 

J.  F. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


The  success  which  has  attended  the  publication  of  the 
First  Edition  of  this  work  has  induced  me  to  carefully  revise 
it  throughout,  adding  the  latest  facts  of  public  interest  up  to 
the  close  of  Spanish  rule  in  the  Philippine  Islands. 

Long  years  of  personal  acquaintance  with  some  of  the 
active  movers  in  the  Revolutionary  Party  enabled  me  to 
estimate  their  aspirations.  My  associations  with  Spain  and 
Spaniards  since  my  boyhood  helped  me,  as  an  eye-witness  of 
the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion,  to  judge  of  the  counterpart  to 
that  movement.  'My  connection  with  the  American  Peace 
Commission  in  Paris  afforded  me  an  opportunity  of  appreciating 
the  noble  efforts  of  a free  people  to  raise  the  weight  of  monastic 
oppression  from  millions  of  their  fellow  creatures. 

I would  point  out  that  my  criticism  of  the  clergy,  who 
exercised  governmental  functions  in  these  Islands,  in  no  way 
applies  to  the  Jesuit  or  the  Paul  fathers,  who  have  justly  gained 
the  respect  of  both  Europeans  and  natives. 

It  is  confidently  hoped  that  the  present  Edition  (which 
covers  the  whole  period  of  Spanish  dominion,  from  the 
conquest  up  to  the  evacuation)  may  merit  that  approval  from 
readers  of  English  which  has  been  so  graciously  accorded  to 
the  previous  one. 

J.  F. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Prologue  --------  1 


CHAPTER  I. 


General  Description  of  the  Archipelago. — Geographical  Features 


CHAPTER  II. 

Discovery  of  the  Archipelago. — Magellan  Straits  discovered. — Death 
of  Maghallanes.  — The  First  Yoyage  round  the  World. — 
Expedition  to  the  Moluccas.  — Legaspi’s  Expedition  from 
Mexico. — Manila  founded. — Death  of  Legaspi  - - - 18 


CHAPTER  III. 


Philippine  Dependencies. — The  Ladrone,  Caroline,  and  Pelew  Islands  35 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Attempted  Conquest  by  Chinese. — Its  Failure. — Fray  Alonso 
Sanchez’s  Mission  to  Spain. — Internal  Administration  in  Olden 
Times. — Mendicant  and  Augustine  Friars. — Supreme  Court. — 
Church  and  State  Contentions. — A Governor-General  murdered  45 


CHAPTER  V. 


Early  Relations  between  the  Philippines  and  Japan. — Catholic 
Missions. — Martyr  Saints  ------ 


65 


X 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PAGE 

Conflicts  with  the  Dutch. — Prosecutions  of  Governor-Generals. — 
Nunneries. — The  Inquisition. — Koxinga,  the  Chinese  Corsair, 
threatens  Invasion. — Valenzuela,  the  Court  Favourite. — Strange 
Proceedings  of  a Pope’s  Legate  -----  76 


CHAPTER  VII. 

British  Occupation  of  Manila  in  1763. — The  War  Indemnity. — Simon 
de  Anda’s  Rebellion. — Manila  evacuated  under  the  Treaty  of 
Paris. — Ylocos  Province  Rebellion. — Struggles  for  Liberty. — 

Cavite  Conspiracy  of  1872  - - 94 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Chinese. — The  Alcayceria. — The  Parian. — Expulsion  of  Chinese 
decreed. — Chinese  as  Colonists. — Saint  Francis  rescues  Manila 
from  the  Chinese. — Chinese  Population  - - - - 116 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Various  Tribes  and  Races. — Negrito  Marriage  Ceremony. — 
Expedition  against  the  Igorrotes.  — Gaddanes.  — Itavis. — 
Igorrotes. — Igorrote-Chiuese. — Tinguianes. — Hindoos. — Albinos  129 


CHAPTER  X. 

Moslems  and  Southern  Tribes. — Early  History  of  the  Sulu  Archi- 
pelago.— Mussulman  Pirates. — Epoch  of  Terror. — Vicissitudes 
of  Sultan  Mahamad  Alimudin. — Mussulman  Reprisals  on  the 
Spaniards. — Colonel  Arolas’  Victories. — The  Marauit  Campaign. 

— Sulu  Costumes. — Religious  Rites. — Sulu  Island. — Subuanos 
Tribe. — Across  Palauan  Island  - - - - - 139 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Domesticated  Christian  Natives. — Their  Supposed  Origin. — 
Character.  — Tagalogs.  — Visayos.  — Education,  Schools  and 
Colleges.  — Native  Talent.  — Fine  Arts.  — Music.  — Religious 
Superstitions. — The  Shrines. — Penitents. — Slavery. — Prevalent 
Diseases. — Marriages. — Mixed  Marriages. — Dancing  - 177 


•CONTENTS. 


XI 


CHAPTER  XII. 

PAGE 

The]  Monastic  Orders. —Their  Preponderance. — Their  Relations 
with  the  Natives. — The  Spanish  Parish  Priest. — The  Hierarchy. 

— Church  Revenues. — Rivalries  of  the  Friars  ...  215 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Government  and  Local  Administration. — The  Encomenderos. — The 
Alcaldes. — Cost  of  Local  Government. — Effects  of  Favouritism. 

— Abuses. — Native  Provincial  Authorities. — Municipal  Reforms  229 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


Philippine  Finances. — The  Budget. — Army,  Navy,  and  Judicial 

Statistics. — Brigandage. — Pirates. — Legal  Dilatoriness  - - 250 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Trade  of  the  Islands. — Its  Early  History. — The  Mexican  Subsidy. — 

The  Galleons. — Smugglers  in  Olden  Days. — Restrictions  on 
Trade. — The  “ Compania Guipuzcoana de  Caracas.” — The  “Real 
Compania  de  Pilipinas.” — Development  of  Agriculture. — Com- 
mercial Crisis.— Free  Trade. — Manila  opened  to  the  World. — 
Foreign  Capital  introduced. — Monetary  Notes. —Exchange 
Fluctuations. — Provincial  Ports  opened. — Tables  of  Trade 
Statistics. — Excise  and  Customs  Statistics. — Smuggling. — Mail 
Service.  — Middlemen.  — Manufactures.  — Railways.  — First 
Philippine  Railway. — Submarine  and  Land  Telegraphs  - - 271 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Agriculture. — Value  of  Arable  Land. — Land  Measures. — Cane  Sugar 
Statistics. — Sugar  Shipments. — Sugar-Planting  and  Manufacture. 

— Sugar-Making  Estimate. — Cane  Sugar  v.  Beetroot  Sugar. — 

Rice. — Rice  Measures. — Rice  Cultivation. — Macan  and  Paga 
Paddy  --------  306 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Manila  Hemp. — Hemp  Machinery. — Hemp-Planting  Statistics  and 
Estimate.^Hemp  Trade.— Hemp  Shipments  - 


323 


Xll 


CONTENTS, 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

PAGE 

Coffee. — Coffee  Quotations,  Shipments  and  Statistics. — Coffee  Culture 
and  Yield. — Tobacco  under  Government  Monopoly. — Tobacco 
under  Free  Trade. — Tobacco  and  Cigar  Shipments  and  Statistics. 

— The  “ Compatiia  General  de  Tabacos  de  Filipinas  ” - 337 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Maize. — Cocoa  (Chcao). — Esculent  Roots. — Monkey  Nuts. — Betel. — 

Areea  Palm. — Nipa  Palm. — Cocoanut  Palm. — Coprah  Shipments 
and  Statistics. — Coir. — Cogon. — Cotton.  — Dita. — Palma  Brava. — 
Bamboo.  — Bojo. — Rattan  Cane.  — Gum  Mastic  Shipments. — 
Edible  Birds’  Nests. — Balate. — Sapan-wood  Shipments.—  Saps. — 

Hard  Woods. — Hard  Wood  Tests,  Comparative  Strengths  and 
Qualities. — Fruits. — Flowers. — Medicinal  Herbs  - 352 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Mineral  Products. — Coal. — Gold. — Iron. — Copper. — Sulphur,  etc.  - 378 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Domestic  Live  Stock. — Ponies,  Buffaloes,  etc. — Reptilia. — Insects, 

etc. — The  Locust  Plague  ------  389 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Manila  under  Spanish  Rule. — The  Port. — The  City. — Binondo,  the 
Trading  Centre. — Electric  Lighting. — Tramways. — Chinese  and 
Native  Traders  and  Workers. — Bridges. — Theatres. — Bull  Ring. 

— Cock-Fighting. — Chinese  New  Year. — Journalism. — Botanic 
Garden. — Dwelling-Houses. — Typhoons. — Earthquakes. — Native 
Costumes  -------  - 397 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Touring  in  Luzon  Island. — Up  the  Pasig  River. — Laguna  de  Bay. — 
Jalajala. — Los  Banos.  — Santa  Cruz.  — Pagsanjan.  — Botocan 
Cascade. — Majayjay. — Tayabas  and  Pagbilao. — San  Juan  de 
Bocboc. — Batangas. — Lipa.— Bombon  Lake. — Talisay. — Taal. — 
Balayan. — Maragondon. — Santa  Cruz  de  Malabon. — Silan. — 
Perez  Dasmarinas. — Cavite  Yiejo. — Cavite  - 


415 


CONTENTS. 


Xlll 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

PAGK 

Touring  in  the  South. — Romblon. — The  Silanga. — Yloilo. — W.  Coast 
of  Negros. — Ginigaran. — Sumag. — Bacolod. — Cadiz  Nuevo. — 
Escalante. — The  Danao  River. — Calatrava. — Bagumbayan. — 

Across  Negros  Island. — Buffalo  Riding. — A Horse  Fight  - 459 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Travelling  Notes. — Itineraries  of  22  Journeys  about  the  Islands  - 486 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

The  Tagalog  Rebellion  of  1896-98. — First  Period  up  to  the  Retire- 
ment of  the  Rebel  Leaders  to  Hongkong. — The  alleged  Treaty 
of  Biac-na-bato. — Peace  proclaimed  - 509 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

The  Tagalog  Rebellion  of  1896-98.— Second  Period. — American  Inter- 
vention.— The  Rebel  Leaders  return  under  American  auspices 
and  resume  Warfare.  — The  Naval  Battle  of  Cavite.  — The 
Effect  in  Madrid. — The  American-Spanish  Peace  Commission 
in  Paris.  — Manila  City  capitulates  to  the  Americans.  — The 
Revolutionary  Government. — Philippine  Act  of  Independence. — 

First  Revolutionary  Congress. — The  American-Spanish  Treaty 
of  Paris  - --  --  --  - 564 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


Concluding  Observations 


639 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


The  Author  and  his  Travelling  Servant 

Taal  Volcano  ------ 

Mayon  Volcano  ------ 

A Negrito  Family  - - - - - 

Anito  Idol  ------ 

A Young  Negrito  - 
H.H.  Harun  Narrasid,  Sultan  of  Sulu 
A TagIlog  Milkwoman  - 
A Tagalog  Townsman  - 

A Spanish  Galleon  - - - - - 

A Prahu  ------ 

A Canoe  ------- 

A Casco  (Sailing  Barge)  ... 

A Sugar  Estate-House,  Southern  Philippines 

Rice-Planting  in  Terraces  - 

The  Plantain  (Banana  Tree)  - 

The  Papaw  Tree  and  Leap  - 

Cocoanut  Palms  ------ 

The  old  City  Walls  of  Manila  - 

La  Escolta. — The  Principal  Street  in  the  Com-) 
mercial  Quarter  of  Manila  -J 

A Half-Caste  Manila  Belle  - 
A Village  Market  - 

A Luzon  Bungalow  - 

Tagalog  Women  and  Children  in  Holiday  Attire  - 
A LEADING  VlSAYA  PLANTER  - - - - 


- Frontiijnece 


Facing  page 
11 
11 
11 
11 
11 
11 
11 
11 
11 

fy 


12 

12 

130 

132 

132 

154 

179 

179 

272 

272 

272 

272 

314 

322 

375 

375 

375 

398 


11 


400 


11 

11 

11 

11 

11 


413 

434 

434 

450 

474 


XVI 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


A Chinese-Eilipino  ( Mestizo ) 

A Roadside  Scene  in  Bulacan  Province 
A Riverside  Washing  Scene 
Don  Emilio  Agginaldo  - 
Admiral  Patricio  Montojo 
General  Basilio  Augusti 
Archbishop  Bernardino  Nozaleda 


Facing  page  474 


> 


) 


490 

498 

518 

574 

574 

574 


MAPS  AND  PLANS. 

Plan  of  the  Province  of  Cavite  ... 

Plan  showing  relative  Positions  of  United  States') 
and  Spanish  Ships — Battle  of  Cavite,  1898  -J 

Map  of  the  Archipelago  - 


J? 


521 


V 


577 


at  the  end 


PROLOGUE. 


“ Xothing  extenuate , 
“ Nor  set  down  aught  in  malice." — 
Othello,  Act  V.,  Sc.  2. 


j^OTWITIISTANDING  the  three  centuries  of  more  or  less  complete 
Spanish  dominion,  this  Archipelago  never  ranked  above  the 
most  primitive  of  Colonial  possessions. 

That  powerful  nation  which  in  centuries  gone  by  was  built  up  of 
Iberians,  Celts,  Phoenicians,  Carthaginians,  Visigoths,  Romans,  and 
Arabs  was  in  its  zenith  of  glory  when  the  conquering  spirit  and 
dauntless  energy  of  its  people  led  them  to  gallant  enterprises  of  discovery 
which  astonished  the  whole  civilised  world.  But  they  wrnre  satisfied 
with  conquering  and  leaving  unimproved  their  conquests.  Nor  did  the 
subsequent  example  of  succeeding  colonising  nations  serve  to  quench, 
in  spirit,  their  petrified  conservatism.  Had  they  followed  up  their 
discoveries  by  social  enlightenment, — by  encouragement  to  commerce 
and  by  the  development  of  the  new  resources  under  their  sway — they 
would,  perhaps  even  to  this  day,  have  preserved  the  loyalty  of  those  who 
yearned  for  and  obtained  freer  institutions.  But  they  had  elected  to 
follow  the  principles  of  that  religious  age,  although  the  impellent  motive 
of  conquest  was  divided  between  rapacity  and  soul-saving.  All  we  can 
credit  them  with  is  the  conversion  of  millions  to  Christianity  at  the 
expense  of  cherished  liberty;  for,  ever  on  the  track  of  that  fearless  band 
of  warriors  followed  the  satellites  of  the  Roman  Pontiff,  ready  to  pass 
the  breach  opened  for  them  by  tbe  sword,  to  conclude  the  conquest 
by  the  persuasive  influence  of  the  Holy  Cross.  Successful  government 
by  that  sublime  ethical  essence  called  moral  philosophy  has  fallen  away 
before  a more  practical  regime.  Liberty  to  think,  to  speak,  to  write, 
to  trade,  to  travel  was  only  paTtially  and  reluctantly  yielded  under 

A 


2 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


extraneous  pressure.  The  venality  of  the  conqueror’s  administration 
— the  juridical  complicacy,1  want  of  public  works,  weak  imperial 
government  and  arrogant  local  rule,  tended  to  dismember  the  ouce 
powerful  Spanish  Empire.  The  same  causes  have  produced  the  same 
effects  in  all  Spain’s  distant  colonies,  and  to-day  the  mother  country  is 
practically  childless. 

The  civilization  of  the  world  is  but  the  outcome  of  wars,  and 
probably  as  long  as  the  world  lasts  the  ultimate  appeal  in  all  questions 
will  be  made  to  force,  notwithstanding  Imperial  Rescripts.  The  hope 
of  ever  extinguishing  warfare  is  as  meagre  as  the  advantage  such 
a state  of  things  would  be.  The  idea  of  totally  suppressing  martial 
instinct  in  the  whole  civilized  community  is  as  hopeless  as  the  effort 
to  convert  all  the  human  race  to  one  religious  system.  Moreover, 
the  individual  benefits  derived  from  Avar  generally  exceed  the  losses 
it  inflicts  on  others  ; nor  is  Avar  an  isolated  instance  of  the  few 
suffering  for  the  good  of  the  many.  “ Salus  populi  suprema  lex.” 
Nearly  every  step  in  the  Avorld’s  progress  has  been  reached  by  Avarfare. 
In  modern  times  the  peace  of  Europe  is  only  maintained  by  the 
equality  of  power  to  coerce  by  force. 

Liberty  in  England,  gained  only  by  an  exhibition  of  force,  Avould 
ha\'e  been  lost  but  for  bloodshed.  The  great  American  Republic 
owes  its  existence  to  this  inevitable  means,  and  neither  arbitration, 
moral  persuasion,  nor  sentimental  argument  AArould  ever  have  exchanged 
Philippine  monastic  oppression  for  freedom  of  thought  and  liberal 
institutions. 

The  right  of  conquest  is  admissible  when  it  is  exercised  for  the 
advancement  of  civilization,  and  the  conqueror  takes  upon  himself 
the  moral  obligation  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  subjected  peoples 
and  render  them  happier.  How  far  the  Spaniards  of  each  generation 
haA’e  fulfilled  that  obligation  may  be  judged  from  these  pages,  the 
Avorks  of  Mr.  W.  H.  Prescott,  the  Avritings  of  Padre  de  las  Casas,  and 
other  chroniclers  of  Spanish  colonial  achievements.  The  happiest 
colony  is  that  Avhicli  yearns  for  nothing  at  the  hands  of  the  mother 
country  ; the  most  durable  bonds  are  those  engendered  by  gratitude 
and  contentment.  Such  bonds  can  never  be  created  by  religious 
teaching  alone,  unaccompanied  by  the  twofold  inseparable  conditions 


1 There  is  a Spanish  saying  “ Quicn  higo  la  ley  liixo  la  trampa; 


PROLOGUE. 


3 


of  moral  atul  material  improvement.  In  British  India,  equal  justice, 
moral  example  and  constant  care  for  the  mutual  welfare  of  the  people 
have  riveted  our  dominion  without  the  dispensable  adjunct  of  an 
enforced  State  religion.  The  reader  will  judge  whether  the  Spaniards 
engrafted  the  true  civilization  on  the  races  they  subdued,  for,  as  mankind 
has  no  philosophical  criterion  of  truth,  it  is  a matter  of  opinion  where  the 
unpolluted  fountain  of  the  truest  modern  civilization  is  to  be  found. 
It  is  claimed  by  China  and  by  Europe,  and  the  whole  universe  is 
schismatic  on  the  subject. 

Juan  de  la  Concepcion,1  who  wrote  last  century,  bases  the  Spaniards’ 
right  to  conquest  solely  on  the  religious  theory.  He  affirms  that  the 
Spanish  Kings  inherited  a divine  right  to  these  islands,  their  dominion 
being  directly  prophesied  in  the  18th  chapter  of  Isaiah.  Also,  that  as 
God  gave  over  the  land  of  Canaan  to  the  Children  of  Israel,  so  did  He 
award  this  territory  to  the  Castilian  mouarclis.  He  assures  us  that 
this  concession  from  Heaven  was  confirmed  by  apostolic  authority2  and 
by  “ the  many  manifest  miracles  with  which  God,  the  Virgin  and  the 
“ Saints,  as  auxiliaries  of  our  arms,  demonstrated  its  unquestionable 
“ justice.”  Saint  Augustine,  he  states,  considered  it  a sin  to  doubt  the 
justice  of  war  which  God  determines,  but,  let  it  be  remembered,  the 
same  savant  insisted  that  the  world  was  flat  and  that  the  sun  hid  every 
night  behind  a mountain  ! We  cannot  expect  ordinary  man  to  live  in 
advance  of  the  culture  of  his  generation — but  Augustine  was  a saint  in 
embryo. 

Could  not  the  Mussulmans  use  the  soul-saving  argument  with 
respect  to  the  Sultanate  of  Sulu  ? Has  not  Islam  rescued  them  from 
complete  barbarism  and  brought  them  to  the  fold  of  the  Great  Prophet  ? 
Have  not  apostates  of  the  Romish  Church,  or,  at  least,  their  descendants, 
as  successfully  established  dominion  in  British  India  as  the  Spaniards 
have  in  their  Indies  ? An  apology  for  conquest  cannot,  however,  be 
found  in  the  desire  to  spread  any  particular  religion,  more  especially 
when  we  treat  of  Christianity,  whose  benign  radiance  was  overshadowed 


1 “ Historia  General  de  Philipinas,”  Chap.  I.,  Part  I.,  Vol.  I.,  by  Juan  de  la 
Concepcion,  pub.  in  14  Vols.,  Manila,  1788. 

2 “ No  es  necessario  calificar  el  derecho  a tales  reinos  6 dominios,  especial- 
“ mente  entre  vasallos  de  reyes  tan  justos  y Catholicos  y tan  obedientes  hijos  de 
*•  la  suprema  autoridad  apostolica  con  cuia  facultad  han  ocupado  estas  regiones.” 
—Ibid. 


A 2 


4 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


by  that  debasing  institution  the  Inquisition,  which  sought  out  the 
brightest  intellects  only  to  destroy  them. 

It  will  be  seen  on  future  pages  that  the  government  of  these  islands 
was  practically  as  theocratic  as  it  was  civil.  Upon  the  religious  principle 
were  founded  its  statutes,  and  the  reader  will  now  understand  the 
source  whence  the  innumerable  Church  and  State  contentions  originated. 
Christianity  gave  trouble  from  the  first  time  it  became  a force  in  Rome, 
for  under  its  veil  arose  the  mutiny  of  the  Emperor  Diocletian’s  soldiers. 
The  tendency  has  always  been  to  combine  political  power  with 
Christian  teaching,  and  in  Rome  the  first  conflicts  with  religion  were 
the  attempts,  finally  successful,  to  build  up  a government  within  a 
government ; an  independent  empire  over  men’s  minds  within  the 
Roman  Empire. 

Historical  facts  lead  one  to  enquire  : How  far  was  Spain  ever  a 
moral  potential  factor  in  the  world’s  progress  ? and,  if  we  eliminate 
the  natural  effect  of  her  military  successes,  would  it  not  be  more 
correct  to  speak  of  the  gradual  decline  rather  than  the  rise  of  all 
Spanish  colonization  ? For  the  repeated  struggles  for  liberty,  genera- 
tion after  generation,  in  all  her  colonies,  tend  to  show  that  Spain’s 
sovereignty  was  maintained  through  the  inspiration  of  fear  rather 
than  love  and  sympathy,  and  that  she  entirely  failed  to  render  her 
colonial  subjects  happier  than  they  were  before. 

That  America’s  conception  of  the  moral  duties  attaching  to  conquest 
will  be  very  different  to  theirs  can  hardly  be  a subject  of  doubt. 


CHAPTER  I. 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


The  Philippine  Islands,  with  the  Sulu  Protectorate,  extend  a little 
over  sixteen  degrees  of  latitude — from  4°  45'  to  21°  N. — and  number 
some  600  islands,  many  of  which  are  mere  islets.  The  eleven  islands 
of  primary  geographical  importance  are  Luzon,  Mindanao,  Samar, 
Pauay,  Negros,  Palauan  (Paragua),  Mindoro,  Leyte,  Cebu,  Masbate, 
and  Bojol.  The  total  area  is  approximately  computed  to  be  about 
52,500  square  miles.  Ancient  maps  show  the  islands  and  provinces 
under  a different  nomenclature,  for  example  : — 


Negros. 

Cebu. 

Leyte. 

Albay. 

Tayabas. 

Batangas. 


Old  Name. 

(Buglas.) 

(Sogbu.) 

(Baybay.) 

(Ibalon.) 

(Calilayan.) 

(Comintau.) 


Mindoro. 
Cavite. 
Samar. 
Basilan. 
Manila  Pce< 
Bulacan  Pce> 


Old  Name. 

(Mait.) 

(Cauit.) 

(Ibabao.) 

(Taguima.) 

(Tondo.) 

(Meycauayan.) 


Luzon  and  Mindanao  would  be, 
the  islands  put  together.  Luzon  is 
miles  of  land  area.  The  northern 
region  formed  by  ramifications  of  the 
All  the  islands  are  mountainous  in 
being  the  following,  viz.  : — 

Feet  above 
sea  level. 

Halcon  - (Mindoro)  8868 

Apo  - (Mindanao)  8804 
Mayou  - (Luzon)  8283 

San  Cristobal  „ 7375 

Isarog  - „ 6443 


in  area,  larger  than  all  the  rest  of 
said  to  have  about  40,000  square 
half  of  Luzon  is  a mountainous 
great  cordilleras,  which  run  N.S. 
the  interior,  the  principal  peaks 


Banajao  - (Luzon) 

Feet  above 
sea  level. 

6097 

Labo  - „ 

5090 

South  Caraballo  ,, 

4720 

Caraballo  del  Baler,, 

3933 

Maquiling  „ 

3720 

6 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Most  of  these  mountains  and  subordinate  ranges  are  thickly 
covered  with  forest  and  light  undergrowth,  whilst  the  stately  trees  are 
gaily  festooned  with  clustering  creepers  and  flowering  parasites  of  the 
most  brilliant  hues.  The  Mayon,  which  is  an  active  volcano,  is 
comparatively  hare,  whilst  also  the  Apo,  although  no  longer  in 
eruption,  exhibits  abundant  traces  of  volcanic  action  in  acres  of  lava 
and  blackened  scoriae.  Between  the  numberless  ranges  are  luxuriant 
plains  glowing  in  all  the  splendour  of  tropical  vegetation.  The  valleys, 
generally  of  rich  fertility,  are  about  one-third  under  cultivation. 

There  are  numerous  rivers,  few  of  which  are  navigable  by 
sea-going  ships.  Vessels  drawing  up  to  13  feet  can  enter  the  Pasig 
River,  but  this  is  due  to  the  artificial  means  employed. 

The  principal  Rivers  are  : — In  Luzon  Island  the  Rio  Grande  de 
Cagayan,  which  rises  in  the  South  Caraballo  mountain  in  the  centre 
of  the  island,  and  runs  in  a tortuous  stream  to  the  northern  coast. 
It  has  two  chief  affluents,  the  Rio  Chico  de  Cagayan  and  the  Rio 
Magat,  besides  a number  of  streams  which  find  their  way  to  its  main 
course.  Steamers  of  1 1 feet  draught  have  entered  the  Rio  Grande,  but 
the  sand  shoals  at  the  mouth  are  very  shifty  and  frequently  the  entrance 
is  closed  to  navigation.  The  river,  which  yearly  overflows  its  banks, 
bathes  the  great  Cagayan  Valley, — the  richest  tobacco  growing  district 
in  the  colony.  Immense  trunks  of  trees  are  carried  down  in  the  torrent 
with  great  rapidity,  rendering  it  impossible  for  even  small  craft — the 
barangayancs — to  make  their  way  up  or  down  the  river  at  that  period. 

The  Rio  Grande  de  la  Pampanga  rises  in  the  same  mountain  and 
flows  in  the  opposite  direction — southwards, — through  an  extensive 
plain  until  it  empties  itself  by  some  20  mouths  into  the  Manila  Bay. 
The  whole  of  the  Pampanga  Valley  and  the  course  of  the  river  present 
a beautiful  panorama  from  the  summit  of  Arayat  mountain,  which  has 
an  elevation  of  2,877  feet  above  the  sea  level. 

The  whole  of  this  flat  country  is  laid  out  into  embanked  rice  fields 
and  sugar-cane  plantations.  The  towns  and  villages  interspersed  are 
numerous.  All  the  primeval  forest,  at  one  time  dense,  has  disappeared  ; 
for  this  being  one  of  the  first  districts  brought  under  European 
subjection,  it  supplied  timber  to  the  invaders  from  the  earliest  days  of 
Spanish  colonisation. 

The  Rio  Agno  rises  in  a mountainous  range  towards  the  west  coast 
about  50  miles  N.N.W.  of  the  South  Caraballo — runs  southwards  as 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


7 


far  as  lat.  16°,  where  it  takes  a S.W.  direction  down  to  lat.  15°  48' — 
thence  a N.W.  course  up  to  lat.  16°,  whence  it  empties  itself  by  two 
mouths  into  the  Gulf  of  Lingayen.  At  the  highest  tides  there  is  a 
maximum  depth  of  1 1 feet  of  water  on  the  sand  bank  at  the  E.  mouth, 
on  which  is  situated  the  port  of  Dagupan. 

The  Bicol  River,  which  flows  from  the  Bate  Lake  to  the  Bay  of 
San  Miguel,  has  sufficient  depth  of  water  to  admit  vessels  of  small 
draught  a few  miles  up  from  its  mouth. 

In  Mindanao  Island  the  Butuan  River  or  Rio  Agusan  rises  at  a 
distance  of  about  25  miles  from  the  southern  coast  and  empties  itself 
on  the  northern  coast,  so  that  it  nearly  divides  the  island,  and  is 
navigable  for  a few  miles  from  the  mouth. 

The  Rio  Grande  de  Mindanao  rises  in  the  centre  of  the  island 
and  empties  itself  on  the  west  coast  by  two  mouths,  and  is  navigable 
for  some  miles  by  light  draught  steamers.  It  has  a great  number  of 
affluents  of  little  importance. 

The  only  river  in  Negros  Island  of  any  appreciable  extent  is  the 
D anao,  which  rises  in  the  mountain  range  running  down  the  centre  of 
the  island  and  finds  its  outlet  on  the  east  coast.  At  the  mouth  it  is 
about  a quarter  of  a mile  wide,  but  too  shallow  to  permit  large  vessels 
to  enter,  although  past  the  mouth  it  has  sufficient  depth  for  any  ship. 
I have  been  up  this  river  six  hours’  journey  in  a boat,  and  saw  some 
fine  timber  near  its  banks  in  many  places.  Here  and  there  it  opens 
out  very  wide,  the  sides  becoming  mangrove  swamps. 

The  most  important  Lakes  are  : — In  Luzon  Island  the  Bay  Lake 
or  Laguna  de  Bay,  supplied  by  numberless  small  streams  coming  from 
the  mountainous  district  around  it.  Its  greatest  length  from  E.  to  W. 
is  25  miles,  and  its  greatest  breadth  N.  to  S.  21  miles.  In  it  there  is  a 
mountainous  island — Talim, — of  no  agricultural  importance,  and  several 
islets.  Its  overflow  forms  the  Pasig  River,  which  empties  itself  into 
the  Manila  Bay.  Each  wet  season — in  the  middle  of  the  year — the 
shores  of  this  lake  are  flooded.  These  floods  recede  as  the  dry  season 
approaches,  but  only  partially  so  from  the  south  coast,  which  is 
gradually  being  incorporated  into  the  lake  bed. 

Lake  Bombon,  in  the  centre  of  which  is  a volcano  in  constant 
activity,  has  a width  E.  to  W.  of  1 1 miles,  and  its  length  from  N.  to  S. 
is  14  miles.  The  origin  of  this  lake  is  apparently  volcanic.  It  is  not 
supplied  by  any  streams  emptying  themselves  into  it  (further  than  two 


8 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


insignificant  rivulets),  and  it  is  connected  with  the  sea  by  the  Pansipit 
River,  which  flows  into  the  Gulf  of  Balayan  at  lat.  13°  52'  N. 

Cagayan  Lake,  in  the  extreme  N.E.  of  the  island,  is  about  7 miles 
long  by  5 miles  broad. 

Lake  Bato,  3 miles  across  each  way,  and  Lake  Buhi,  3 miles  N.S. 
and  2\  miles  wide,  situated  in  the  eastern  extremity  of  Luzon  Island, 
are  very  shallow. 

In  the  centre  of  Luzon  Island,  in  the  large  valley  watered  by 
the  above-mentioned  Pampanga  and  Agno  Rivers,  are  three  lakes 
respectively  : Canarem,  Mangabol  and  Candava  ; the  last  two  being 
lowland  meres  flooded  and  navigable  by  canoes  in  the  rainy  season  only. 

In  Mindoro  Island  there  is  one  lake  called  Naujan,  2^  miles  from 
the  N.E.  coast.  Its  greatest  width  is  3 miles  with  4 miles  in  length. 

In  Mindanao  Island  there  are  the  Lakes  Maguindanao  or  Boayau, 
in  the  centre  of  the  island  (20  miles  E.W.  by  12  N.S.)  ; Malanao, 
1 8 miles  distant  from  the  north  coast ; Liguasan  and  Buluan  towards 
the  south,  connected  with  the  Rio  Grande  de  Mindanao,  and  a group 
of  four  small  lakes  on  the  Agusuan  River. 

The  Malanao  Lake  has  great  historical  associations  with  the 
struggles  between  Christians  and  Moslems  during  the  period  of  the 
Spanish  conquest. 

In  some  of  the  straits  dividing  the  islands  there  are  strong 
currents,  rendering  navigation  of  sailing  vessels  very  difficult,  notably 
in  the  San  Bernadino  Straits,  separating  the  Islands  of  Luzon  and 
Samar  ; the  roadstead  of  Yloilo  between  Pauay  and  Guimarras 
Islands,  and  the  passage  between  the  south  points  of  Cebu  and 
Negros  Islands. 

Most  of  the  islets,  if  not  indeed  the  whole  Archipelago,  are  of 
volcanic  origin.  There  are  many  volcanoes,  two  of  them  in  almost 
constant  activity,  viz.,  the  Mayon,  in  the  extreme  east  of  Luzon 
Island,  and  the  Taal  Volcano,  in  the  centre  of  Bombon  Lake,  34  miles 
due  south  of  Manila.  Also  in  Negros  Island  the  Canlauan  Volcano 
— N.  lat.  10°  24' — is  occasionally  in  visible  eruption.  In  1886  a 
portion  of  its  crater  subsided,  accompanied  by  a tremendous  noise  and 
a slight  ejection  of  lava.  In  the  picturesque  Island  of  Camiguin,  a 
volcano  mountain  suddenly  arose  from  the  plain  in  1872. 

The  Mayon  Volcano  is  in  the  Province  of  Albay,  hence  it  is 
popularly  known  as  the  Albay  Volcano.  Around  its  base  there  are 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


9 


several  towns  and  villages,  the  chief  being  Albay,  the  capital  of  the 
province  ; Cagsaua  (called  Daraga)  and  Camaliug  on  the  one  side,  and 
Malinao,  Tobaco,  etc.  on  the  side  facing  the  east  coast.  In  1769 
there  was  a serious  eruption,  which  destroyed  the  towns  of  Cagsaua 
and  Malinao,  besides  several  villages ; and  devastated  property  within 
a radius  of  20  miles.  Lava  and  ashes  were  thrown  out  incessantly 
during  two  months,  and  cataracts  of  water  were  formed.  In  1811  loud 
subterranean  noises  were  heard  proceeding  from  the  volcano,  which 
caused  the  inhabitants  around  to  fear  an  early  renewal  of  its  activity, 
but  their  misfortune  was  postponed.  On  the  1st  of  February,  1814, 1 
it  burst  with  terrible  violence.  Cagsaua,  Badiao,  and  three  other 
towns  wrere  totally  demolished.  Stones  and  ashes  were  ejected  in  all 
directions.  The  inhabitants  fled  to  caves  to  shelter  themselves.  So 
sudden  was  the  occurrence,  that  many  natives  were  overtaken  by  the 
volcanic  projectiles  and  a few  by  lava  streams.  In  Cagsaua  nearly 
all  property  was  lost.  Father  Aragoneses  estimates  that  2,200 
persons  were  killed,  besides  many  being  -wounded. 

An  eruption  took  place  in  the  Spring  of  1887,  but  only  a small 
quantity  of  ashes  was  thrown  out  and  did  very  little  or  no  damage  to 
the  property  in  the  surrounding  towns  and  villages. 

The  eruption  of  the  9th  of  July,  1888,  severely  damaged  the  towns 
of  Libog  and  Legaspi ; plantations  were  destroyed  in  the  villages  of 
Bigaa  and  Bonco  ; several  houses  were  fired,  others  had  the  roofs 
crushed  in  ; a great  many  domestic  animals  were  killed  ; fifteen  natives 
lost  their  lives,  and  the  loss  of  live  stock  (buffaloes  and  oxen)  was 
estimated  at  500.  The  ejection  of  lava  and  ashes  and  stones  from 
the  crater  continued  for  one  night,  which  was  illuminated  by  a column 
of  fire. 

The  last  eruption  occurred  in  May,  1897.  Showers  of  red-hot  lava 
fell  like  rain  in  a radius  of  20  miles  from  the  crater.  In  the  immediate 
environs  about  400  persons  were  killed.  In  the  village  of  Bacacay 
houses  wrere  entirely  buried  beneath  the  lava  ashes  and  sand.  The  road 
to  the  port  of  Legaspi  was  covered  out  of  sight.  Iu  the  important  town 
of  Tobaco  there  was  total  darkness  and  the  earth  opened.  Hemp 
plantations  and  a large  number  of  cattle  were  destroyed.  In  Libog 


1 Vide  pamphlet  pub.  immediately  after  the  event  by  Father  Francisco 
Aragoneses.  P.P.  of  Cagsaua.  begging  alms  for  the  victims. 


10 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


over  100  inhabitants  perished  in  the  ruins.  The  hamlets  of  San  Roque, 
Misericordia,  and  Santo  Nino,  with  over  150  inhabitants,  were 
completely  covered  with  burning  debris.  At  night-time  the  sight  of 
the  tire  column,  heaving  up  thousands  of  tons  of  stones,  accompanied 
by  noises  like  the  booming  of  cannon  afar  off,  was  indescribably  grand, 
but  it  was  the  greatest  public  calamity  which  had  befallen  the  province 
for  some  years  past. 

The  mountain  is  remarkable  for  the  perfection  of  its  conic  form. 
Owing  to  the  perpendicular  walls  of  lava  formed  on  the  slopes  all 
around,  it  is  not  possible  to  reach  the  crater.  The  elevation  of  the 
peak  has  been  computed  at  between  8,200  and  8,400  feet.  I have  been 
around  the  base  on  the  E.  and  S.  sides,  but  the  grandest  view  is  to  be 
obtained  from  Cagsaua  (Daraga).  On  a clear  night  when  the  moon  is 
hidden,  a stream  of  fire  is  distinctly  seen  to  flow  from  the  crest. 

Tcial  Volcano  is  in  the  island  of  the  Bombon  Lake  referred  to 
above.  The  journey  by  the  ordinary  route  from  the  capital  would  be 
about  60  miles.  This  volcano  has  been  in  an  active  state  from  time 
immemorial,  and  many  eruptions  have  taken  place  with  more  or  less 
effect.  The  first  one  of  historical  importance  appears  to  have  occurred 
iu  1641  ; again,  in  1709  the  crater  vomited  fire  with  a deafening 
noise  ; on  the  21st  of  September,  1716,  it  threw  out  burning  stones 
and  lava  over  the  whole  island  from  which  it  rises,  but  so  far,  no  harm 
had  befallen  the  villagers  iu  its  vicinity.  In  1731,  from  the  waters 
of  the  lake,  three  tall  columns  of  earth  and  sand  arose  in  a few  days, 
eventually  subsiding  into  the  form  of  an  island  about  a mile  iu 
circumference.  In  1749,  there  was  a famous  outburst  which  dilacerated 
the  coniform  peak  of  the  volcano,  leaving  the  crater  disclosed  as  it 
now  is. 

The  last  and  most  desolating  of  all  the  eruptions  of  importance 
occurred  iu  the  year  1754,  when  the  stones,  lava,  ashes,  and  waves  of 
the  lake,  caused  by  volcanic  action,  contributed  to  the  utter  destruction 
of  the  towns  of  Taal,  Tanauan,  Sala  and  Lipa,  and  seriously  damaged 
property  in  Balayan,  15  miles  away,  whilst  cinders  are  said  to  have 
reached  Manila,  34  miles  distant  in  a straight  line.  One  writer  says  in 
his  MS.,1  compiled  36  years  after  the  occurrence,  that  people  in  Manila 


1 “Hist,  de  la  Prov.  dc  Batangas,”  por  D.  Pedro  Andres  de  Castro  y Amades, 
Inedited  MS.  in  the  Bauan  Convent,  Batangas. 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  ARCHIPELAGO.  11 


dined  with  lighted  candles  at  mid-day  and  walked  about  the  streets 
confounded  and  thunderstruck,  clamouring  for  confession  during  the 
eight  days  that  the  calamity  was  visible.  The  author  adds  that  the 
smell  of  the  sulphur  and  fire  lasted  six  months  after  the  event,  and  was 
followed  by  malignant  fever,  to  which  half  the  inhabitants  of  the 
province  fell  victims.  Moreover,  adds  the  writer,  the  lake  waters 
threw  up  dead  alligators  and  fish,  including  sharks. 

The  best  detailed  account  extant  is  that  of  the  parish  priest  of  Sala 
at  the  time  of  the  event.1  He  says  that  about  1 1 o’clock  at  night  on  the 
11th  of  August,  1749,  he  saw  a strong  light  on  the  top  of  the  Volcano 
Island,  but  did  not  take  further  notice.  He  went  to  sleep,  when  at 
3 o’clock  the  next  morning  he  heard  a gradually  increasing  noise  like 
artillery  firing,  which  he  supposed  would  proceed  from  the  guns  of  the 
galleon  expected  in  Manila  from  Mexico,  saluting  the  Sanctuary  of 
Our  Lady  of  Cagsaysay  whilst  passing.  He  only  became  anxious 
Avhen  the  number  of  shots  he  heard  far  exceeded  the  royal  salute,  for  he 
had  already  counted  a hundred  times  and  still  it  continued.  So  he  arose, 
and  it  occurred  to  him  that  there  might  be  a naval  engagement  off  the 
coast.  He  was  soon  undeceived,  for  four  old  natives  suddenly  called  out 
“ Father,  let  us  flee  ! ” and  on  his  enquiry  they  informed  him  that  the 
island  had  burst,  hence  the  noise.  Daylight  came  and  exposed  to  view 
an  immense  column  of  smoke  gushing  from  the  summit  of  the  volcano, 
and  here  and  there  from  its  sides  smaller  streams  rose  like  plumes.  He 
was  joyed  at  the  spectacle,  which  interested  him  so  profoundly  that 
he  did  not  heed  the  exhortations  of  the  natives  to  escape  from  the 
grand  but  atvful  scene.  It  was  a magnificent  sight  to  watch  mountains 
of  sand  hurled  from  the  lake  into  the  air  in  the  form  of  erect  pyramids 
and  then  falling  again  like  the  stream  from  a fountain  jet.  Whilst 
contemplating  this  imposing  phenomenon  with  tranquil  delight,  a 
strong  earthquake  came  and  upset  everything  in  the  convent.  Then 
he  reflected  that  it  might  be  time  to  go  ; pillars  of  sand  ascended  out 
of  the  water  nearer  to  the  shore  of  the  town  and  remained  erect  until, 
by  a second  earthquake,  they,  with  the  trees  on  the  islet,  were  violently 
thrown  down  and  submerged  in  the  lake.  The  earth  opened  out  here 


' MS.  exhaustive  report  of  the  eruptions  of  Taal  Volcano  in  1749  and  1754, 
dated  22nd  December  1754,  compiled  by  Fray  Francisco  Vencuchillo.  Preserved 
in  the  archives  of  the  Corporation  of  St.  Augustine  in  Manila. 


12 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


and  there  as  far  as  the  shores  of  the  Laguna  de  Bay,  and  the  lauds  of 
Sala  and  Tanauan  shifted.  Streams  found  new  beds  and  took  other 
courses,  whilst  in  several  places  trees  were  engulfed  in  the  fissures  made 
in  the  soil.  Houses,  which  one  used  to  go  up  into,  one  now  had  to  go 
down  into,  but  the  natives  continued  to  inhabit  them  without  the  least 
concern. 

The  volcano,  on  this  occasion,  was  in  activity  for  three  weeks  ; 
the  first  three  days  ashes  fell  like  rain.  After  this  incident,  the  natives 
extracted  sulphur  from  the  open  crater,  and  continued  to  do  so  until  the 
year  1754. 

In  that  year  (1754),  the  same  chronicler  continues,  between  nine 
and  ten  o’clock  at  night  on  the  15th  of  May,  the  volcano  ejected 
boiling  lava,  which  ran  down  its  sides  in  such  quantities  that  only 
the  waters  of  the  lake  saved  the  people  on  shore  from  being  burnt. 
Towards  the  north,  stones  reached  the  shore  and  fell  in  a place 
called  Bayoyongan,  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Taal.  Stones  and  fire 
incessantly  came  from  the  crater  until  the  2nd  of  June,  when  a volume 
of  smoke  arose  which  seemed  to  meet  the  skies.  It  was  clearly  seen 
from  Bauau,  which  is  on  a low  level  about  four  leagues  (14  miles) 
from  the  lake. 

Matters  continued  so  until  the  10th  of  July,  when  there  fell  a 
heavy  shower  of  mud  as  black  as  ink.  The  Avind  changed  its  direction, 
and  a suburb  of  Sala,  called  Balili,  Avas  swamped  with  mud.  This 
phenomenon  was  accompanied  by  a noise  so  great,  that  the  people  of 
Batangas  and  Bauan,  Avho  that  day  had  seen  the  galleon  from  Acapulco 
passing  on  her  home  Aroyage,  conjectured  that  she  had  saluted  the 
Sanctuary  of  Our  Lady  of  Cagsaysay.  The  noise  ceased,  but  fire  still 
continued  to  issue  from  the  crater  until  the  25th  of  September.  Stones 
fell  all  that  night  ; and  the  people  of  Taal  had  to  abandon  their  homes, 
for  the  roofs  were  falling  in  with  the  weight  upon  them.  The 
chronicler  was  at  Taal  at  this  date,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  column 
of  smoke  a tempest  of  thunder  and  lightning  raged  and  continued 
Avithout  intermission  until  the  4th  of  December. 

The  night  of  All  Saints’  day  Avas  a memorable  one  (Nov.  1st),  for 
the  quantity  of  falling  fire-stones,  sand  and  ashes  increased,  gradually 
diminishing  again  toAvards  the  15th  of  November.  Then,  on  that  night, 
after  vespers,  great  noises  were  heard.  A long  melancholy  sound 
dinned  in  one’s  ears  ; volumes  of  black  smoke  rose ; an  infinite  number 


TAAL  VOLCANO. 


MAYON  VOLCANO. 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


13 


of  stones  fell,  and  great  waves  proceeded  from  the  lake,  beating  the 
shores  with  appalling  fury.  This  was  followed  by  another  great 
shower  of  stones,  brought  up  amidst  the  black  smoke,  and  lasted  until 
ten  o’clock  at  night.  For  a short  while  the  devastation  was  suspended 
prior  to  the  last  supreme  effort.  All  looked  half  dead  and  much 
exhausted  after  seven  months  of  suffering  in  the  way  described.1  It 
was  resolved  to  take  away  the  Sanctuary  of  Cagsaysay  and  put  in  its 
place  the  second  image  of  Our  Lady. 

On  the  29th  of  November,  from  seven  o’clock  in  the  evening,  the 
volcano  threw  up  more  fire  than  all  put  together  in  the  preceding  seven 
mouths.  The  burning  column  seemed  to  mingle  with  the  clouds  ; the 
whole  of  the  island  was  one  ignited  mass.  A wind  blew.  And  as 
the  priests  and  the  mayor  (Alcalde)  were  just  remarking  that  the  fire 
might  reach  the  town,  a mass  of  stones  was  thrown  up  with  great 
violence  ; thunderclaps  and  subterranean  noises  were  heard  ; everybody 
looked  aghast,  and  nearly  all  knelt  to  pray.  Then  the  waters  of  the 
lake  began  to  encroach  upon  the  houses,  and  the  inhabitants  took  to 
flight,  the  natives  carrying  away  whatever  chattels  they  could.  Cries 
and  lamentations  were  heard  all  around  ; mothers  were  looking  for  their 
children  in  dismay  ; half-caste  women  of  the  Parian  were  calling  for 
confession  ; some  of  them  beseechingly  falling  on  their  knees  in  the 
middle  of  the  streets.  The  panic  was  intense,  and  was  in  no  way 
lessened  by  the  Chinese,  who  set  to  yelling  in  their  own  jargonic 
syllables. 

After  the  terrible  night  of  the  29th  of  November  they  thought  all 
was  over,  when  again  several  columns  of  smoke  appeared,  and  the 
priest  went  off  to  the  Sanctuary  of  Cagsaysay,  where  the  prior  was. 
Taal  was  entirely  abandoned,  the  natives  having  gone  in  all  directions 
away  from  the  lake.  On  the  29th  and  30th  of  November  there  was 
complete  darkness  around  the  lake  vicinity,  and  when  light  reappeared 
a layer  of  cinders  about  five  inches  thick  Avas  seen  over  the  lands  and 
houses,  and  it  Avas  still  increasing.  Total  darkness  returned,  so  that 
one  could  not  distinguish  aucther’s  face,  and  all  Avere  more  horror- 
stricken  than  ever.  In  Cagsaysay  the  natives  climbed  on  to  the 
housetops  and  threAV  doAvn  the  cinders,  which  Avere  over-weighting 


1 Still  it  appears  that  all  classes  were  Avilling  to  risk  their  lives  to  save  their 
property.  They  were  not  forcibly  detaine‘1  in  that  plight. 


14 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  structures.  On  the  30th  of  November,  smoke  and  strange  sounds 
came  with  greater  fury  than  anything  yet  experienced,  while  lightning 
flashed  in  the  dense  obscurity.  It  seemed  as  if  the  end  of  the  world 
was  arriving.  When  light  returned,  the  destruction  was  horribly 
visible  ; the  church  roof  was  dangerously  covered  with  ashes  and 
earth,  and  the  writer  opines  that  its  not  having  fallen  in  might  be 
attributed  to  a miracle ! Then  there  was  a day  of  comparative 
quietude,  followed  by  a hurricane  which  lasted  two  days.  All  were 
in  a state  of  melancholy,  which  was  increased  when  they  received  the 
news  that  the  whole  of  Taal  had  collapsed  ; amongst  the  ruins  being 
the  Government  House  and  Stores,  the  Prison,  State  warehouses  and 
the  Royal  Rope  Walk,  besides  the  Church  and  Convent. 

The  Governor-General  sent  food  and  clothing  in  a vessel,  which 
was  nearly  wrecked  by  storms,  whilst  the  crew  pumped  and  baled  out 
continually  to  keep  her  afloat,  until  at  length  she  broke  up  on  the 
shoals  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pansipit  River. 

Another  craft  had  her  mast  split  by  a flash  of  lightning,  but  reached 
port. 

With  all  this,  some  daft  natives  lingered  about  the  site  of  the 
village  of  Taal  till  the  last,  and  two  men  were  sepulchred  in  the 
Government  House  ruins.  A woman  left  her  house  just  before  the 
roof  fell  in  and  was  carried  away  by  a flood,  from  which  she  escaped, 
and  was  then  struck  dead  by  a flash  of  lightning.  A man  who  had 
escaped  from  Mussulman  pirates,  by  whom  he  had  been  held  in 
captivity  for  years,  was  killed  during  the  eruption.  He  had  settled  in 
Taal,  and  was  held  to  be  a perfect  genius,  for  he  could  meud  a clock  ! 

The  road  from  Taal  to  Balayan  was  impassable  for  a while  on 
account  of  the  quantity  of  lava.  Taal,  once  so  important,  was  now 
gone,  and  Batangas,  on  the  coast,  became  the  future  capital  of  the 
province. 

The  actual  duration  of  this  last  eruption  was  6 months  and 
17  days. 

In  1780  the  natives  again  extracted  sulphur,  but  in  1790  a writer 
at  that  date1  says  that  he  was  unable  to  reach  the  crater  owing  to  the 
depth  of  soft  lava  and  ashes  on  the  slopes. 


1 “ Hist,  de  la  Prov.  de  Batangas,”  por  Don  Pedro  Andres  de  Castro  y Amades. 
Inedited  MS.  in  the  Bauan  Convent,  Province  of  Batangas. 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


15 


There  is  a,  tradition  current  amongst  the  natives  that  an 
Englishman  some  years  ago  attempted  to  cut  a tunnel  from  the 
base  to  the  centre  of  the  volcauic  mountain,  probably  to  extract  some 
metallic  product  or  sulphur.  It  is  said  that  during  the  work  the 
excavation  partially  fell  in  upon  the  Englishman,  who  perished  there. 
The  cave-like  entrance  is  pointed  out  to  travellers  as  the  Cucva  del 
Ingles. 

Referring  to  the  volcano,  Fray  Gaspar  de  San  Agustin  in  his 
history1  remarks  as  follows  : — “ The  volcano  formerly  emitted  many 
“ large  fire-stones  Avhich  destroyed  the  cotton,  sweet  potato  and  other 
“ plantations  belonging  to  the  natives  of  Taal  on  the  slopes  of  the 
“ (volcano)  mountain.  Also  it  happened  that  if  three  persons  arrived 
“ on  the  volcanic  island,  one  of  them  had  infallibly  to  die  there 
“ without  being  able  to  ascertain  the  cause  of  this  circumstance. 
“ This  was  related  to  Father  Alburquerque2  who  after  a fervent 
“ deesis  entreating  compassion  on  the  natives,  went  to  the  island, 
“ exorcised  the  evil  spirits  there  and  blessed  the  land.  A religious 

“ procession  was  made,  and  Mass  was  celebrated  with  great  humility. 

“ On  the  elevation  of  the  Host,  horrible  sounds  were  heard 

“ accompanied  by  groaning  voices  and  sad  lamentations  ; two  craters 

“ opened  out,  one  with  sulphur  in  it  and  the  other  with  green  water 
“ (sic),  which  is  constantly  boiling.  The  crater  on  the  Lipa  side  is 
“ about  a quarter  of  a league  wide  ; the  other  is  smaller,  and  in  time 
“ smoke  began  to  ascend  from  this  opening  so  that  the  natives, 
“ fearful  of  some  new  calamity,  went  to  Father  Bartholomew,  who 
“ repeated  the  ceremonies  already  described.  Mass  was  said  a second 
“ time,  so  that  since  then  the  volcano  has  not  thrown  out  any  more 
“ fire  or  smoke.3  However,  whilst  Fray  Thomas  Abresi  was  parish 
“ priest  of  Taal  (about  1611),  thunder  and  plaintive  cries  Avere  again 
“ heard,  therefore  the  priest  had  a cross  made  of  Auobing  Avood,  borne 
“ to  the  top  of  the  volcano  by  more  than  400  natives  ; the  result 
“ being,  that  not  only  the  volcano  ceased  to  do  harm,  but  the  island 
“ has  regained  its  original  fertile  condition.” 

1 “ Hist,  de  Filipinas,”  by  Dr.  Gaspar  de  San  Agustin.  2 vols.  First  part 
pub.  in  Madrid,  1698,  the  second  part  yet  inedited  and  preserved  in  the  archives 
of  the  Corporation  of  St.  Augustine  in  Manila. 

- P.P.  of  Taal  from  1572  to  1575. 

3 In  the  same  archives  of  the  St.  Augustine  Corporation  in  Manila  an  eruption 
in  1641  is  recorded. 


16 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  Taal  Volcano  is  reached  with  facility  from  the  Is.  side  of  the 
island,  the  ascent  on  foot  occupying  about  half  an  hour.  Looking 
into  the  crater,  which  would  be  about  4,500  feet  wide  from  one  border 
to  the  other  of  the  shell,  one  sees  three  distinct  lakes  of  boiling  liquid, 
the  colours  of  which  change  from  time  to  time.  I have  been  up  to 
the  crater  four  times  ; the  last  time  the  liquids  in  the  lakes  were 
respectively  of  green,  yellow  and  chocolate  colours.  At  the  time  of 
my  last  visit  there  was  also  a lava  chimney  in  the  middle,  from  which 
arose  a snow-white  volume  of  smoke. 

The  Philippine  Islands  are  studded  with  creeks  and  bays  forming 
natural  harbours,  but  navigation  on  the  W.  coasts  of  Cebu,  Negros  and 
Palauan  Islands,  is  dangerous  for  any  but  very  light  draught  vessels, 
the  water  being  very  shallow,  whilst  there  are  dangerous  reefs  all 
along  the  W.  coast  of  Palauan  and  between  the  south  point  of  this 
island  and  Balabac  Island. 

The  S.W.  monsoon  brings  rain  to  most  of  the  islands,  and  the  wet 
season  lasts  nominally  six  months, — from  about  the  middle  of  April. 
The  other  half  of  the  year  is  the  dry  season.  However,  on  those  coasts 
directly  facing  the  Pacific  Ocean,  the  seasons  are  the  reverse  of  this. 

The  hottest  season  is  from  March  to  May  inclusive,  except  on  the 
coasts  washed  by  the  Pacific,  where  the  greatest  heat  is  felt  in  June, 
July  and  August.  The  temperature  throughout  the  year  varies  but 
slightly,  the  average  heat  in  Luzon  Island  being  about  81°  o'  Fahr. 
The  average  number  of  rainy  days  during  the  years  1881  to  1883  was 
203. 

The  climate  is  a continual  summer,  which  maintains  a rich  verdure 
throughout  the  year ; and  during  nine  months  of  the  twelve  an  alternate 
heat  and  moisture  stimulates  the  soil  to  the  spontaneous  production  of 
every  form  of  vegetable  life. 

The  whole  of  the  Archipelago,  as  far  south  as  10°  lat.,  is  affected 
by  the  monsoons,  and  periodically  disturbed  by  terrible  hurricanes, 
which  cause  great  devastation  to  the  crops  and  other  property. 

Earthquakes  are  also  very  frequent,  the  last  of  great  importance 
havin'*  occurred  in  1863  and  1830.  In  1897  a tremendous  tidal 

O 

wave  affected  the  Island  of  Leyte,  causing  great  destruction  of  life) 
and  property. 

In  the  wet  season  the  rivers  swell  considerably,  and  often  over- 
flow their  banks  ; whilst  the  mountain  torrents  carry  away  bridges, 


GENERAL  DESCRIPTION  GF  THE  ARCHIPELAGO.  17 


cattle,  etc.  with  terrific  force,  rendering  travelling  in  some  parts  of 
the  interior  dangerous  and  difficult.  In  the  dry  season,  long  droughts 
occasionally  occur  (about  once  in  three  years),  to  the  great  detriment 
of  the  crops  and  live  stock. 

The  southern  boundary  of  the  Archipelago  is  formed  by  a chain  of 
some  140  islands,  stretching  from  the  large  island  of  Mindanao  as  far 
as  Borneo,  and  constitutes  the  -Sulu  Archipelago  and  Sultanate,  which 
was  under  the  protection  of  Spain  (vide  Chap.  X.). 


B 


CHAPTER  II. 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  ARCHIPELAGO. 

The  discoveries  of  Christopher  Columbus  in  1492 — the  adventures 
and  conquests  of  Hernan  Cortes,  Blasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  and  others  in 
the  South  Atlantic,  had  awakened  an  ardent  desire  amongst  those  of 
enterprising  spirit  to  seek  beyond  these  regions  which  had  hitherto  not 
been  traversed.  It  is  true  the  Pacific  Ocean  had  been  seen  by  Balboa, 
who  crossed  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  but  how  to  get  there  with  his 
ships  was  as  yet  a mystery. 

On  the  10th  of  April,  1495,  the  Spanish  Government  published  a 
general  concession  to  all  who  wished  to  search  for  unknown  lands. 
This  was  a direct  attack  upon  the  privileges  of  Columbus  at  the 
instigation  of  Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Burgos,  who  had  the  control  of  the 
Indian  affairs  of  the  realm.  Rich  merchants  of  Cadiz  and  Seville, 
whose  imagination  was  inflamed  by  the  reports  of  the  abundance  of 
pearls  and  gold  on  the  American  coast,  fitted  out  ships  to  be  manned 
by  the  roughest  class  of  gold-hunters  : so  great  were  the  abuses  of  this 
common  licence  that  it  was  withdrawn  by  Royal  Decree  on  the  2nd  of 
June,  1497. 

It  was  the  age  of  chivalry,  and  the  restless  cavalier  who  had  won 
his  spurs  in  Europe  lent  a listening  ear  to  the  accounts  of  romantic 
glory  and  wealth  attained  across  the  seas. 

That  an  immense  ocean  washed  the  western  shores  of  the  great 
American  continent  was  an  established  fact.  That  there  was  a passage 
connecting  the  great  Southern  sea — the  Atlantic — with  that  vast  ocean 
was  an  accepted  hypothesis.  Many  had  sought  the  passage  in  vain  ; 
the  honour  of  its  discovery  was  reserved  for  Hernando  de  Maghallanes. 

This  celebrated  man  was  a Portuguese  noble  who  had  received  the 
most  complete  education  in  the  palace  of  King  John  II.  Having 
studied  mathematics  and  navigation,  at  an  early  age  he  joined  the 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


19 


Portugnese  fleet  which  left  for  India  in  1505  under  the  command  of 
Almeida.  He  was  present  at  the  siege  of  Malacca  under  the  famous 
Alburquerque,  and  accompanied  another  expedition  to  the  rich  Moluccas, 
or  Spice  Islands,  when  the  Islands  of  Banda,  Tidor  and  Ternate  were 
discovered.  It  was  here  he  obtained  the  information  which  led  him  to 
contemplate  the  voyages  which  he  subsequently  realized. 

On  his  return  to  Portugal  he  searched  the  Crown  Archives  to  see  if 
the  Moluccas  were  situated  within  the  demarcation  accorded  to  Spain.1 
In  the  meantime  he  repaired  to  the  wars  in  Africa,  where  he  was 
wounded  in  the  knee,  with  the  result  that  he  became  permanently  lame. 
He  consequently  retired  to  Portugal,  and  his  companions  in  arms,  jealous 
of  his  prowess,  took  advantage  of  his  affliction  to  assail  him  with  vile 
imputations.  The  King  Emmanuel  encouraged  the  complaints,  and 
accused  him  of  feigning  a malady  of  which  he  was  completely  cured. 
Wounded  to  the  quick  by  such  an  assertion  and  convinced  of  having 
lost  the  royal  favour,  Maghallanes  renounced  for  ever,  by  a formal  and 
public  instrument,  his  duties  and  rights  as  a Portuguese  subject,  and 
henceforth  became  a naturalized  Spaniard.  He  then  presented  himself 
at  the  Spanish  Court,  at  that  time  in  Valladolid,  where  he  was  well 
received  by  the  King  Charles  I.,  Bishop  of  Burgos,  Juan  Rodriguez 
Fonseca,  Minister  of  Indian  Affairs,  and  by  the  King’s  chancellor. 
They  listened  attentively  to  his  narration,  and  he  had  the  good  fortune 
to  secure  the  personal  protection  of  His  Majesty,  himself  a well-tried 
warrior. 

The  Portuguese  Ambassador,  Alvaro  de  Acosta,  incensed  at  the 
success  of  his  late  countryman,  and  fearing  that  the  project  under 
discussion  would  lead  to  the  conquest  of  the  Spice  Islands  by  the  rival 
kingdom,  made  every  effort  to  influence  the  Court  against  him.  At 
the  same  time  he  ineffectually  urged  Maghallanes  to  return  to  Lisbon, 


1 During  the  previous  century  jealousy  had  run  so  high  between  Spain  and 
Portugal  with  regard  to  their  respective  colonization  and  trading  rights,  that  the 
question  of  demarcation  had  to  be  settled  by  the  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  who  issued  a 
bull  dated  4th  of  May,  1493  (or  1494),  dividing  the  world  into  two  hemispheres 
and  decreeing  that  all  heathen  lands  discovered  in  the  Western  half,  from  the 
meridian  of  Cape  Verd  Island,  should  belong  to  the  Spaniards  ; in  the  Eastern  half 
to  the  Portuguese.  The  bull  was  adopted  by  both  nations  in  the  Treaty  of 
Tordesillas.  It  gave  rise  to  many  passionate  debates,  as  the  Spaniards  wrongly 
insisted  that  the  Philippines  and  the  Moluccas  came  within  the  division  allotted  to 
them  by  Pontifical  donation. 

B 2 


20 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


alleging  that  his  resolution  to  abandon  Portuguese  citizenship  required 
the  sovereign  sanction.  Others  even  meditated  his  assassination  to 
save  the  interests  of  the  King  of  Portugal.  This  powerful  opposition 
only  served  to  delay  the  expedition,  for  finally  the  King  of  Portugal 
was  satisfied  that  his  Spanish  rival  had  no  intention  to  authorize  a 
violation  of  the  Convention  of  Demarcation. 

Between  King  Charles  and  Maghallanes  a contract  was  signed  in 
Saragossa  by  virtue  of  which  the  latter  pledged  himself  to  seek  the 
discovery  of  rich  spice  islands  within  the  limits  of  the  Spanish  Empire. 
If  he  should  not  have  succeeded  in  the  venture  after  ten  years  from  the 
date  of  sailing  he  would  thenceforth  be  permitted  to  navigate  and  trade 
without  further  royal  assent,  reserving  one  twentieth  of  his  net  gains 
for  the  Crown.  The  King  accorded  to  him  the  title  of  Cavalier 
and  invested  him  with  the  habit  of  St.  James  and  the  hereditary 
government  in  male  succession  of  all  the  islands  he  might  annex.  The 
Crown  of  Castile  reserved  to  itself  the  supreme  authority  over  such 
government.  If  Maghallanes  discovered  so  many  as  six  islands,  he  was 
to  embark  merchandise  in  the  King’s  own  ships  to  the  value  of  one 
thousand  ducats  as  royal  dues.  If  the  islands  numbered  only  two,  he 
would  pay  to  the  Crown  one  fifteenth  of  the  net  profits.  The  King, 
however,  was  to  receive  one  fifth  part  of  the  total  cargo  sent  in  the 
Jirst  return  expedition.  The  King  would  defray  the  expense  of  fitting 
out  and  arming  five  ships  of  from  60  to  130  tons  with  a total  crew  of 
234  men  ; he  would  also  appoint  captains  and  officials  of  the  Royal 
Treasury  to  represent  the  State  interests  in  the  division  of  the  spoil. 

Orders  to  fulfil  the  contract  were  issued  to  the  crown  officers  in 
the  port  of  Seville,  and  the  expedition  was  slowly  prepared,  consisting 
of  the  following  vessels,  viz.: — The  commodore  ship  “La  Trinidad,” 
under  the  immediate  command  of  Maghallanes  ; the  “ San  Antonio,” 
Captain  Juan  de  Cartagena  ; the  “ Victoria,”  Captain  Luis  de  Mendoza  ; 
the“  Santiago,”  Captain  Juan  Rodriguez  Serrano,  and  the  “ Concepcion,” 
Captain  Gaspar  de  Quesada. 

The  little  fleet  had  not  yet  sailed  when  dissensions  arose. 

Maghallanes  wished  to  carry  his  own  ensign,  whilst  Doctor  Sancho 
Matienza  insisted  that  it  should  be  the  Royal  Standard. 

Another,  named  Talero,  disputed  the  question  of  who  should  be 
the  standard-bearer.  The  King  himself  had  to  settle  these  quarrels  by 
bis  own  arbitrary  authority.  Talero  was  disembarked  and  the  Royal 


MAGELLAN  STRAITS  DISCOVERED. 


21 


Standard  was  formally  presented  to  Maghallanes  by  injunction  of  the 
King  in  the  Church  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Victoria  de  la  Triaua,  in 
Seville,  where  he  and  his  companions  swore  to  observe  the  usages  and 
customs  of  Castile,  and  to  remain  faithful  and  loyal  to  His  Catholic 
Majesty. 

On  the  10th  of  August,  1519,  the  expedition  left  the  port  of  San 
Lucar  de  Barrameda  in  the  direction  of  the  Canary  Islands. 

On  the  13th  of  December  they  arrived  safely  at  Rio  Janeiro. 

Following  the  coast  in  search  of  the  longed-for  passage  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  they  entered  the  Solis  River — so  called  because  its 
discoverer,  Joao  de  Solis,  a Portuguese,  was  murdered  there.  Its  name 
was  afterwards  changed  to  that  of  Rio  de  la  Plata  (the  Silver  River). 

Continuing  their  course,  the  intense  cold  determined  Maghallanes 
to  winter  in  the  next  large  river,  known  then  as  San  Julian. 

Tumults  arose  ; some  wished  to  return  home  ; others  harboured  a 
desire  to  separate  from  the  fleet,  but  Maghallanes  had  sufficient  tact  to 
persuade  the  crews  to  remain  with  him,  reminding  them  of  the  shame 
which  would  befall  them  if  they  returned  only  to  relate  their  failure. 
He  added  that,  so  far  as  he  was  concerned,  nothing  but  death  would 
deter  him  from  executing  the  royal  commission. 

As  to  the  rebellious  captains,  Juan  de  Cartagena  was  already  putin 
irons  and  sentenced  to  be  cast  ashore  with  provisions  and  a disaffected 
French  priest  for  a companion.  The  sentence  was  carried  out  later  on. 
Then  Maghallanes  sent  a boat  to  each  of  three  of  the  ships  to  enquire 
of  the  captains  whom  they  served.  The  reply  from  all  was  that  they 
were  for  the  King  and  themselves.  Thereupon  30  men  were  sent  to 
the  “ Victoria  ” with  a letter  to  Mendoza,  and  whilst  he  was  reading  it, 
they  rushed  on  board  and  stabbed  him  to  death.  Quesada  then  brought 
his  ship  alongside  of  the  “ Trinidad  ” and,  with  sword  and  shield  in 
hand,  called  in  vain  upon  his  men  to  attack.  Maghallanes,  with  great 
promptitude,  gave  orders  to  board  Quesada’s  vessel.  The  next  day 
Quesada  was  executed.  After  these  vigorous,  but  justifiable,  measures 
obedience  was  ensured. 

Still  bearing  southwards  within  sight  of  the  coast,  on  the  28th  of 
October,  1520,  the  expedition  reached  and  entered  the  seaway  thenceforth 
known  as  the  Magellan  Straits,  dividing  the  Island  of  Tierra  del  Fuego 
from  the  mainland  of  Patagonia.1 


1 Probably  so  called  from  the  enormous  number  of  patos  (ducks)  found  there. 


22 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


On  the  way  one  ship  had  become  a total  wreck,  and  now  the 
“ San  Antonio  ” deserted  the  expedition  ; her  captain  having  been 
wounded  and  made  prisoner  by  his  mutinous  officers,  she  was  sailed  in 
the  direction  of  New  Guinea.  The  three  remaining  vessels  waited  for 
the  “San  Antonio  ” several  days,  and  then  passed  through  the  Straits. 
Great  was  the  rejoicing  of  all  when,  on  the  26th  of  November,  1520, 
they  found  themselves  on  the  Pacific  Ocean  ! It  was  a memorable  day. 
All  doubt  was  now  at  an  end  as  they  cheerfully  navigated  across  that 
broad  expanse  of  sea. 

On  the  16th  of  March,  1521,  the  Ladrone  Islands  were  reached. 
There  the  ships  were  so  crowded  with  natives  that  they  were  obliged 
to  be  expelled  by  force.  They  stole  one  of  the  ship’s  boats,  and  90 
men  were  sent  on  shore  to  recover  it.  After  a bloody  combat  the  boat 
was  regained,  and  the  fleet  continued  its  course  westward.  Coasting 
along  the  North  of  the  Island  of  Mindanao,  they  arrived  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Butuan  River,  where  they  were  supplied  with  provisions  by  the 
chief.  It  was  Easter  week,  and  on  this  shore  the  first  Mass  was 
celebrated  in  the  Philippines.  The  natives  showed  great  friendliness, 
in  return  for  which  Maghallanes  took  formal  possession  of  their 
territory  in  the  name  of  Charles  I.  The  chieftain  himself  volunteered 
to  pilot  the  ships  to  a fertile  island — the  kingdom  of  a relation  of  his — 
and  passing  between  the  Islands  of  Bojol  and  Leyte  the  expedition 
arrived  on  the  7th  of  April  at  Cebu,  where,  on  receiving  the  news,  over 
2,000  men  appeared  on  the  beach  in  battle  array  with  lances  and  shields. 

The  Butuan  chief  went  on  shore  and  explained  that  the  expedition 
brought  people  of  peace  who  sought  provisions.  The  King  agreed 
to  a treaty,  and  proposed  that  it  should  be  ratified  according  to  the 
native  formula, — drawing  blood  from  the  breast  of  each  party,  the 
one  drinking  that  of  the  other.  This  form  of  bond  was  called  by  the 
Spaniards  the  Pacto  de  sangre,  or  the  Blood  compact  (vide  Chap.  XXVI.). 

Maghallanes  accepted  the  conditions,  and  a hut  was  built  on  shore 
in  which  to  say  Mass.  Then  he  disembarked  with  his  followers,  and 
the  King,  Queen  and  Prince  came  to  satisfy  their  natural  curiosity. 
They  appeared  to  take  great  interest  in  the  Christian  religious  rites 
and  received  baptism,  although  it  would  be  venturesome  to  suppose 
they  understood  their  meaning,  as  subsequent  events  proved.  The 
princes  and  headmen  of  the  district  followed  their  example  and  swore 
fealty  and  obedience  to  the  King  of  Spain. 


DEATH  OF  MAGHALLANES. 


23 


Maghallanes  espoused  the  cause  of  his  new  allies,  who  were  at  war 
with  the  tribes  on  the  opposite  coast,  and  on  the  25th  of  April,  1521, 
he  passed  over  to  Magtan  Island.  In  the  affray  he  was  mortally 
wounded  by  an  arrow,  and  thus  ended  his  brief  but  lustrous  career, 
which  fills  one  of  the  most  brilliant  pages  in  Spanish  annals. 

On  the  left  bank  of  the  Pasig  River,  facing  the  City  of  Manila, 
stands  a monument  to  his  memory.  Another  has  been  erected  on  the 
spot  in  Magtau  Island,  where  he  is  supposed  to  have  been  slain  on 
the  27th  of  April,  1521.  Also  in  the  City  of  Cebu,  near  the  beach, 
there  is  an  obelisk  to  commemorate  these  heroic  events. 

It  was  perhaps  well  for  Maghallanes  to  have  ended  his  days  out 
of  reach  of  his  royal  master.  Had  he  returned  to  Spain  he  would 
probably  have  met  a fate  similar  to  that  which  befell  Columbus  after 
all  his  glories.  The  “ San  Antonio,”  which,  as  already  mentioned, 
deserted  the  fleet  at  the  Magellan  Straits,  continued  her  voyage  from 
New  Guinea  to  Spain,  arriving  at  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda  in  March, 
1521.  The  Captain,  Alvaro  Mesquita,  was  landed  as  a prisoner, 
accused  of  having  seconded  Maghallanes  in  repressing  insubordination. 
To  Maghallanes  were  ascribed  the  worst  cruelties  and  infraction  of  the 
royal  instructions.  Accused  and  accusers  were  alike  cast  into  prison, 
and  the  King,  unable  to  lay  hands  on  the  deceased  Maghallanes,  sought 
this  hero’s  wife  and  children.  These  innocent  victims  of  royal 
vengeance  were  at  once  arrested  and  conveyed  to  Burgos,  where  the 
Court  happened  to  be,  whilst  the  “ San  Antonio  ” was  placed  under 
embargo. 

On  the  decease  of  Maghallanes,  the  supreme  command  of  the 
expedition  in  Cebu  Island  was  assumed  by  Duarte  de  Barbosa,  who,, 
with  26  of  his  followers,  was  slain  at  a banquet  to  which  they  had 
been  invited  by  Hamabar,  the  King  of  the  island.  Juan  Serrano  had 
so  ingratiated  himself  with  the  natives  during  the  sojourn  on  shore 
that  his  life  was  spared  for  a while.  Stripped  of  his  raiment  and 
armour,  he  was  conducted  to  the  beach,  where  the  natives  demanded 
a ransom  for  his  person  of  two  cannons  from  the  ships’  artillery. 
Those  on  board  saw  what  was  passing  and  understood  the  request, 
but  they  were  loath  to  endanger  the  lives  of  all  for  the  sake  of 
one — “ Melius  est  ut  percat  mius  quam.  ut  pereat  communitas ,”  Saint 
Augustine, — so  they  raised  anchors  and  sailed  out  of  the  port,  leaving 
Serrano  to  meet  his  terrible  fate. 


24 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Due  to  sickness,  murder  during  the  revolts,  and  the  slaughter  in 
Cebu,  the  exploring  party,  now  reduced  to  100  souls  all  told,  was 
deemed  insufficient  to  conveniently  manage  three  vessels.  It  was 
resolved  therefore  to  burn  the  most  dilapidated  one — the  “ Concepcion.” 
At  a general  council,  Juan  Caraballo  was  chosen  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  expedition,  with  Gonzalo  Gomez  de  Espinosa  as  Captain  of  the 
“ Victoria.”  The  royal  instructions  were  read,  and  it  was  decided  to 
go  to  the  Island  of  Borneo,  already  known  to  the  Portuguese  and 
marked  on  their  charts.  On  the  way  they  provisioned  the  ships  off  the 
coast  of  Palauan  Island,  and  thence  navigated  to  within  ten  miles  of 
the  capital  of  Borneo  (probably  Brunei).  Here  they  fell  in  with  a 
number  of  native  canoes,  in  one  of  which  was  the  King’s  Secretary. 
There  was  a great  noise  with  the  sound  of  drums  and  trumpets,  and 
the  ships  saluted  the  strangers  with  their  guns. 

The  natives  came  on  board,  embraced  the  Spaniards  as  if  they  were 
old  friends,  and  asked  them  who  they  were  and  what  they  came  for. 
They  replied  that  they  were  vassals  of  the  King  of  Spain  and  wished  to 
barter  goods.  Presents  were  exchanged  and  several  of  the  Spaniards 
went  ashore.  They  were  met  on  the  way  by  over  2,000  armed  men  and 
safely  escorted  to  the  King’s  quarters.  After  satisfying  his  Majesty’s 
numerous  enquiries,  Captain  Espinosa  was  permitted  to  return  with  his 
companions.  He  reported  to  Caraballo  all  he  had  seen,  and  in  a council 
it  was  agreed  that  the  town  was  too  large  and  the  armed  men  too 
numerous  to  warrant  the  safety  of  a longer  stay.  However,  being  in 
need  of  certain  commodities,  five  men  were  despatched  to  the  town.  As 
days  passed  by,  their  prolonged  absence  caused  suspicion  and  anxiety, 
so  the  Spaniards  took  in  reprisal  the  son  of  the  King  of  Luzon  Island, 
who  had  arrived  there  to  trade,  accompanied  by  100  men  and  five  women 
in  a large  prahu.  The  prince  made  a solemn  vow  to  see  that  the  five 
Spaniards  returned,  and  left  two  of  his  women  and  eight  chiefs  as 
hostages.  Then  Caraballo  sent  a message  to  the  King  of  Borneo, 
intimating  that  if  his  people  were  not  liberated  he  would  seize  all  the 
junks  and  merchandise  he  might  fall  in  with  and  kill  their  crews. 
Thereupon  two  of  the  retained  Spaniards  were  set  free,  but,  in  spite  of 
the  seizure  of  craft  laden  with  silk  and  cotton,  the  three  men  remaining 
had  to  be  abandoned  and  the  expedition  set  sail. 

For  reasons  not  very  clear,  Caraballo  was  deprived  of  the  supreme 
command  and  Espinosa  was  appointed  in  his  place,  whilst  Juan 


THE  FIRST  VOYAGE  ROUND  THE  WORLD. 


25 


Sebastian  Elcano  was  elected  captain  of  the  “Victoria.”  With  a native 
pilot,  captured  from  a junk  which  they  met  on  the  way,  the  ships  shaped 
their  course  towards  the  Moluccas  Islands,  and  on  the  8th  of  November, 
1521,  they  arrived  at  the  Island  of  Tidor.  Thus  the  essential  object  of 
the  expedition  was  gained — the  discovery  of  a Western  route  to  the 
Spice  Islands. 

Years  previous  the  Portuguese  had  opened  up  trade  and  still 
continued  to  traffic  with  these  islands,  which  were  rich  in  nutmegs, 
cloves,  cinnamon,  ginger,  sage,  pepper,  etc.  It  is  said  that  Saint 
Francis  Xavier  had  propagated  his  views  amongst  these  islanders,  some 
of  whom  professed  the  Christian  faith. 

The  King,  richly  adorned,  went  out  with  his  suite  to  receive  and 
welcome  the  Spaniards.  He  was  anxious  to  barter  with  them,  and  when 
the  “ Trinidad  ” was  consequently  laden  with  valuable  spices  it  was 
discovered  that  she  had  sprung  a leak.  Her  cargo  was  therefore 
transferred  to  the  sister  ship  whilst  the  “ Trinidad  ” remained  in  Tidor 
for  repairs,  and  Elcano  was  deputed  to  make  the  voyage  home  with 
the  “Victoria,”  taking  the  Western  route  of  the  Portuguese  in  violation 
of  the  Treaty  of  Tordesillas.  Elcano’s  crew  consisted  of  53  Europeans 
and  a dozen  natives  of  Tidor.  The  “Victoria”  started  for  Spain  at 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1522  ; passed  through  the  Sunda  Straits  at 
great  risk  of  being  seized  by  the  Portuguese ; experienced  violent 
storms  in  the  Mozambique  Channel ; was  almost  wrecked  rounding  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope  ; a few  of  the  crew  died — their  only  food  was  a 
scanty  ration  of  rice, — and  in  their  extreme  distress  they  put  in  at 
Santiago  Island,  off  Cape  Verd,  to  procure  provisions  and  beg  assistance 
from  the  Portuguese  Governor.  It  was  like  jumping  into  the  lion’s 
mouth.  The  Governor  imprisoned  those  who  went  to  him,  in  defence 
of  his  sovereign’s  treaty  rights  ; he  seized  the  boat  which  brought 
them  ashore  ; enquired  of  them  where  they  had  obtained  the  cargo  and 
projected  the  capture  of  the  “ Victoria.” 

Captain  Elcano  was  not  slow  to  comprehend  the  situation  ; he 
raised  anchor  and  cleared  out  of  the  harbour,  and,  as  it  had  happened 
several  times  before,  those  who  had  the  misfortune  to  be  sent  ashore 
were  abandoned  by  their  countrymen. 

The  “ Victoria  ” made  the  port  of  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda  on  the 
6th  of  September,  1522,  so  that  in  a little  over  three  years  Juan 
Sebastian  Elcano  had  performed  the  most  notable  voyage  hitherto  on 


26 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


record — it  was  the  first  yet  accomplished  round  the  world.  It  must 
however  be  borue  in  mind  that  the  discovery  of  the  way  to  the 
Moluccas,  going  Westward,  was  due  to  Maghallanes — of  Portuguese 
birth, — and  that  the  route  thence  to  Europe,  continuing  Westward,  had 
long  before  been  determined  by  the  Portuguese  traders,  whose  charts 
Elcano  used. 

When  Elcano  and  his  17  companions  disembarked,  their  appearance 
was  most  pitiable — mere  skeletons  of  men,  weather-beaten  and  famished. 
The  City  of  Seville  received  them  with  acclamation  ; but  their  first  act 
was  to  walk  barefooted,  in  procession,  holding  lighted  candles  in  their 
hands,  to  the  church  to  give  thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  their  safe 
deliverance  from  the  hundred  dangers  which  they  had  encountered. 
Clothes,  mouey  and  all  necessaries  were  supplied  to  them  by  royal  bounty, 
whilst  Elcauo  and  the  most  intelligent  of  his  companions  were  cited  to 
appear  at  Court  to  narrate  their  adventures.  His  Majesty  received 
them  with  marked  defereuce.  Elcano  was  rewarded  with  a life  pension 
of  500  ducats  (worth  at  that  date  about  £112  10s.),  and  as  a lasting 
remembrance  of  his  unprecedented  feat,  his  royal  master  knighted  him 
and  conceded  to  him  the  right  of  using  on  his  escutcheon  a globe 
bearing  the  motto  : “ Primus  circundedit  me." 

Two  of  Elcano’s  officers,  Miguel  de  Rodas  and  Francisco  Alva,  were 
each  awarded  a life  pension  of  50,000  maravedis  (worth  at  that  time 
about  14  guineas),  whilst  the  King  ordered  one  fourth  of  that  fifth 
part  of  the  cargo  which  by  contract  with  Maghallanes  belonged  to  the 
State  Treasury,  to  be  distributed  amongst  the  crew,  including  those 
imprisoned  in  Santiago  Island. 

The  cargo  of  the  “Victoria”  consisted  of  26^  tons  of  cloves,  a 
quantity  of  cinnamon,  sandalwood,  nutmegs,  etc.  Amongst  the  Tidor 
Islanders  who  were  presented  to  the  King,  one  of  them  was  not  allowed 
to  return  to  his  native  home  because  he  had  carefully  enquired  the 
value  of  the  spices  in  the  Spanish  bazaars. 

Meanwhile  the  “ Trinidad  ” was  repaired  in  Tidor  and  on  her  way 
to  Panama,  when  continued  tempests  and  the  horrible  sufferings  of  the 
crew  determined  them  to  retrace  their  course  to  the  Moluccas.  In  this 
interval  Portuguese  ships  had  arrived  there,  and  a fort  was  being 
constructed  to  defend  Portuguese  interests  against  the  Spaniards,  whom 
they  regarded  as  interlopers.  The  “Trinidad”  was  seized,  and  the 
Captain  Espinosa  with  the  survivors  of  his  crew  were  afforded  a passage 


EXPEDITIONS  TO  THE  MOLUCCAS. 


27 


to  Lisbon,  which  place  they  reached  five  years  after  they  had  set  out 
with  Maghallaues. 

The  enthusiasm  of  King  Charles  was  equal  to  the  importance  of 
the  discoveries  which  gave  renown  to  his  subjects  and  added  glory 
to  his  crown.  Notwithstanding  a protracted  controversy  with  the 
Portuguese  Court,  which  claimed  the  exclusive  right  of  trading  with 
the  Spice  Islands,  he  ordered  another  squadron  of  six  ships  to  be  fitted 
out  for  a voyage  to  the  Moluccas.  The  supreme  command  was  confided 
to  Garcia  Yofre  de  Loaisa,  Knight  of  Saint  John,  whilst  Sebastian 
Elcano  was  appointed  captain  of  one  of  the  vessels.  After  passing- 
through  the  Magellan  Straits,  the  Commander  Loaisa  succumbed  to  the 
fatigues  and  privations  of  the  stormy  voyage.  Elcano  succeeded  him, 
but  only  for  four  days,  when  he  too  expired.  The  expedition,  however, 
arrived  safely  at  the  Moluccas  Islands,  where  they  found  the  Portuguese 
in  full  possession  and  strongly  established,  but  the  long  series  of 
combats,  struggles  and  altercations  which  ensued  between  the  rival 
powers,  in  which  Captain  Andres  de  Urdaneta  prominently  figured, 
left  no  decisive  advantage  to  either  nation. 

But  the  King  was  in  no  way  disheartened.  A third  expedition — 
the  last  under  his  auspices — was  organized  and  despatched  from  the 
Pacific  Coast  of  Mexico  by  the  Viceroy,  by  royal  mandate.  It  was 
composed  of  two  ships,  two  transports  and  one  galley,  well  manned 
and  armed,  chosen  from  the  fleet  of  Pedro  Alvarado,  the  late  Governor  of 
Guatemala.  Under  the  leadership  of  Ruy  Lopez  de  Villalobos  it  sailed 
on  the  1st  of  November,  1542  ; discovered  many  small  islands  in  the 
Pacific  ; lost  the  galley  on  the  way,  and  anchored  off  an  island  about 
20  miles  in  circumference  which  was  named  Antonia.  They  found  its 
inhabitants  very  hostile.  A fight  ensued,  but  the  natives  finally  fled, 
leaving  several  Spaniards  wounded,  of  whom  six  died.  Villalobos  then 
announced  his  intention  of  remaining  here  some  time,  and  ordered  his 
men  to  plant  maize.  At  first  they  demurred,  saying  that  they  had 
come  to  fight,  not  to  till  land,  but  at  length  necessity  urged  them  to 
obedience,  and  a small  but  insufficient  crop  was  reaped  in  due  season. 
Hard  pressed  for  food,  they  lived  principally  on  cats,  rats,  lizards, 
snakes,  dogs,  roots  and  wild  fruit,  and  several  died  of  disease.  In  this 
plight  a ship  was  sent  to  Mindanao  Island,  commanded  by  Bernado  de 
la  Torre,  to  seek  provisions.  The  voyage  was  fruitless.  The  party 
was  opposed  by  the  inhabitants,  who  fortified  themselves,  but  were 


28 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


dislodged  and  slain.  Then  a vessel  was  commissioned  to  Mexico  with 
news  and  to  solicit  reinforcements.  On  the  way,  Volcano  Island  (of 
the  Ladrone  Islands  group)  was  discovered  on  the  6th  of  August,  1543. 
A most  important  event  followed.  A galiot  was  built  and  despatched 
to  the  islands  (it  is  doubtful  which),  named  by  this  expedition  the 
Philippine  Islands  in  honour  of  Philip,  Prince  of  Asturias,  the  son  of 
King  Charles  I.,  heir  apparent  to  the  throne  of  Castile,  to  which  he 
ascended  in  1 555  under  the  title  of  Philip  II.  on  the  abdication  of  his  father. 

The  craft  returned  from  the  Philippine  Islands  laden  with  abundance 
of  provisions,  with  which  the  ships  were  enabled  to  continue  the  voyage. 

By  the  royal  instructions,  Ruy  Lopez  de  Villalobos  was  strictly 
enjoined  not  to  touch  at  the  Moluccas  Islands,  peace  having  been 
concluded  with  Portugal.  Heavy  gales  forced  him  nevertheless  to  take 
refuge  at  Gilolo.  The  Portuguese,  suspicious  of  his  intentions  in  view 
of  the  treaty,  arrayed  their  forces  against  his,  inciting  the  King  of  the 
island  also  to  discard  all  Spanish  overtures  and  refuse  assistance  to 
Villalobos.  The  discord  and  contentions  between  the  Portuguese  and 
Spaniards  were  increasing  ; nothing  was  being  gained  by  either  party. 
Villalobos  personally  was  sorely  disheartened  in  the  struggle,  fearing  all 
the  while  that  his  opposition  to  the  Portuguese  in  contravention  of  the 
royal  instructions  would  only  excite  the  King’s  displeasure  and  lead  to 
his  own  downfall.  Hence  he  decided  to  capitulate  with  his  rival  and 
accepted  a safe  conduct  for  himself  and  party  to  Europe  in  Portuguese 
ships.  They  arrived  at  Amboina  Island,  where  Villalobos,  already 
crushed  by  grief,  succumbed  to  disease.  The  survivors  of  the 
expedition,  amongst  whom  were  several  priests,  continued  the  journey 
home  via  Malacca,  Cochin  China  and  Goa,  where  they  embarked  for 
Lisbon,  arriving  there  in  1549. 

In  1558,  King  Charles  was  no  more,  but  the  memory  of  his  ambition 
outlived  him.  His  son  Philip,  equally  emulous  and  unscrupulous,  was 
too  narrow-minded  and  subtly  cautious  to  initiate  an  expensive  enterprise 
encompassed  by  so  many  hazards — as  materially  unproductive  as  it 
was  devoid  of  immediate  political  importance.  Indeed  the  basis  of 
the  first  expedition  was  merely  to  discover  a Western  route  to  the  rich 
Spice  Islands,  already  known  to  exist ; the  second  went  there  to 
attempt  to  establish  Spanish  empire  ; and  the  third  to  search  for,  and 
annex  to,  the  Spanish  crown,  lands  as  wealthy  as  those  claimed  by, 
and  now  yielded  to,  the  Portuguese. 


LEGASPl’s  EXPEDITION  FROM  MEXICO. 


29 


But  the  value  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  of  which  the  possession 
was  but  recent  and  nominal,  was  thus  far  a matter  of  doubt. 

One  of  the  most  brave  and  intrepid  captains  of  the  Loaisa 
expedition — Andres  de  Urdaneta — returned  to  Spain  in  1536.  In 
former  years  he  had  fought  under  King  Charles  I.,  in  his  wars  in  Italy, 
when  the  study  of  navigation  served  him  as  a favourite  pastime.  Since 
his  return  from  the  Moluccas  his  constant  attention  was  given  to  the 
project  of  a new  expedition  to  the  Far  West,  for  which  he  unremittingly 
solicited  the  royal  sanction  and  assistance.  But  the  King  had  grown 
old  and  weary  of  the  world,  and  whilst  he  did  not  openly  discourage 
Urdaneta’s  pretensions  he  gave  him  no  effective  aid.  At  length 
in  1553,  two  years  before  Charles  abdicated,  Urdaneta,  convinced 
of  the  futility  of  his  importunity  at  the  Spanish  Court,  and  equally 
unsuccessful  with  his  scheme  in  other  quarters,  retired  to  Mexico, 
where  he  took  the  habit  of  an  Augustine  monk.  Ten  years  afterwards 
King  Philip,  inspired  by  the  religious  sentiment  which  pervaded  his 
whole  policy,  urged  his  Viceroy  in  Mexico  to  fit  out  au  expedition  to 
conquer  and  christianize  the  Philippine  Islands.  Urdaneta,  now  a priest, 
was  not  overlooked.  Accompanied  by  five  priests  of  his  order,  he  was 
entrusted  with  the  spiritual  care  of  the  races  to  be  subdued  by  an 
expedition  composed  of  four  ships  and  one  frigate  well  armed,  carrying 
400  soldiers  and  sailors,  commanded  by  a Basque  navigator,  Miguel 
Lopez  de  Legaspi.  This  remarkable  man  was  destined  to  acquire  the 
fame  of  having  established  Spanish  dominion  in  these  islands.  He  was 
of  noble  birth  and  a native  of  the  Province  of  Guipuzcoa  in  Spain. 
Having  settled  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  of  which  place  he  was  elected 
Mayor,  he  there  practised  as  a notary.  Of  undoubted  piety,  he  enjoyed 
reputation  for  his  justice  and  loyalty,  hence  he  was  appointed  General 
of  the  forces  equipped  for  the  voyage. 

The  favourite  desire  to  possess  the  valuable  Spice  Islands  still 
lurked  in  the  minds  of  many  Spaniards — amongst  them  was  Urdaneta, 
who  laboured  in  vain  to  persuade  the  Viceroy  of  the  superior 
advantages  to  be  gained  by  annexing  New  Guinea  instead  of  the 
Philippines, — whence  the  conquest  of  the  Moluccas  would  be  but  a 
facile  task.  However,  the  Viceroy  was  inexorable  and  resolved  to 
fulfil  the  royal  instructions  to  the  letter,  so  the  expedition  set  sail  from 
the  Mexican  port  of  Navidad  for  the  Philippine  Islands  on  the  21st 
of  November,  1564. 


30 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  Ladrone  Islands  were  passed  on  the  9th  of  January,  1565, 
and  on  the  13th  of  the  following  month  the  Philippines  were  sighted. 
A call  for  provisions  was  made  at  several  small  islands,  including 
Camiguin,  whence  the  expedition  sailed  to  Bojol  Island.  A boat 
despatched  to  the  port  of  Butuan  returned  in  a fortnight  with  the  news 
that  there  was  much  gold,  wax  and  cinnamon  in  that  district.  A 
small  vessel  was  also  sent  to  Cebu,  and  on  its  return  reported  that  the 
natives  showed  hostility,  having  decapitated  one  of  the  crew  whilst  he 
was  bathing. 

Nevertheless,  General  Legaspi  resolved  to  put  in  at  Cebu,  which 
was  a safe  port ; and  on  the  way  there  the  ships  anchored  off  Limasana 
Island  (to  the  south  of  Leyte).  Thence  running  S.W.,  the  Port  of 
Dapitan  (Mindanao  Island)  was  reached. 

Prince  Pagbuaya,  who  ruled  there,  was  astonished  at  the  sight  of 
such  formidable  ships,  and  commissioned  one  of  his  subjects,  specially 
chosen  for  his  boldness,  to  take  note  of  their  movements,  and  report 
to  him.  His  account  was  uncommonly  interesting.  He  related  that 
enormous  men  with  long  pointed  noses,  dressed  in  fine  robes,  ate  stones 
(hard  biscuits),  drank  fire  and  blew  smoke  out  of  their  mouths  and 
through  their  nostrils.  Their  power  was  such  that  they  commanded 
thunder  and  lightning  (discharge  of  artillery),  and  that  at  meal  times 
they  sat  down  at  a clothed  table.  From  their  lofty  port,  their  bearded 
faces  and  rich  attire,  they  might  have  been  the  very  gods  manifesting 
themselves  to  the  natives  ; so  the  Prince  thought  it  wise  to  accept  the 
friendly  overtures  of  such  marvellous  strangers.  Besides  obtaining 
ample  provisions  in  barter  for  European  wares,  Legaspi  procured  from 
this  chieftain  much  useful  information  respecting  the  condition  of 
Cebu.  He  learnt  that  it  was  esteemed  a powerful  kingdom,  of  which 
the  magnificence  was  much  vaunted  amongst  the  neighbouring  states  ; 
that  the  port  was  one  of  great  safety,  and  the  most  favourably  situated 
amongst  the  islands  of  the  painted  faces.1 

The  General  resolved  therefore  to  filch  it  from  its  native  king  and 
annex  it  to  the  crown  of  Castile. 

He  landed  in  Cebu  on  the  27th  of  April,  1565,  and  negotiations 
were  entered  into  with  the  natives  of  that  island.  Bemembering 


1 The  Visayos,  inhabiting  the  southern  group  of  the  Archipelago,  tatooed 
themselves,  hence  for  many  years  their  islands  were  called  by  the  Spaniards  Mas 
de  lot  pintados. 


PACIFICATION  OF  THE  ISLANDS, 


31 


how  successfully  they  had  rid  themselves  of  Maghallanes’  party,  they 
naturally  opposed  this  renewed  menace  to  their  independence.  The 
Spaniards  occupied  the  town  by  force  and  sacked  it,  but  for  months 
were  so  harassed  by  the  surrounding  tribes  that  a council  was  convened 
to  discuss  the  prudence  of  continuing  the  occupation.  The  General 
decided  to  remain,  and,  little  by  little,  the  natives  yielded  to  the  new 
condition  of  things,  and  thus  the  first  step  towards  the  final  conquest 
was  achieved.  The  natives  were  declared  Spanish  subjects,  and 
hopeful  with  the  success  thus  far  attained,  Legaspi  determined  to  send 
despatches  to  the  King  by  the  priest  Urdaueta,  who  safely  arrived  at 
Navidad  on  the  3rd  of  October,  1565,  and  proceeded  thence  to  Spain. 

The  pacification  of  Cebu  and  the  adjacent  islands  was  steadily  and 
successfully  pursued  by  Legaspi  ; the  confidence  of  the  natives  was 
assured,  and  their  dethroned  King  Tupas  accepted  Christian  baptism, 
whilst  his  daughter  married  a Spaniard. 

In  the  midst  of  the  invaders’  felicity,  the  Portuguese  arrived  to 
dispute  the  possession,  but  they  were  compelled  to  retire.  A fortress 
was  constructed  and  plots  of  land  were  marked  out  for  the  building  of 
the  Spanish  settlers’  residences,  and  finally,  in  1570,  Cebu  was  declared 
a City,  after  Legaspi  had  received  from  his  royal  master  the  title  of 
Governor-General  of  all  the  lands  which  he  might  be  able  to  conquer. 

In  May,  1570,  Captain  Juan  Salcedo,  Legaspi’s  grandson,  was 
despatched  to  the  Island  of  Luzon  to  reconnoitre  the  territory  and 
bring  it  under  Spanish  dominion. 

The  history  of  these  early  times  is  very  confused,  and  there  are 
many  contradictions  in  the  authors  of  the  Philippine  chronicles,  none 
of  which  seem  to  have  been  written  contemporaneously  with  the  first 
events.  It  appears,  however,  that  Martin  de  Goiti  and  a few  soldiers 
accompanied  Salcedo  to  the  north.  They  were  well  received  by  the 
native  chiefs  or  petty  Kings  Lacandola,  Rajah  of  Tondo  (known  as 
Rajah  Matanda,  which  means  in  native  dialect  the  aged  Rajah)  and 
his  nephew  the  young  Rajah  Soliman  of  Manila. 

The  sight  of  a body  of  European  troops  armed  as  was  the  custom 
in  the  16th  century,  must  have  profoundly  impressed  and  overawed 
these  chieftains,  otherwise  it  seems  almost  incredible  that  they 
should  have  consented,  without,  protest,  or  attempt  at  resistance, 
to  (for  ever)  give  up  their  territory,  yield  their  independence,  pay 


32 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


tribute,1  and  become  the  tools  of  invading  foreigners  with  which  to 
conquer  their  own  race  without  recompense  whatsoever. 

A treaty  of  peace  was  signed  aud  ratified  by  an  exchange  of  drops 
of  blood  between  the  parties  thereto.  Soliman  however  soon  repented 
of  his  poltroonery  and  roused  the  war-cry  among  some  of  his  tribes. 
To  save  his  capital  (then  called  Maynila)  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  invaders  he  set  fire  to  it.  Lacandola  remained  passively  watching 
the  issue.  Soliman  was  completely  routed  by  Salcedo  and  pardoned 
on  his  again  swearing  fealty  to  the  King  of  Spain.  Goiti  remained  in 
the  viciuity  of  Manila  with  his  troops  whilst  Salcedo  fought  his  way 
to  the  Bombon  Lake  (Taal)  district.  The  present  Bataugas  Province 
was  subdued  by  him  and  included  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Mindoro  Island. 
During  the  campaign  Salcedo  was  severely  wounded  by  an  arrow  and 
returned  to  Manila. 

Legaspi  was  in  the  Island  of  Panay  when  Salcedo  (some  writers 
say  Goiti)  arrived  to  advise  him  of  what  had  occurred  in  Luzon. 
They  at  once  proceeded  together  to  Cavite,  where  Lacandola  visited 
Legaspi  on  board,  and,  prostratiug  himself,  averred  his  submission. 
Then  Legaspi  continued  his  journey  to  Manila  and  was  received  there 
with  acclamation.  He  took  formal  possession  of  the  surrounding 
territory,  declared  Manila  to  be  the  capital  of  the  Archipelago,  and 
proclaimed  the  sovereignty  of  the  King  of  Spain  over  the  whole  group 
of  islands.  Gaspar  de  San  Agustin,  writing  of  this  period  says:  “He 
“ (Legaspi)  ordered  them  (the  natives)  to  finish  the  building  of  the 
“ fort  in  construction  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  (Pasig)  so  that  His 


1 Legaspi  and  Guido  Lavezares,  under  oath,  made  promises  of  rewards  to  the 
Lacandola  family  and  a remission  of  tribute  in  perpetuity,  but  they  were  not 
fulfilled.  In  the  following  century — year  1G60— it  appears  that  the  descendants 
of  the  Rajah  Lacandola  still  upheld  the  Spanish  authority,  and  having  become 
sorely  impoverished  thereby,  the  heir  of  the  family  petitioned  the  Governor 
(Sabiniano  Manrique  de  Lara)  to  make  good  the  honour  of  his  first  predecessors. 
Eventually  the  Lacandolas  were  exempted  from  the  payment  of  tribute  and  poll 
tax  for  ever,  as  recompense  for  the  filching  of  their  domains. 

In  1884,  when  the  fiscal  reforms  were  introduced  which  abolished  the  tribute 
and  established  in  lieu  thereof  a document  of  personal  identity  (cedula  pergonal), 
for  which  a tax  was  levied,  the  last  vestige  of  privilege  disappeared. 

Descendants  of  Lacandola  are  still  to  be  met  with  in  several  villages  near 
Manila.  They  do  not  seem  to  have  materially  profited  by  their  transcendent 
ancestry — one  of  them  I found  serving  a3  a waiter  in  a French  restaurant  in  the 
capital  in  1885. 


DEATH  OF  LEGASPI. 


33 


“ Majesty’s  artillery  might  be  mounted  ihereiu  for  the  defence  of  the 
“ port  and  the  town.  Also  he  ordered  them  to  build  a large  house 
“ inside  the  battlement  walls  for  Legaspi’s  own  residence — another 

■“  large  house  and  church  for  the  priests,  etc 

“ Besides  these  two  large  houses  he  told  them  to  erect  150  dwellings 
“ of  moderate  size  for  the  remainder  of  the  Spaniards  to  live  in. 

All  this  they  promptly  promised  to  do,  but  they  did  not  obey,  for 
“ the  Spaniards  were  themselves  obliged  to  terminate  the  work  of  the 
“ fortifications.” 

The  City  Council  of  Manila  was  constituted  on  the  24th  of  June, 
1571.  On  the  20th  of  August,  1572,  Miguel  Lopez  de  Legaspi 
•succumbed  to  the  fatigues  of  his  arduous  life,  leaving  behind  him 
a name  which  will  always  maintain  a prominent  place  in  Spanish 
colonial  history.  He  was  buried  in  Manila  in  the  Augustine  Chapel 
of  San  Fausto,  where  hung  the  Royal  Standard  and  the  hero’s  armorial 
bearings  until  the  British  troops  occupied  the  city  in  1763. 

“ Death  makes  no  conquest  of  this  conqueror, 

For  now  he  lives  in  fame,  though  not  in  life.” 

Richard  III.,  Act  3,  Sc.  1. 

In  the  meantime  Salcedo  continued  his  task  of  subjecting  the  tribes 
in  the  interior.  The  natives  of  Taytay  and  Cainta,  in  the  present 
military  district  of  Morong,  submitted  to  him  on  the  15th  of  August, 
1571.  He  returned  to  the  Laguna  de  Bay  to  pacify  the  villagers,  and 
penetrated  as  far  as  Camarines  Norte  to  explore  the  Bicol  River. 
Bolinao  and  the  provinces  of  Pangasinan  and  Ylocos  yielded  to  his 
prowess,  and  in  this  last  province  he  had  well  established  himself  when 
the  defence  of  the  capital  obliged  him  to  return  to  Manila. 

At  the  same  time  Martin  de  Goiti  was  actively  employed  in 
overrunning  the  Pampauga  territory  with  the  double  object  of 
procuring  supplies  for  the  Manila  camp  and  coercing  the  inhabitants  on 
his  way  to  acknowledge  their  new  liege  lord.  It  is  recorded  that  in 
this  expedition  Goiti  was  joined  by  the  Rajahs  of  Tondo  and  Manila. 
Yet  Lacandola  appears  to  have  been  regarded  more  as  a servant  of  the 
Spaniards  nolens  volens  than  as  a free  ally,  for,  because  he  absented 
himself  from  Goiti’s  camp  “ without  licence  from  the  Maestre  de 
Campo,”  he  was  suspected  by  some  writers  of  having  favoured  opposition 
to  the  .Spaniards’  incursions  in  the  Marshes  of  Hagonoy  (Pampanga 
coast,  N.  boundary  of  Manila  Bay). 


O 


34 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  district  which  constituted  the  ancient  province  of  Taal  y 
Balayan,  subsequently  denominated  Province  of  Batangas,  was  formerly 
governed  by  a number  of  caciques,  the  most  notable  of  whom  were 
Gatpagil  and  Gatjiuliutan.  They  were  usually  at  war  with  their 
neighbours.  Gatjinlintan,  the  cacique  of  the  Batangas  River  at  the 
time  of  the  conquest,  was  famous  for  his  valour.  Gatsungayan,  who 
ruled  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  was  celebrated  as  a hunter  of  deer 
and  wild  boar.  These  men  were  half-castes  of  Borneo  and  Aeta 
extraction,  who  formed  a distinct  race  called  by  the  natives  Daghagaug. 
None  of  them  would  submit  to  the  King  of  Spain  or  become  Christians, 
hence  their  descendants  were  offered  no  privileges. 

The  Aetas  collected  tribute.  Gabriel  Montoya,  a Spanish  soldier 
of  Legaspi’s  legion,  partially  conquered  those  races,  and  supported  the 
mission  of  an  Austin  Friar  amongst  them.  This  was  probably  Fray 
Diego  Moxica,  who  undertook  the  mission  of  Batangas  on  its  separation 
from  the  local  administration  of  Mindoro  Island  in  1581.  The  first 
Governor  of  San  Pablo  or  Sampaloc  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Spain 
was  appointed  by  the  soldier  Montoya,  and  was  called  Bartolome 
Magliayin  ; the  second  was  Cristobal  Somaugalit  and  the  third  was 
Bernabe  Pindan,  all  of  whom  had  adopted  Christianity.  Bay,  on  the 
borders  of  the  lake  of  that  name,  and  four  leagues  from  San  Pablo,  was 
originally  ruled  by  the  cacique  Agustin  Maglansailgan.  Calilayan, 
now  called  Tayabas,  was  founded  by  the  woman  Ladia,  and  subsequently 
administered  by  a native  Alcalde,  who  gave  such  satisfaction  that  lie 
was  three  times  appointed  the  King’s  lieutenant  and  baptized  as 
Francisco  de  San  Juan. 

The  system  established  by  Juan  Salcedo  was  to  let  the  conquered 
lands  be  governed  by  the  native  caciques  and  their  male  successors  so 
long  as  they  did  so  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Castile.  Territorial 
possession  seems  to  have  been  the  chief  aim  of  the  European  invaders, 
and  records  of  having  improved  the  condition  of  the  people  or  of 
having  opened  up  means  of  communication  and  traffic  as  they  went  on 
conquering,  or  even  having  explored  the  natural  resources  of  the 
colony  for  their  own  benefit,  are  extremely  rare. 

San  Pablo,  the  centre  of  a once  independent  district,  is  situated 
at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  San  Cristobal  and  Banajao,  from  which 
over  fourteen  streams  of  fresh  water  flow  through  the  villages. 


CHAPTER  III. 


PHILIPPINE  DEPENDENCIES. 

The  Ladrones,  Carolines  and  Pelew  Islands. 

In  1521  Maghallanes  cast  anchor  off  the  Ladrone  Islands  (situated 
between  17°  and  20°  N.  lat.  by  146°  E.  long.)  on  his  way  to  the 
discovery  of  the  Philippines.  This  group  was  named  by  him  Islas 
de  las  Velas.1  Legaspi  called  them  the  Ladrones.2  Subsequently,, 
several  navigators  sighted  or  touched  at  these  Islands,  and  the 
indistinct  demarcation  which  comprised  them,  acquired  the  name  of 
Saint  Lazarus’  Archipelago. 

In  1662  the  Spanish  vessel  “ San  Damian,”  on  her  course  from 
Mexico  to  Luzod,  anchored  here.  On  board  was  a missionary  Fray 
Diego  Luis  de  San  Victores,  who  was  so  impressed  with  the  dejected 
condition  of  the  natives,  that  on  reaching  Manila  he  made  it  Ins 
common  theme  of  conversation.  In  fact,  so  importunately  did  he 
pursue  the  subject  with  his  superiors,  that  he  had  to  be  constrained  to 
silence.  The  Governor,  Diego  Salcedo,  replied  to  his  urgent  appeal 
for  a mission  there  in  terms  which  permitted  no  further  solicitation  in 
that  quarter.  But  the  Friar  was  persistent  in  his  project,  and 
petitioned  the  Archbishop’s  aid.  The  prelate  submitted  the  matter  to 
King  Philip  IV.,  and  the  Friar  himself  wrote  to  his  father,  who 
presented  a memorial  to  His  Majesty  and  another  to  the  Queen 
beseeching  her  influence.  Consequently  in  1666,  a Royal  Decree  was 
received  in  Manila  sanctioning  a mission  to  the  Ladrones. 

The  galleon  “ San  Diego”  was  ready  to  sail,  and  Fray  Diego  was 
to  take  passage  to  Acapulco  to  organize  his  expedition,  but  meanwhile 
the  merchants  proposed  to  change  her  route,  sending  her  to  Peru,  in 

1 Velas,  Spanish  for  Sails.  2 Ladrones , Spanish  for  Thieves. 

C 2 


36 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


which  case  tliey  would  give  her  a full  cargo.  The  priest  protested. 
The  galleon  was  so  heavily  laden  on  one  side,  that  she  could  not  right 
herself.  The  cunning  Friar  declared  it  was  a sign  from  Heaven,  but 
that  if  she  started  on  the  voyage  to  Acapulco  all  would  go  well.  The 
shippers,  however,  were  not  so  readily  gulled,  and  although,  in  the  end, 
she  was  despatched  to  Acapulco,  the  vessel  was  lightened  of  part  of 
her  cargo. 

Fray  Diego  arrived  safely  in  the  Viceregal  Court  of  Mexico,  and 
pressed  his  views  on  the  Viceroy,  who  declared  that  he  had  no  orders. 
Then  the  priest  appealed  to  the  Viceroy’s  wife,  who,  it  is  said,  was 
entreating  her  husband’s  help  on  bended  knee,  when  an  earthquake 
occurred  which  considerably  damaged  the  city.  It  was  a manifes- 
tation from  Heaven,  the  wily  priest  avowed,  and  the  Viceroy  yielded 
to  the  superstition  of  the  age. 

Therefore,  in  March  1668,  Fray  Diego  started  from  Acapulco  in 
charge  of  a Jesuit  mission  for  the  Ladrones,  where  they  subsequently 
received  a pension  of  §3,000  per  annum  from  Queen  Maria  Ana, 
who  meanwhile,  had  become  a widow  and  Regent.  To  commemorate 
this  Royal  munificence,  these  islands  have  since  been  called  by  the 
Spaniards  “ Islas  Marianas,”  whilst  the  older  name — Ladrones — is 
better  known  to  the  wrorld. 

When  the  mission  was  fairly  established,  troops  were  sent  there, 
consisting  of  12  Spaniards  and  19  Philippine  natives,  writh  two  pieces 
of  artillery. 

The  acquiescence  of  the  Ladrone  natives  was  being  steadily  gained 
by  the  old  policy  of  conquest,  under  the  veil  of  Christianity,  until  a 
revolution  broke  out,  on  the  discovery  that  the  stranger’s  religion 
brought  with  it  restraint  of  liberty  and  a social  dominion  which 
practically  amounted  to  slavery.  Fortunately,  Nature  came  again  to 
the  aid  of  Fray  Diego,  for,  whilst  the  natives  were  in  open  rebellion,  a 
severe  storm  levelled  their  huts  to  the  ground.  The  priest  persuaded 
them  it  was  a visitation  from  Heaven,  and  peace  was  concluded. 

Fray  Diego  left  the  mission  for  Visayas,  where  he  -was  killed. 
After  his  departure,  the  natives  again  revolted  because  they  failed  to 
comprehend  the  mysteries  of  Christian  rites,  which,  in  those  days, 
involved  a servile  subjection.  Many  priests  were  slain  from  time  to 
time — some  in  the  exercise  of  their  sacerdotal  functions,  others  in  open 
warfare. 


THE  LADROXE  ISLANDS  (MARIANAS). 


37 


In  177S  a Governor  was  sent  there  from  Mexico  with  30  soldiers, 
but  he  resigned  his  charge  after  two  years’  service,  and  others 
succeeded  him. 

The  Islands  are  very  poor.  The  products  are  Rice,  Sago,  Cocoa- 
nuts  and  Cane-sugar  to  a small  extent ; there  are  also  pigs  and  fowls 
in  abundance.  The  Spaniards  taught  the  natives  the  use  of  fire.  They 
were  a warlike  people  ; every  man  had  to  carry  arms.  Their  language 
is  Chamorro,  much  resembling  the  Visayan  dialect.  The  population, 
for  a hundred  years  after  the  Spanish  occupation,  diminished.  Women 
purposely  sterilized  themselves.  Some  threw  their  new-born  offspring 
into  the  sea,  hoping  to  liberate  them  from  a world  of  woe,  and  that 
they  would  regenerate  in  happiness.  In  the  beginning  of  the  17th 
century,  the  population  was  further  diminished  by  an  epidemic  disease. 
During  the  first  century  of  Spanish  rule,  the  Government  were  never 
able  to  exact  the  payment  of  tribute.  At  the  present  day,  the  revenue 
of  the  islands  is  not  nearly  sufficient  to  cover  the  entire  cost  of 
administration.  A few  years  ago,  the  Governor,  Sr.  Pazos,  was 
assassinated  there. 

There  are  nine  towns  with  parish  priests.  All  the  Churches  are 
built  of  stone,  and  roofed  with  reed  thatching,  except  that  of  the 
capital, -which  has  an  iron  roof.  Six  of  the  towns  have  Town  Halls 
made  of  bamboo  and  reed  grass  ; one  has  a wooden  building,  and  in 
two  of  them  (including  the  capital)  the  Town  Halls  are  of  stone. 

The  Seat  of  Government  is  at  Agana  (called  in  old  official 
documents  the  “ City  of  San  Ignacio  de  Agana  ”).  It  is  situated  in 
the  creek  called  the  Port  of  Apra.  Ships  cannot  get  up  to  the 
capital ; they  lie  about  two  miles  off  Punta  Piti,  where  passengers, 
stores  and  mails  are  conveyed  to  a wooden  landing-stage.  Five 
hundred  yards  from  here  is  the  Harbour-master’s  office,  built  of  stone, 
with  a tile  roof.  From  Punta  Piti  there  is  a bad  road  of  about  five 
miles.  The  situation  of  Agana  seems  to  be  ill-suited  for  communi- 
cation with  vessels,  and  proposals  were  ineffectually  made  by  two 
Governors,  since  1835,  to  establish  the  capital  town  elsewhere.  The 
central  Government  took  no  heed  of  their  recommendations.  In 
Agana  there  is  a Government  House,  a Military  Hospital  and 
Pharmacy,  an  Artillery  Depot  and  Infantry  Barracks,  a well-built 
Prison,  a Town  Hall,  the  Administrator’s  Office,  called  by  the  natives 
“the  shop,”  and  the  ruins  of  former  public  buildings.  It  is  a rather 
pretty  town,  but  there  is  nothing  notable  to  be  seen. 


38 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  natives  are  as  domesticated  as  the  Philippine  Islanders,  and 
have  much  better  features.  Spanish  and  a little  English  are  spoken 
by  many  of  them,  as  these  Islands  in  former  years  were  the  resort  of 
English-speaking  whalemen.  For  the  elementary  Education  of  the 
natives,  there  is  the  College  of  San  Juan  de  Letran  for  boys,  and  a 
girls’  school  in  Agana ; and  in  seven  of  the  towns,  there  was,  in 
1888,  a total  of  four  schools  for  boys,  five  schools  for  girls,  and  nine 
schools  for  both  sexes,  under  the  direction  of  20  masters  and  ix 
mistresses. 

When  the  Ladrone  Islands  (Marianas)  were  a dependency  of  the 
Philippine  General-Government,  a subsidized  mail  steamer  left  Manila 
for  Agana,  and  two  or  three  other  ports,  every  three  months.  For  the 
Government  of  these  Islands  under  the  Spaniards,  vide  Chap.  XIII. 

# # * # * # # 

An  island  was  discovered  by  one  of  the  Spanish  galleon  pilots  in 
1686,  and  called  Carolina,  in  honour  of  Charles  II.  of  Spain,  but  its 
bearings  could  not  be  found  again  for  years. 

In  1696  two  canoes,  with  29  Pelew  Islanders,  drifted  to  the  coast 
of  Samar  Island,  and  landed  at  the  Town  of  Guivan.  They  were  60 
days  on  the  drift,  and  five  of  them  died  of  privations.  They  were 
terror-stricken  when  they  saw  a man  on  shore  making  signs  to  them. 
When  he  went  out  to  them  in  a boat,  and  boarded  one  of  the  canoes, 
they  all  jumped  out  and  got  into  the  other  ; then  when  the  man  got 
into  that,  they  were  in  utter  despair,  considering  themselves  prisoners. 

They  were  conducted  to  the  Spanish  priest  of  Guivan,  whom  they 
supposed  would  be  the  King  of  the  Island,  and  on  whom  would 
depend  their  lives  and  liberty.  They  prostrated  themselves,  and 
implored  his  mercy  and  the  favour  of  sparing  their  lives,  whilst  the 
priest  did  all  he  could,  by  signs,  to  reassure  them. 

It  happened  that  there  had  been  living  here,  for  some  years,  two 
other  strange  men  brought  to  this  shore  by  currents  and  contrary 
winds.  These  came  forward  to  see  the  novelty,  and  served  as 
interpreters,  so  that  the  newcomers  were  all  lodged  in  native  houses 
in  twos  and  threes,  and  received  the  best  hospitality. 

They  related  that  their  Islands  numbered  32,  and  only  produced 
fowls  and  sea-birds.  One  man  made  a map,  by  placing  stones  in  the 
relative  position  of  the  Islands.  When  asked  about  the  number  of  the 
inhabitants,  one  took  a handful  of  sand  to  demonstrate  that  they  were 
countless.  There  was  a King,  they  explained,  who  held  his  court  in 


THE  CAROLINE  AND  PELEW  ISLANDS. 


39 


the  Island  of  Lamnrrec,  to  whom  the  chiefs  were  subject.  They  much 
respected  aud  obeyed  him.  Among  these  castaways  was  a chief,  with 
his  wife — the  daughter  of  the  King. 

The  men  had  a leaf-fibre  garment  around  their  loins,  and  to  it  was 
attached  a piece  of  stuff  in  front,  which  was  thrown  over  the  shoulders 
and  hung  loose  at  the  back.  The  women  were  dressed  the  same  as 
the  men,  except  that  their  loin  vestment  reached  to  their  knees.  The 
King’s  daughter  wore,  moreover,  tortoise-shell  ornaments. 

They  were  afraid  •when  they  saw  a cow  and  a dog,  their  Island 
having  no  quadrupeds.  Their  sole  occupation  consisted  in  providing 
food  for  their  families.  Their  mark  of  courtesy  was  to  take  the 
hand  of  the  person  whom  they  saluted  and  pass  it  softly  over  the 
face. 

The  priest  gave  them  pieces  of  iron,  which  they  prized  as  if  they 
had  been  of  gold,  and  slept  with  them  under  their  heads.  Their  only 
arms  were  lances,  with  human  bones  for  points.  They  seemed  to  be 
a pacific  people,  intelligent  and  well-proportioned  physically.  Both 
sexes  wore  long  hair  down  to  their  shoulders. 

Very  content  to  find  so  much  luxury  in  Samar,  they  offered  to 
return  and  bring  their  people  to  trade.  The  Jesuits  considered  this 
•a  capital  pretext  for  subjecting  their  Islands,  and  the  Government 
approved  of  it.  At  the  instance  of  the  Pope,  the  King  ordered  the 
Governor-General,  Domingo  Zabulburu,  to  send  out  expeditions  in 
quest  of  these  Islands  ; and,  between  1708  and  1710,  several  unsuccessful 
efforts  were  made  to  come  across  them.  In  1710,  two  islands  were 
discovered,  and  named  San  Andres.  Several  canoes  arrived  alongside 
of  the  ship,  and  the  occupants  accepted  the  Commander’s  invitation  to 
come  on  board.  They  were  much  astonished  to  see  the  Spaniards 
smoke,  aud  admired  the  iron  fastenings  of  the  vessel.  When  they  got 
near  shore,  they  all  began  to  dance,  clapping  their  hands  to  beat  time. 
They  measured  the  ship,  and  wondered  where  such  a large  piece  of 
wood  could  have  come  from.  They  counted  the  crew,  and  presented 
them  with  cocoa-nuts,  fish,  and  herbs  from  their  canoes.  The  vessel 
anchored  near  to  the  shore,  but  there  was  a strong  current  and  a fresh 
wind  blowing,  so  that  it  was  imprudent  to  disembark.  However,  two 
priests  insisted  upon  erecting  a cross  on  the  shore,  and  were  accompanied 
by  the  quarter-master  and  an  officer  of  the  troops.  The  weather 
compelled  the  master  to  weigh  anchor,  and  the  vessel  set  sail,  leaving 


40 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


on  land  the  four  Europeans,  who  were  ultimately  murdered.  For  a 
quarter  of  a century  these  Islands  were  lost  again  to  the  Spaniards. 

In  1721  two  Caroline  prahus  were  wafted  to  the  Ladrone  Islauds, 
where  D.  Luiz  Sanchez  was  Governor.  The  Caroline  Islanders  had  no 
idea  where  they  had  landed,  and  were  quite  surprised  when  they  beheld 
the  priest.  He  forcibly  detained  these  unfortunate  people,  and  handed 
them  over  to  the  Governor,  whom  they  entreated,  with  tears — but  ail 
in  Amin — to  be  allowed  to  return  to  their  homes.  There  they  remained 
prisoners,  until  it  suited  the  Governor’s  convenience  to  send  a vessel 
with  a priest  to  their  Island.  The  priest  went  to  their  Island,  and 
thence  to  Manila,  where  a fresh  expedition  was  fitted  out.  It  was 
headed  by  a missionary,  and  included  a number  of  soldiers  whom  the 
natives  massacred  soon  after  their  arrival.  All  further  attempt  to 
subdue  the  Caroline  Islands  was  necessarily  postponed. 

The  natives,  at  that  time,  had  no  religion  at  all,  or  were,  in  a 
vague  sense,  polytheists.  Their  wise  men  communicated  with  the 
souls  of  the  defunct.  They  were  polygamists,  but  had  a horror  of 
adultery.  Divorce  was  at  once  granted  by  the  chiefs  on  proof  of 
infidelity.  They  were  cannibals.  In  each  island  there  was  a chief, 
regarded  as  a semi-spiritual  being,  to  whom  the  natives  were  profoundly 
obedient.  Huts  were  found  used  as  astrological  schools,  where  also  the 
winds  and  curreuts  were  studied.  They  made  cloth  of  plantain-fibre 
— hatchets  with  stone  heads.  Between  sunset  and  sunrise  they  slept. 
When  war  was  declared  between  two  villages  or  tribes,  each  formed 
three  lines  of  warriors,  1st,  young  men  ; 2nd,  tall  men  ; 3rd,  old  men  ; 
then  the  combatants  pelted  each  other  with  stones  and  lances.  A man 
hors  dc  combat  was  replaced  by  one  of  the  back  file  coming  forward. 
When  one  party  acknowledged  themselves  vanquished,  it  was  an 
understood  privilege  of  the  victors  to  shower  invectives  on  their  retiring 
adversaries.  They  lived  on  fruits,  roots  and  fish.  There  were  no 
quadrupeds  and  no  agriculture. 

Many  Spanish  descendants  were  found,  purely  native  in  their 
habits,  and  it  was  remembered  that  about  the  year  1566,  several 
Spaniards  from  an  expedition  went  ashore  on  some  islands,  supposed  to 
be  these. 

The  Carolines  and  Pelews  comprise  some  48  groups  of  islands  and 
islets,  making  a total  of  about  500.  Their  relative  position  to  the 
Ladrone  Islands  is — of  the  former,  from  S.W.  stretching  to  S.E. ; of 


CAROLINE  ISLANDS  : POSSESSION  DISPUTED. 


41 


the  latter,  S.W.  The  principal  Pelew  Islands  are  Babel-Drnap  and 
Ivosor — Yap  and  Ponape  (Asencion)  are  the  most  important  of  the 
Carolines.  The  centres  of  Government  ( vide  Chap.  XIII.)  are 
respectively  in  Yap  and  Babel-Drnap,  with  a Vice-Governor  of  the 
Eastern  Carolines  in  Ponape — ail  formerly  dependent  on  the  General- 
Government  iu  Manila.  The  Carolines  and  Pelews  were  included  in 
the  Bishopric  of  Cebu,  and  were  subject,  judicially,  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Manila. 

These  Islands  were  subsequently  many  times  visited  by  ships  of 
other  nations,  and  a barter  trade  gradually  sprung  up  in  dried  cocoa-nut 
kernels  aud  fruit  (coprah)  for  the  extraction  of  oil  in  Europe  and 
America.  Later  on,  when  the  natives  were  thoroughly  accustomed  to 
the  foreigners,  British,  American,  and  German  traders  established 
themselves  on  shore,  aud,  up  to  the  present,  vessels  continue  to  arrive 
with  European  and  American  manufactures  to  exchange  for  the  coprah,1 
which  they  carry  away. 

Anglo-American  missionaries  have  settled  there,  and  a great 
number  of  natives  profess  Christianity  in  the  Protestant  form.  Religious 
books  in  native  dialect,  published  in  Honolulu  (Sandwich  Islands)  by 
the  Hawaiian  Evangelical  Association,  are  distributed  by  the  American 
missionaries.  I have  one  before  me  now,  entitled  Kapas  Fel , Puk  Eu , 
describing  incidents  from  the  Old  Testament.  A few  of  the  native^ 
can  make  themselves  understood  in  English.  Besides  cocoa-nuts,  the 
Islands  produce  Rice,  Yams,  Bread-fruit  ( rima ),  Sugar  Cane,  &c. 
The  chief  article  of  export  trade  is  Coprah.  Until  1886  there  was  no 
Government,  except  that  of  several  petty  kings  or  chiefs,  each  of  whom 
still  rules  over  his  own  tribe,  although  the  Protestant  missionaries 
exercise  a considerable  social  influence. 

Whilst  I was  iu  China  in  1885,  returning  to  Manila  from  America, 
I was  startled  by  rumours  of  expected  hostilities  between  Spain  and 
Germany.  A Spanish  naval  officer,  named  Capriles,  having  been 
appointed  Governor  of  the  Islands,  arrived  at  Yap,  ostensibly  with  the 
object  of  landing  to  hoist  the  Spanish  flag  as  a signal  of  possession,  for 
it  was  known  iu  official  quarters  that  the  Germans  were  about  to 
claim  sovereignty.  However,  three  days  were  squandered  (perhaps 


1 The  average  estimated  yield  of  the  cocoa-nuts  is  as  follows,  viz. : — 250  nuts 
give  one  cwt.  of  dried  coprah,  yielding  say  10  gallons  of  oil. 


42 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


intentionally)  in  trivial  formalities,  and  whilst  two  Spanish  men-o’-war 
— the  “ Manila  ” and  the  “ San  Quintin  ” — were  already  anchored 
in  the  Port  of  Yap,  the  German  warship  “ litis  ” entered,  landed 
marines,  and  hoisted  their  national  flag,  whilst  the  Spaniards  looked 
on.  Then  the  German  Commander  went  on  board  the  “ San 
Quintin  ” to  tell  the  Commander  that  possession  of  the  Islands  had 
been  taken  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor  of  Germany.  Neither  Capriles, 
the  appointed  Governor,  nor  Espana,  the  Commander  of  the  “ San 
Quintin  ” made  any  opposition,  and  as  we  can  hardly  attribute  their 
inactivity  to  cowardice  (for  surely  Spanish  valour  has  not  degenerated 
to  such  a degree),  we  can  only  suppose  that  they  followed  their 
Government’s  instructions.  Capriles  and  Espana  returned  to  Manila, 
and  were  both  rewarded  for  their  inaction  ; the  former  being  appointed 
to  the  Government  of  Mindoro  Island.  In  Manila,  a ridiculous  report 
was  circulated,  that  the  Germans  contemplated  an  attack  upon  the 
Philippines.  Earthworks  were  thrown  up  outside  the  city  wall  ; 
cannons  were  mounted,  and  the  cry  of  invasion  resounded  all  over  the 
Colony.  Hundreds  of  families  fled  from  the  capital  and  environs  to 
adjacent  provinces,  and  the  personal  safety  of  the  German  residents  was 
menaced  by  individual  patriotic  enthusiasts. 

In  Madrid,  popular  riots  followed  the  publication  of  the  incident. 
The  German  Embassy  was  assaulted,  and  its  escutcheon  was  burnt  in 
the  streets  by  the  indignant  mob,  although,  probably,  not  five  per  cent, 
of  the  rioters  had  any  idea  where  the  Caroline  Islands  were,  or  anythiug 
about  them.  Spain  acted  so  feebly,  and  Germany  so  vigorously,  in  this 
affair,  that  many  asked — was  it  not  due  to  a secret  entente  enrdiale 
between  the  respective  Ministries,  disrupted  only  by  the  weight  of 
Spanish  public  opinion  ? Diplomatic  notes  were  exchanged  between 
Madrid  and  Berlin,  and  Germany,  anxious  to  withdraw  with  apparent 
dignity  from  an  affair  over  which  it  was  probably  never  intended  to 
waste  powder  and  shot,  referred  the  question  to  the  Pope,  who  arbitrated 
in  favour  of  Spain. 

But  for  these  events,  it  is  probable  that  Spain  would  never  have 
done  anything  to  demonstrate  possession  of  the  Caroline  Islands,  and, 
for  16  months  after  the  question  was  solved  by  Pontific  mediation, 
there  was  a Spanish  Governor  in  Yap — Sr.  Elisa — a few  troops 
and  officials,  but  no  Government.  No  laws  were  promulgated,  and 
everybody  continued  to  do  as  heretofore. 


FIGHTING  IN  THE  CAROLINE  ISLANDS. 


43 


In  Ponape  (Asencion  Island)  Sr.  Posadillo  was  appointed 
Governor.  A few  troops  were  stationed  there  under  a sub-lieutenant, 
whilst  some  Capuchin  Friars — European  ecclesiastics  of  the  meanest 
type — were  sent  there  to  compete  with  the  American  Protestant 
missionaries  in  the  salvation  of  natives’  souls.  A collision  naturally 
took  place,  and  the  Governor — well  known  in  Manila  as  crack-brained 
and  tactless — sent  the  chief  Protestant  missionary,  Mr.  E.  T.  Doane, 
a prisoner  to  Manila  on  the  16th  of  June,  1887. 1 He  was  sent  back 
to  Ponape  by  the  Governor-General,  but,  during  his  absence,  the 
eccentric  Posadillo  exercised  a most  arbitrary  authority  over  the  natives. 
The  chiefs  were  compelled  to  serve  him  as  menials,  and  their  subjects 
were  formed  into  gangs,  to  work  like  convicts  ; native  teachers  were 
suspended  from  their  duties  under  threat,  and  the  Capuchins  disputed 
the  possession  of  land,  and  attempted  to  coerce  the  natives  to  accept 
their  religion. 

On  the  1st  of  July  the  natives  did  not  return  to  their  bondage, 
and  all  the  soldiers,  led  by  the  sub-lieutenant,  were  sent  to  bring  them 
in  by  force.  A fight  ensued,  and  the  officer  and  troops,  to  the  last 
man,  were  killed  or  mortally  wounded  by  clubs,  stones  and  knives. 
The  astonished  Governor  fortified  his  place,  which  was  surrounded  by 
the  enemy.  The  tribes  of  the  chiefs  Nott  and  Jockets  were  up  in 
arms.  There  was  the  hulk  “ Da.  Maria  de  Molina  ” anchored  in  the 
roadstead,  and  the  Capuchins  fled  to  it  on  the  first  alarm.  The 
Governor  escaped  from  his  house  on  the  night  of  the  4th  of  July  with 
his  companions,  and  rushed  to  the  sea,  probably  intending  to  swim  out 
to  the  hulk.  But  who  knows?  He  and  his  partisans  were  chased  by 
natives,  who  killed  them  all. 

On  the  21st  of  September,  the  news  of  the  tragedy  reached  Manila 
by  the  man-o’-war  “ San  Quintin  ” About  six  weeks  afterwards, 
three  men-o’-war  were  sent  to  Ponape  with  infantry,  artillery,  a 
mountain  battery,  and  a section  of  Engineers — a total  of  about  558  men 
— but  on  their  arrival  they  met  an  American  warship — the  “ Essex  ” — 
which  had  hastened  on  to  protect  American  interests.  The  Spaniards 
limited  their  operations  to  the  seizure  of  a few  accused  individuals, 
whom  they  brought  to  Manila,  and  the  garrison  of  Yap  was  increased 
to  100  men,  under  a Captain  and  subordinate  officers.  The  prisoners 


1 Mr.  Doane  is  reported  to  have  died  in  Honolulu  about  June  1890. 


44 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


were  tried  in  Manila  by  court-martial,  and  I acted  as  interpreter.  It 
was  found  that  they  had  only  been  loyal  to  the  bidding  of  their  chiefs, 
and  were  not  morally  culpable,  whilst  the  action  of  the  late  Governor 
of  Ponape  met  with  general  reprobation.  Public  opinion  gave 
expression  to  the  little  sympathy  due  to  a man  who  had  expiated  his 
own  imprudence. 

Again,  in  July  1890,  a party  of  54  soldiers,  under  Lieutenant 
Porras,  whilst  engaged  in  felliug  timber  in  the  forest,  was  attacked  by 
the  Malataua  (Caroline)  tribe,  who  killed  the  officer  and  27  of  his  men. 
The  news  was  telegraphed  to  the  Home  Government,  and  caused  a 
great  sensation  in  Madrid.  A conference  of  Ministers  was  at  once  held. 
Professional  politicians  in  the  Spanish  metropolis  made  an  attempt, 
through  the  public  journals,  to  gain  something  for  their  respective 
parties  from  the  occurrence — whilst  the  Cauovas  Ministry  cabled  to  the 
Governor-General  Weyler  discretionary  power  to  punish  these  Islanders. 
Within  a few  months,  troops  were  sent  from  Manila  for  that  purpose. 
Instead,  however,  of  chastising  the  Kanakas,  the  Government  forces 
were  repulsed  by  them  with  great  slaughter.  The  commissariat 
arrangements  were  most  deficient  : my  friend  Colonel  Gutierrez  Soto, 
who  commanded  the  expedition,  was  so  inadequately  supported  by  the 
War  Department,  that,  yielding  to  despair,  and  crestfalleu  by  reason  of 
the  open  and  adverse  criticism  of  his  plan  of  campaign — he  shot 
himself. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


ATTEMPTED  CONQUEST  BY  CHINESE. 

On  the  death  of  General  Legaspi,  the  Government  of  the  Colony 
was  assumed  by  the  Royal  Treasurer,  Guido  de  Lavezares,  in 
conformity  with  the  sealed  instructions  from  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Mexico,  which  were  now  opened.  During  this  period,  the  possession 
of  the  Islands  was  unsuccessfully  disputed  by  a rival  expedition  under 
the  command  of  a Chinaman,  Li-ma-hong,  whom  the  Spaniards  were 
pleased  to  term  a pirate,  forgetting,  perhaps,  that  they  themselves  had 
only  recently  wrested  the  country  from  its  former  possessors  by  virtue 
of  might  against  right.  On  the  coasts  of  his  native  country  he  had 
indeed  been  a pirate.  For  the  mauy  depredations  committed  by  him 
against  private  traders  and  property,  the  Celestial  Emperor,  failing  to 
catch  him  by  cajolery,  outlawed  him. 

Born  in  the  port  of  Tiuchiu,  Li-ma-hong  at  an  early  age  evinced  a 
martial  spirit  and  joined  a hand  of  corsairs  which  for  a long  time  had 
been  the  terror  of  the  China  coasts.  On  the  demise  of  his  chief  he 
was  unanimously  elected  leader  of  the  buccaneering  cruisers.  At 
length,  pursued  in  all  directions  by  the  imperial  ships  of  war,  he 
determined  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  the  Philippines.  Presumably 
the  same  incentives  which  impelled  the  Spanish  mariners  to  conquer 
lands  and  overthrow  dynasties — the  vision  of  wealth,  glory  and  empire, 
— awakened  a like  ambition  in  the  Chinese  adventurer.  It  was  the 
spirit  of  the  age.1  Iu  his  sea-wanderings  he  happened  to  fall  in  with 
a Chinese  trading  junk  returning  from  Manila  with  the  proceeds  of 


' Guido  de  Lavezares  deposed  a Sultan  in  Borneo  in  order  to  aid  another  to 
the  throne,  and  even  asked  permission  of  King  Philip  II.  to  conquer  China  which 
of  course  was  not  conceded  to  him.  Vide  also  the  history  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Aztec  (Mexican)  and  Incas  (Peruvian)  dynasties  by  the  Spaniards. 


46 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


her  cargo  sold  there.  This  he  seized,  and  the  captive  crew  were 
constrained  to  pilot  his  fleet  towards  the  capital  of  Luzon.  From 
them  he  learnt  how  easily  the  natives  had  been  plundered  by  a handful 
of  foreigners — the  probable  extent  of  the  opposition  he  might 
encounter— the  defences  established — the  wealth  and  resources  of  the 
district,  and  the  nature  of  its  inhabitants. 

His  fleet  consisted  of  62  war  ships  or  armed  junks,  well  found, 
having  on  board  2,000  sailors,  2,000  soldiers,  1,500  -women,  a number 
of  artisans,  and  all  that  could  be  conveniently  carried  with  which  to 
gain  and  organize  his  new  Kingdom.  On  its  way  the  squadron  cast 
anchor  off  the  Province  of  Ilocos  Sur,  where  a few  troops  were  sent 
ashore  to  get  provisions.  Whilst  returning  to  the  junks,  they  sacked 
the  village  and  set  fire  to  the  huts.  The  news  of  this  outrage  was 
hastily  communicated  to  Juan  Salcedo,  who  had  been  pacifying  the 
Northern  Provinces  since  July,  1572,  and  was  at  the  time  in  Villa 
Fernandina  (now  called  Vigan).  Li-ma-hong  continued  his  course 
until  calms  compelled  his  ships  to  anchor  in  the  roads  of  Caoayan 
(Ilocos  coast),  where  a few  Spanish  soldiers  were  stationed  under  the 
orders  of  Juan  Salcedo,  who  still  was  in  the  immediate  town  of  Vigan. 
Under  his  direction,  preparations  were  made  to  prevent  the  enemy 
entering  the  river,  but  such  was  not  Li-ma-liong’s  intention.  He  again 
set  sail  ; whilst  Salcedo,  naturally  supposing  his  course  would  be 
towards  Manila,  also  started  at  the  same  time  for  the  capital  with  all 
the  fighting  men  he  could  collect,  leaving  only  30  men  to  garrison 
Vigan  and  protect  the  State  interests  there. 

On  the  29th  of  November,  1574,  the  squadron  arrived  in  the 
Bay  of  Manila,  and  Li-ma-hong  sent  forward  his  Lieutenant  Sioco — a 
Japanese — at  the  head  of  600  fighting  men  to  demand  the  surrender  of 
the  Spaniards.  A strong  gale  however  destroyed  several  of  his  junks, 
in  which  about  200  men  perished. 

With  the  remainder  he  reached  the  coast  at  Paranaque,  a village 
a few  miles  south  of  Manila.  Thence,  with  tow  lines,  the  400  soldiers 
hauled  their  junks  up  to  the  beach  of  the  capital. 

Already  at  the  village  of  Malate  the  alarm  w'as  raised,  but  the 
Spaniards  could  not  give  credit  to  -the  reports,  and  no  resistance  was 
offered  until  the  Chinese  were  within  the  gates  of  the  city.  Martin 
de  Goiti,  the  Maestre  de  Campo,  second  in  command  to  the  Governor, 
was  the  first  victim  of  the  attack. 


FAILURE  OF  CHINESE  ATTACK  ON  MANILA. 


47 


The  flames  and  smoke  arising  from  his  burning  residence  were  the 
first  indications  which  the  Governor  received  of  what  was  going  on. 
The  Spaniards  took  refuge  in  the  Fort  of  Santiago,  which  the  Chinese 
were  on  the  point  of  taking  by  storm,  when  their  attention  was  drawn 
elsewhere  by  the  arrival  of  fresh  troops  led  by  a Spanish  sub-lieutenant. 
Under  the  mistaken  impression  that  these  were  the  vanguard  of  a 
formidable  corps,  Sioco  sounded  the  retreat.  A bloody  hand-to-hand 
combat  followed,  and  with  great  difficulty  the  Chinese  collected  their 
dead  and  regained  their  junks. 

In  the  meantime  Li-ma-hong,  with  the  reserved  forces,  was  lying 
in  the  roadstead  of  Cavite,  and  Sioco  hastened  to  report  to  him  the 
result  of  the  attack,  which  had  cost  the  invader  over  one  hundred  dead 
and  more  than  that  number  wounded.  Thereupon  Li-ma-hong  resolved 
to  rest  his  troops  and  renew  the  conflict  in  two  days’  time  under  his 
personal  supervision.  The  next  day  Juan  Salcedo  arrived  by  sea  with 
reinforcements  from  Vigan,  and  preparations  were  unceasingly  made  for 
the  expected  encounter.  Salcedo  having  been  appointed  to  the  office 
of  Maestre  de  Campo,  vacant  since  the  death  of  Goiti,  the  organisation 
of  the  defence  was  entrusted  to  his  immediate  care. 

By  daybreak  on  the  3rd  of  December,  the  enemy’s  fleet  hove  to  off 
the  capital,  -where  Li-ma-hong  harangued  his  troops,  whilst  the  cornets 
and  drums  of  the  Spaniards  were  sounding  the  alarm  for  their  fighting 
men  to  assemble  in  the  fort. 

Then  1,500  chosen  men,  well  armed,  were  disembarked  under  the 
leadership  of  Sioco,  who  swore  to  take  the  place  or  die  in  the  attempt. 
Sioco  separated  his  forces  into  three  divisions.  The  city  was  set  fire 
to,  and  Sioco  advanced  towards  the  fort,  into  which  hand-grenades  were 
thrown,  whilst  Li-ma-hong  supported  the  attack  with  his  ships’  cannon. 

Sioco,  with  his  division,  at  length  entered  the  fort,  and  a hand- 
to-hand  fight  ensued.  For  a while  the  issue  was  doubtful.  Salcedo 
fought  like  a lion.  Even  the  aged  Governor  was  well  at  the  front 
to  encourage  the  deadly  struggle  for  existence.  The  Spaniards  finally 
gained  the  victory  ; the  Chinese  were  repulsed  with  great  slaughter, 
and  their  leader  having  been  killed,  they  fled  in  complete  disorder. 
Salcedo,  profiting  by  the  confusion,  now  took  the  offensive  and 
followed  up  the  enemy,  pursuing  them  along  the  sea-shore,  where  they 
were  joined  by  the  third  division,  which  had  remained  inactive.  The 
panic  of  the  Chinese  spread  rapidly,  and  Li-ma-hong,  in  despair,  landed 


48 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


another  contingent  of  about  500  men,  whilst  he  still  continued  afloat, 
hut  even  with  this  reinforcement  the  morale  of  his  army  could  not  be 
regained. 

The  'Chinese  troops  therefore,  harassed  on  all  sides,  made  a 
precipitate  retreat  on  board  the  fleet,  and  Li-ma-liong  set  sail  again 
for  the  west  coast  of  the  island.  Foiled  in  the  attempt  to  possess 
himself  of  Manila,  Li-ma-houg  determined  to  set  up  his  capital  in 
other  parts.  In  a few  days  he  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Agno 
River,  in  the  province  of  Pangasinan,  where  he  proclaimed  to  the 
natives  that  he  had  gained  a signal  victory  over  the  Spaniards.  The 
inhabitants  there,  having  no  particular  choice  between  two  masters, 
received  Li-ma-hong  with  welcome,  and  he  thereupon  set  about  the 
foundation  of  his  new  capital  some  four  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  Months  passed  before  the  Spaniards  came  in  force  to  dislodge 
the  invader.  Feeling  themselves  secure  in  their  new  abode,  the 
Chinese  had  built  many  dwellings,  a small  fortress,  a pagoda,  etc.  At 
length  an  expedition  was  despatched  under  the  command  of  Juan 
Salcedo.  This  was  composed  of  about  250  Spaniards  and  1,600 
natives  well  equipped  with  small  arms,  ammunition  and  artillery.  The 
flower  of  the  Spanish  Colony,  accompanied  by  two  priests  and  the 
Rajah  of  Tondo,  set  out  to  expel  the  formidable  foe.  Li-ma-houg 
made  a bold  resistance  and  refused  to  come  to  terms  with  Salcedo.  In 
the  meantime,  the  Viceroy  of  Fokien,  having  heard  of  Li-ma-hong’s 
daring  exploits,  had  commissioned  a ship  of  war  to  discover  the 
whereabouts  of  his  imperial  master’s  old  enemy.  The  envoy  was 
received  with  delight  by  the  Spaniards,  who  invited  him  to  accompauy 
them  to  Manila  to  interview  the  Governor. 

Li-ma-hong  still  held  out,  but  perceiving  that  an  irresistible 
onslaught  was  being  projected  against  him  by  Salcedo’s  party,  he  very 
cunningly  and  quite  unexpectedly  gave  them  the  slip,  and  sailed  out 
of  the  river  with  his  ships  by  one  of  the  mouths  unknown  to  his 
enemies.1  In  order  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards,  Li-ma-houg 
ingeniously  feigned  an  assault  in  an  opposite  quarter.  Of  course,  on 
his  escape,  he  had  to  abandon  the  troops  employed  in  this  manoeuvre. 
These,  losing  all  hope,  and  having  indeed  nothing  but  their  lives  to 

1 According  to  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  in  his  “ Hist.  Gen.  de  Philipinas,” 
Yol.  I.,  page  431,  Li-ma-hong  made  his  escape  by  cutting  a canal  for  his  ships  to 
pass  through,  but  this  appears  to  me  highly  improbable  under  the  circumstances. 


DELIVERANCE  FROM  THE  CHINESE. 


49 


fight  for,  fled  to  the  mountains.  Hence,  it  is  popularly  supposed  that 
from  these  fugitives  descends  the  race  of  people  in  that  province  still 
distinguishable  by  their  oblique  eyes  and  known  by  the  name  of 
Igorrote-Chinese. 

“ Aide  toi  ct  Dieu  t'aidera  ” is  an  old  French  maxim,  but  the 
Spaniards  chose  to  attribute  their  deliverance  from  their  Chinese  rival 
to  the  friendly  intervention  of  Saint  Andrew.  This  Saint  was  declared 
thenceforth  to  be  the  Patron  Saint  of  Manila,  and  in  his  honour  High 
Mass  is  celebrated  in  the  Cathedral  at  8 a. in.  on  the  30th  of  each 
November.  It  is  a public  holiday  and  gala-day,  when  all  the  highest 
civil,  military  and  religious  authorities  attend  the  Funcion  votiva  de 
San  Andres.  This  opportunity  to  assert  the  supremacy  of  ecclesiastical 
power  was  not  lost  to  the  Church,  and  for  many  years  it  was  the 
custom  after  hearing  Mass,  to  spread  the  Spanish  national  flag  on  the 
floor  of  the  Cathedral  for  the  metropolitan  Archbishop  to  walk  over 
it.  It  has  been  asserted,  however,  that  a few  years  ago  the  Governor- 
General  refused  to  witness  this  antiquated  formula  which,  in  public  at 
least,  no  longer  obtains.  Latterly  it  was  the  practice  to  carry  the  Royal 
Standard  before  the  altar.  Both  before  and  after  the  Mass,  the  bearer 
( Alfercz  Real),  wearing  his  hat  and  accompanied  by  the  Mayor  of  the 
City,  stood  on  the  altar  floor,  raised  his  hat  three  times,  and  three 
times  dipped  the  flag  before  the  Image  of  Christ,  then,  facing  the 
public,  he  repeated  this  ceremony.  On  Saint  Andrew’s  Eve,  the 
Royal  Standard  was  borne  in  procession  from  the  Cathedral  through 
the  principal  streets  of  the  city,  escorted  by  civil  functionaries  and 
followed  by  a band  of  music.  This  ceremony  was  known  as  the  Faseo 
del  Real  Pcndon. 

According  to  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  the  Rajahs1  Soliman  and 
Lacandola  took  advantage  of  these  troubles  to  raise  a rebellion  against 
the  Spaniards.  The  natives  too  of  Mindoro  Island  revolted  and 
maltreated  the  priests,  but  all  these  disturbances  were  speedily  quelled 
by  a detachment  of  soldiers. 

The  Governor  willingly  accepted  the  offer  of  the  commander  of 
the  Chinese  mau-o’-war  to  convey  ambassadors  to  his  country  to  visit 
the  Viceroy  and  make  a commercial  treaty.  Therefore  two  priests, 
Martin  Rada  and  Geronimo  Martin,  Avere  commissioned  to  carry  a 


1 Other  authors  assert  that  only  Soliman  rebelled. 


D 


50 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


letter  of  greeting  and  presents  to  this  personage,  who  received  them 
with  great  distinction,  but  objected  to  their  residing  in  the  country. 

After  the  defeat  of  Li-ma-hong,  Juan  Salcedo  again  set  out  to  the 
^Northern  Provinces  of  Luzon  Island,  to  continue  his  task  of  reducing 
the  natives  to  submission.  On  the  11th  of  March,  1576,  he  died  of 
fever  near  Yigan  (then  called  Villa  Fernandina),  capital  of  the  Province 
of  Ilocos  Sur.  A year  afterwards,  what  could  be  found  of  his  bones 
were  placed  in  the  ossuary  of  his  illustrious  grandfather,  Legaspi,  in 
the  Augustine  Chapel  of  Saint  Fausto,  Manila.  His  skull,  however, 
which  had  been  carried  off  by  the  natives  of  Ilocos,  could  not  be 
recovered  in  spite  of  all  threats  and  promises.  In  Yigan  there  is  a 
small  monument  raised  to  commemorate  the  deeds  of  this  famous 
warrior,  and  there  is  also  a street  bearing  his  name. 

******* 

For  several  years  following  these  events,  the  question  of  prestige 
in  the  civil  affairs  of  the  colony  was  acrimoniously  contested  by  the 
Governor-General,  the  Supreme  Court  and  the  ecclesiastics. 

The  Governor  was  censured  by  his  opponents  for  alleged  undue 
exercise  of  arbitrary  authority.  The  Supreme  Court,  established  on 
the  Mexican  model,  was  reproached  with  seeking  to  overstep  the  limits 
of  its  functions.  Every  legal  quibble  was  adjusted  by  a dilatory 
process,  impracticable  in  a colony  yet  in  its  infancy,  where  summary 
justice  was  indispensable  for  the  maintenance  of  order  imperfectly 
understood  by  the  masses.  But  the  fault  laid  less  with  the  justices 
than  with  the  constitution  of  the  Court  itself.  Xor  was  this  state  of 
affairs  improved  by  the  growing  discontent  and  immoderate  ambition  of 
the  clergy,  who  unremittingly  urged  their  pretensions  to  immunity  from 
State  control,  affirming  the  supramundaue  condition  of  their  office. 

An  excellent  code  of  laws,  called  the  Leyes  de  Indias,  in  force 
in  Mexico,  was  adopted  here,  but  modifications  in  harmony  with  the 
special  conditions  of  this  colony  were  urgently  necessary,  whilst  all 
the  branches  of  government  called  for  reorganization  or  reform.  Under 
these  circumstances,  the  Bishop  of  Manila,  Domingo  Salazar,  took  the 
initiative  in  commissioning  a priest,  Fray  Alonso  Sanchez,  to  repair 
firstly  to  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico  and  afterwards  to  the  King  of  Spain, 
to  expose  the  grievances  of  his  party. 

Alonso  Sanchez  left  the  Philippines  with  his  appointment  as 
procurator-general  for  the  Augustine  order  of  monks.  As  the  execution 


FRAY  ALONSO  SANCHEZ’S  MISSION  TO  SPAIN.  51 


of  the  proposed  reforms,  which  he  was  charged  to  lay  before  His 
Majesty,  would,  if  conceded,  be  entrusted  to  the  Government  of  Mexico, 
his  first  care  was  to  seek  the  partisanship  of  the  Viceroy  of  that 
Colony  ; and  in  this  he  succeeded.  Thence  he  continued  his  journey 
to  Seville,  where  the  Court  happened  to  be,  arriving  there  in  September, 
1587.  He  was  at  once  granted  an  audience  of  the  King,  to  present  his 
credentials  and  memorials  relative  to  Philippine  affairs  in  general,  and 
ecclesiastical,  judicial,  military  and  native  matters  in  particular.  The 
King  promised  to  peruse  all  the  documents,  but  suffering  from  gout, 
and  having  so  many  and  distinct  State  concerns  to  attend  to,  the 
negotiations  were  greatly  delayed.  Finally,  Sanchez  sought  a minister 
who  had  easy  access  to  the  Royal  apartments,  and  this  personage 
obtained  from  the  King  permission  to  examine  the  documents  and  hand 
to  him  a succinct  resume  of  the  whole  for  His  Majesty’s  consideration. 
A commission  was  then  appointed,  including  Sanchez,  and  the 
deliberations  lasted  five  months. 

At  this  period,  public  opinion  in  the  Spanish  Universities  was  very 
divided  with  respect  to  Catholic  missions  in  the  Indies. 

Some  maintained  that  the  propaganda  of  the  faith  ought  to  be 
purely  Apostolic,  such  as  Jesus  Christ  taught  to  his  disciples, 
inculcating  doctrines  of  humility  and  poverty  without  arms  or  violence, 
and  if,  nevertheless,  the  heathens  refused  to  welcome  this  mission  of 
peace,  the  missionaries  should  simply  abandon  them  in  silence  without 
further  demonstration  than  that  of  shaking  the  dust  off  their  feet. 

Others  held,  and  amongst  them  was  Sanchez,  that  such  a method 
was  useless  and  impracticable,  and  that  it  was  justifiable  to  force  their 
religion  upon  primitive  races  at  the  point  of  the  sword  if  necessary, 
usiug  any  violence  to  enforce  its  acceptance. 

Much  ill-feeling  was  aroused  in  the  discussion  of  these  two  and 
distinct  theories.  Juan  Volante,  a Dominican  Friar  of  the  Convent  of 
Our  Lady  of  Atocha,  presented  a petition  against  the  views  of  the 
Sanchez  faction,  declaring  that  the  idea  of  ingrafting  religion  with  the 
aid  of  arms  was  scandalous.  Fray  Juan  Volante  was  so  importunate, 
that  he  had  to  be  heard  in  Council,  but  neither  party  yielded.  At 
length,  the  intervention  of  the  Bishops  of  Manila,  Macao  and  Malacca 
and  several  captains  and  governors  in  the  Indies  influenced  the  King  to 
put  an  end  to  the  controversy,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  lead  to  no 
good. 

D 2 


52 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  King  retired  to  the  Monastery  of  the  Escorial,  and  Sanchez 
was  cited  to  meet  him  there  to  learn  the  Koyal  will.  About  the  same 
time  the  news  reached  the  King  of  the  loss  of  the  so-called  Invincible 
Armada,  sent  under  the  command  of  the  incompetent  Duke  of  Medina 
Sidonia  to  annex  England.  Notwithstanding  this  severe  blow  to  the 
vain  ambition  of  Philip,  the  affairs  of  the  Philippines  were  delayed  but 
a short  time.  On  the  basis  of  the  recommendation  of  the  junta,  the 
Royal  Assent  was  given  to  an  important  decree,  of  which  the  most 
significant  articles  are  the  following,  namely  : — The  tribute  was  fixed 
by  the  King  at  ten  reales  (5 /-)  per  annum,  payable  by  the  natives  in 
gold,  silver,  or  grain,  or  part  in  one  commodity  and  part  in  the  other. 
Of  this  tribute,  eight  reales  were  to  be  paid  to  the  Treasury,  one  half 
real  to  the  bishop  and  clergy,  and  one-and-a-half  reales  to  be  applied  to 
the  maintenance  of  the  soldiery.  Full  tribute  was  not  to  be  exacted 
from  the  natives  still  unsubjected  to  the  Crown.  Until  their 
confidence  and  loyalty  should  be  gained  by  friendly  overtures,  they  were 
to  pay  a small  recognition  of  vassalage,  and  subsequently  the  tribute  in 
common  with  the  rest. 

Instead  of  one-fifth  value  of  gold  and  hidden  treasure  due  to  His 
Majesty  ( real  quinto),  he  would  henceforth  receive  only  one-tenth 
of  such  value,  excepting  that  of  gold,  which  the  natives  would  be 
permitted  to  extract  free  of  rebate. 

A customs  duty  of  3 °/0  ad  valorem  was  to  be  paid  on  merchandise 
sold,  and  this  duty  was  to  be  spent  on  the  army. 

Export  duty  was  to  be  paid  on  goods  shipped  to  New  Spain 
(Mexico),  and  this  impost  was  also  to  be  exclusively  spent  on  the  armed 
forces. 

The  number  of  European  troops  in  the  Colony  was  fixed  at  400 
men-at-arms,  divided  into  six  companies,  each  under  a captain,  a 
sub-lieutenant,  a sergeant,  and  two  corporals.  Their  pay  was  to  be 
as  follows,  namely  : — Captain  $35,  sub-lieutenant  $20,  sergeant  $10, 
corporal  $7,  rank  and  file  $6  per  month  ; besides  which,  an  anuual 
gratuity  of  $10,000  was  to  be  proportionately  distributed  to  all. 

Recruits  from  Mexico  were  not  to  enlist  under  the  age  of  15 
years. 

The  Captain-General  was  to  have  a body-guard  of  24  men 
(Halberdiers)  with  the  pay  of  those  of  the  line,  under  the  immediate 
command  of  a Captain  to  be  paid  $15  per  month. 


INTERNAL  ADMINISTRATION. 


53 


Salaries  due  to  State  employes  were  to  be  punctually  paid  when 
due  ; and  when  funds  were  wanted  for  that  purpose,  they  were  to  be 
supplied  from  Mexico. 

The  King  made  a donation  of  $12,000,  which,  with  another  like 
sum  to  be  contributed  by  the  Spaniards  themselves,  would  serve 
to  liquidate  their  debts  incurred  on  their  first  occupation  of  the 
Islands. 

The  Governor  and  Bishop  were  recommended  to  consider  the  project 
of  a refuge  for  young  Spanish  women  arrived  from  Spain,  and  to  study 
the  question  of  dowries  for  native  women  married  to  poor  Spaniards. 

The  offices  of  Secretaries  and  Notaries  were  no  longer  to  be  sold, 
but  conferred  on  persons  who  merited  such  appointments. 

The  governors  were  instructed  not  to  make  grants  of  land  to  their 
relations,  servants  or  friends,  but  solely  to  those  who  should  have 
resided  at  least  three  years  in  the  islands,  and  have  worked  the  lands 
so  conceded.  Any  grants  which  might  have  already  been  made  to  the 
relations  of  the  governors  or  magistrates  were  to  be  cancelled. 

The  rent  paid  by  the  Chinese  for  the  land  they  occupied  was  to 
be  applied  to  the  necessities  of  the  capital. 

The  Governor  and  Bishop  were  to  enjoin  the  judges  not  to  permit 
costly  law-suits,  but  to  execute  summary  justice  verbally,  and  so  far  as 
possible,  fines  were  not  to  be  inflicted. 

The  City  of  Manila  was  to  be  fortified  in  a manner  to  ensure  it 
against  all  further  attacks  or  risings. 

Four  penitentiaries  were  to  be  established  in  the  Islands  in  the 
most  convenient  places,  with  the  necessary  garrisons,  and  six  to  eight 
galleys  and  frigates  well  armed  and  ready  for  defence  against  the 
English  corsairs  who  might  come  by  way  of  the  Moluccas. 

In  the  most  remote  and  unexplored  parts  of  the  Islands,  the 
Governor  was  to  have  unlimited  powers  to  act  as  he  should  please, 
without  consulting  His  Majesty;  but  projected  enterprises  of  conversion, 
pacification,  &c.,  at  the  expense  of  the  Royal  Treasury,  were  to  be 
submitted  to  a Council  comprising  the  Bishop,  the  captains,  &c.  The 
Governor  was  authorised  to  capitulate  and  agree  with  the  captains  and 
others  who  might  care  to  undertake  conversions  and  pacifications  on 
their  own  account,  and  to  concede  the  title  of  Maestre  de  Campo  to 
such  persons,  on  condition  that  such  capitulations  should  be  forwarded 
to  His  Majesty  for  ratification. 


54 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Only  those  persons  domiciled  in  the  Islands  would  be  permitted 
to  trade  Avith  them. 

A sum  of  $1,000  was  to  be  taken  from  the  tributes  paid  into  the 
Royal  Treasury  for  the  foundation  of  the  Hospital  for  the  Spaniards, 
and  the  annual  sum  of  $600,  appropriated  by  the  Governor  for  its 
support,  was  confirmed.  Moreover,  the  Royal  Treasury  of  Mexico  was 
to  send  clothing  to  the  value  of  400  ducats  for  the  Hospital  use. 

The  Hospital  for  the  natives  was  to  receive  an  annual  donation 
of  $600  for  its  support,  and  an  immediate  supply  of  clothing  from 
Mexico  to  the  value  of  $200. 

Slaves  held  by  Spaniards  were  to  be  immediately  set  at  liberty.  No 
native  was  thenceforth  to  make  slaves.  All  new-born  natives  were 
declared  free.  The  bondage  of  all  existing  slaves  from  ten  years  of 
age  was  to  cease  on  their  attaining  twenty  years  of  age.  Those  above 
twenty  years  of  age  were  to  serve  five  years  longer,  and  then  become 
free.  At  any  time,  notwithstanding  the  foregoing  conditions,  they 
Avould  be  entitled  to  purchase  their  liberty,  the  price  of  which  was  to 
be  determined  by  the  Governor  and  the  Bishop.1 

There  being  no  tithes  payable  to  the  Church  by  Spaniards  or 
natives,  the  clergy  were  to  receive  for  their  maintenance  the  half  real 
above  mentioned  in  lieu  thereof,  from  the  tribute  paid  by  each  native 
subjected  to  the  Crown.  When  the  Spaniards  should  have  crops,  they 
were  to  pay  tithes  to  the  clergy. 

A grant  was  made  of  12,000  ducats  for  the  building  and  ornaments 
of  the  Cathedral,  and  an  immediate  advance  of  2,000  ducats  on 
account  of  this  grant  was  made  from  the  funds  to  be  remitted  from 
Mexico. 

Forty  Austin  Friars  were  to  be  sent  at  once  to  the  Philippines, 
to  be  followed  by  missionaries  from  other  corporations.  The  King 
allowed  $500  to  be  paid  against  the  $1,000  passage  money  for  each 
priest,  the  balance  to  be  defrayed  out  of  the  common  funds  of  the 
clergy,  derived  from  their  share  of  the  tribute. 


1 Bondage  in  the  Philippines  was  apparently  not  so  necessary  for  the  interests 
of  the  Church  as  it  was  in  Cuba,  where  a commission  of  Friars,  appointed  soon 
after  the  discovery  of  the  island,  to  deliberate  on  the  policy  of  partially  permitting 
slavery  there,  reported  “that  the  Indians  would  not  labour  without  compulsion 
“ and  that,  unless  they  laboured,  they  could  not  be  brought  into  communication 
“ with  the  whites,  nor  be  converted  to  Christianity.”  Vide  W.  H.  Prescott’s 
" Hist,  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico,”  tom.  II.,  Chap.  I.,  page  104,  ed.  1878. 


MENDICANT  AND  AUGUSTINE  FRIARS. 


55 


Missionaries  in  great  numbers  had  already  flocked  to  the 
Philippines  and  roamed  wherever  they  thought  fit,  without  license 
from  the  Bishop,  whose  authority  they  utterly  repudiated. 

Affirming  that  they  had  the  direct  consent  of  His  Holiness  flie 
Pope,  they  menaced  with  excommunication  whosoever  attempted  to 
impede  them  in  their  free  peregrination.  Five  years  after  the 
foundation  of  Manila,  the  city  and  environs  were  infested  with 
niggardly  mendicant  Friars,  whose  slothful  habits  placed  their 
supercilious  countrymen  in  ridicule  before  the  natives.  They  were 
tolerated  but  a short  time  in  the  Islands  ; not  altogether  because  of 
the  ruin  they  would  have  brought  to  European  moral  influence  on 
the  untutored  tribes,  but  because  the  Bishop  was  highly  jealous,  of 
all  competition  against  the  Augustine  order  to  which  he  belonged. 
Consequent  on  the  representations  of  Fray  Alonso  Sanchez,  His 
Majesty  ordained  that  all  priests  who  went  to  the  Philippines  were, 
in  the  first  place,  to  resolve  never  to  quit  the  Islands  without  the 
Bishop’s  sanction,  which  was  to  be  conceded  with  great  circumspection 
and  only  in  extreme  cases,  whilst  the  Governor  was  instructed  not  to 
afford  them  means  of  exit  on  his  sole  authority. 

Neither  did  the  Bishop  regard  with  satisfaction  the  presence  of  the 
Commissary  of  the  Inquisition,  whose  secret  investigations,  shrouded 
with  mystery,  curtailed  the  liberty  of  the  loftiest  functionary,  sacred 
or  civil.  At  the  instigation  of  Fray  Alonso  Sanchez,  the  junta 
recommended  the  King  to  recall  the  Commissary  and  extinguish  the 
office,  but  he  refused  to  do  so.  In  short,  the  chief  aims  of  the  Bishop 
were  to  enhance  the  power  of  the  Friars,  raise  the  dignity  of  the 
Colonial  mitre,  and  secure  a religious  monopoly  for  the  Augustine 
order. 

Gomez  Perez  Dasmarinas  was  the  next  Governor  appointed  to  these 
Islands,  on  the  recommendation  of  Fray  Alonso  Sanchez.  In  the.  Royal 
Instructions  which  he  brought  with  him  were  embodied  all  the  above- 
mentioned  civil,  ecclesiastical  and  military  reforms. 

At  the  same  time,  King  Philip  abolished  the  Supreme  Court.  He 
wished  to  put  an  end  to  the  interminable  lawsuits  so  prejudicial  to  the 
development  of  the  Colony.  Therefore  the  President  and  Magistrates 
were  replaced  by  Justices  of  the  Peace,  and  the  former  returned  to 
Mexico  in  1591.  This  measure  served  only  to  widen  the  breach 
between  the  Bishop  and  the  Civil  Government.  Dasmarinas  compelled 


56 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


him  to  keep  within  the  sphere  of  his  sacerdotal  functions,  and  tolerated 
no  rival  in  State  concerns.  There  was  no  appeal  on  the  spot  against 
the  Governor’s  authority.  This  restraint  irritated  and  disgusted  the 
Bishop  to  such  a degree,  that,  at  the  age  of  78  years,  he  resolved  to 
present  himself  at  the  Spanish  Court.  On  his  arrival  there,  he 
explained  to  the  King  the  impossibility  of  one  Bishop  attending  to 
the  spiritual  wants  of  a people  dispersed  over  so  many  islands.  For 
seven  years  after  the  foundation  of  Manila  as  capital  of  the  Archipelago, 
its  principal  church  was  simply  a parish  church.  In  1578  it  was 
raised  to  the  dignity  of  a Cathedral,  at  the  instance  of  the  King. 
Three  years  after  this  date  the  Cathedral  of  Manila  was  solemnly 
declared  to  be  a “ Suffragan  Cathedral  of  Mexico,  under  the  Advocation 
of  Our  Lady  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  ; ” Domingo  Salazar  being 
the  first  Bishop  consecrated.  He  now  proposed  to  raise  the  Manila 
See  to  an  Archbishopric,  with  three  Suffragan  Bishops.  The  King  gave 
his  consent,  subject  to  approval  from  Rome,  and  this  following  in  due 
course,  Salazar  was  appointed  first  Archbishop  of  Manila,  but  he  died 
before  the  Papal  Bull  arrived,  dated  14th  of  August,  1595,  officially 
authorising  his  investiture. 

In  the  meantime,  Alonso  Sanchez  had  proceeded  to  Rome  in  May, 
1589.  Amongst  many  other  Pontifical  favours  conceded  to  him,  he 
obtained  the  right  for  himself,  or  his  assigns,  to  use  a die  or  stamp  of 
any  form  with  one  or  more  images,  to  be  chosen  by  the  holder,  and  to 
contain  also  the  Figure  of  Christ,  the  Very  Holy  Virgin,  or  the  Saint 
Peter  or  Paul.  On  the  reverse  was  to  be  engraven  a bust  portrait 
of  His  Holiness,  with  the  following  indulgences  attached  thereto, 
viz.  : — “ To  him  who  should  convey  the  word  of  God  to  the  infidels, 
“ or  give  them  notice  of  the  holy  mysteries — each  time  300  years’ 
“ indulgence.  To  him  who,  by  industry,  converted  any  one  of  these, 
“ or  brought  him  to  the  bosom  of  the  Church — full  indulgence  for  all 
“ sins.”  A number  of  minor  indulgences  were  conceded  for  services 
to  be  rendered  to  the  Pontificate,  and  for  the  praying  so  many  Pater 
Nosters  and  Ave  Marias.  This  Bull  was  dated  in  Rome  28th  of 
July,  1591. 

Popes  Gregory  XIV.  and  Innocent  IX.  granted  other  Bulls  relating 
to  the  rewards  for  using  beads,  medals,  crosses,  pictures,  blessed  images, 
etc.,  with  which  one  could  gain  nine  plenary  indulgences  every  day 
or  rescue  nine  souls  from  purgatory  ; and  each  day,  twice  over,  all  the 


RE-ESTABLISHMENT  OF  SUPREME  COURT. 


57 


full  indulgences  yet  given  in  and  out  of  Rome  could  be  obtained  for 
living  and  deceased  persons. 

Sanchez  returned  to  Spain  (where  he  died),  bringing  with  him 
the  body  of  Saint  Policarp,  relics  of  Saint  Potenciana,  and  157 
Martyrs  ; amongst  them,  27  popes,  for  remission  to  the  Cathedral  of 
Manila. 

The  Supreme  Court  was  re-established  with  the  same  faculties  as 
those  of  Mexico  and  Lima  in  1698,  and  since  then,  on  seven  occasions, 
when  the  Governorship  has  been  vacant,  it  has  acted  pro  tcm.  The 
following  interesting  account  of  the  pompous  ceremonial  attending  the 
reception  of  the  Royal  Seal,  restoring  this  Court,  is  given  by 
Concepcion.1  He  says  : — “ The  Royal  Seal  of  office  was  received  from 
“ the  ship  with  the  accustomed  solemnity.  It  was  contained  in  a 
“ chest  covered  with  purple  velvet  and  trimmings  of  silver  and  gold, 
“ over  which  hung  a cloth  of  silver  and  gold.  It  was  escorted  by  a 
“ majestic  accompaniment,  marching  to  the  sounds  of  clarions  and 
“ cymbals  and  other  musical  instruments.  The  cortege  passed  through 
“ the  noble  city  with  rich  vestments,  with  leg  trimmings  and 
uncovered  heads.  Behind  these  followed  a horse,  gorgeously 
“ caparisoned  and  girthed,  for  the  President  to  place  the  coffer 
“ containing  the  Royal  Seal  upon  its  back.  The  streets  were 
“ beautifully  adorned  with  exquisite  drapery.  The  High  Bailiff, 
“ magnificently  robed,  took  the  reins  in  hand  to  lead  the  horse  under 
“ a purple  velvet  pall,  bordered  with  gold.  The  magistrates  walked 
“ on  either  side  ; the  aldermen  of  the  city,  richly  clad,  carried  their 
“ staves  of  office  in  the  august  procession,  which  concluded  with  a 
“ military  escort,  standard  bearers,  etc.,  and  proceeded  to  the  Cathedral, 
“ where  it  was  met  by  the  Dean,  holding  a Cross.  As  the  company 
“ entered  the  sacred  edifice,  the  Te  Deum  was  intoned  by  a band  of 
“ music.” 

In  1886  a Supreme  Court,  exactly  similar  to,  and  independent  of, 
that  of  Manila,  was  established  in  the  City  of  Cebu.  The  question  of 
precedence  in  official  acts  having  been  soon  after  disputed  between  the 
President  of  the  Court  and  the  Brigadier-Governor  of  Visayas,  it  was 
decided  in  favour  of  the  latter,  on  appeal  to  the  Governor-General.  In 


1 “ Hist.  Gen.  de  Philipinas,”  by  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  Yol.  III.,  Chap.  IX., 
page  365,  pub.  Manila,  1788. 


58 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  meantime,  the  advisability  of  abolishing  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Cebu,  was  debated  by  the  public. 

****** 

For  many  years  after  the  conquest,  deep  religious  sentiment 
pervaded  the  State  policy,  and  not  a few  of  the  Governors-General 
acquired  fame  for  their  demonstrations  of  piety. 

Nevertheless,  the  eonflictive  ambition  of  the  State  and  Church 
representatives  was  a powerful  hindrance  to  the  progress  of  the 
Colony. 

The  quarrel  between  Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Corcuera  (1635-1644) 
and  the  Archbishop  arose  from  a circumstance  of  little  concern  to  the 
Colony.  The  Archbishop  ordered  a military  officer,  who  had  a slave, 
to  either  sell  or  liberate  her.  The  officer,  rather  than  yield  to  either 
condition,  wished  to  marry  her,  but  failing  to  obtain  her  consent,  he 
stabbed  her  to  death.  He  thereupon  took  asylum  in  a convent, 
whence  he  was  forcibly  removed,  and  publicly  executed  in  front  of 
St.  Augustine’s  Church  by  order  of  the  Governor.  The  Archbishop 
protested  against  the  act,  which,  in  those  days,  was  qualified  as  a 
violation  of  sanctuary. 

The  churches  were  closed  whilst  the  dispute  lasted.  The  Jesuits, 
always  opposed  to  the  Austin  Friars,  sided  with  the  Governor.  The 
Archbishop  therefore  prohibited  them  to  preach  outside  their  churches 
in  any  public  place,  under  pain  of  excommunication  and  4,000  ducats 
fine,  whilst  the  other  priests  agreed  to  abstain  from  attending  their 
religious  or  literary  reunions.  Finally,  a religious  council  was  called, 
but  a coalition  having  been  formed  against  the  Archbishop,  he  was 
excommunicated — his  goods  distrained — his  salary  stopped,  and  he  was 
suspended  in  his  archiepiscopal  functions  under  a penalty  of  4,000 
ducats  fine.  At  this  crisis,  he  implored  mercy  and  the  intervention  of 
the  Supreme  Court.  The  magistrates  decided  against  the  prelate’s 
appeal,  and  allowed  him  twelve  hours  to  comply,  under  pain  of  continued 
excommunication  and  a further  fine  of  1,000  ducats.  The  Archbishop 
thereupon  retired  to  the  Convent  of  St.  Francis,  where  the  Governor 
visited  him.  The  Archbishop  subsequently  made  the  most  abject 
submission  in  an  archiepiscopal  decree  which  fully  sets  forth  the 
admission  of  his  guilt.  Such  a violent  settlement  of  disputes  did  not 
long  remain  undisturbed,  and  the  Archbishop  again  sought  the  first 
opportunity  of  opposing  the  lay  authority.  In  this  he  can  only  be 


CHURCH  AND  STATE  CONTENTIONS. 


59 


excused — if  excuse  it  be — as  the  upholder  of  the  traditious  of  cordial 
discord  between  the  two  great  factions — Church  and  State.  The 
Supreme  Court,  under  the  presidency  of  the  Governor,  resolved  therefore 
to  banish  the  Archbishop  from  Manila.  With  this  object,  50  soldiers 
were  deputed  to  seize  the  prelate,  who  was  secretly  forewarned  of  their 
coming  by  his  co-conspirators.  On  their  approach  he  held  the  Host  in 
his  hand,  and  it  is  related  that  the  sub-lieutenant  sent  in  charge  of  the 
troops,  was  so  horrified  at  his  mission,  that  he  placed  the  hilt  of  his 
sword  upon  the  floor  and  fell  upon  the  point,  but  as  the  sword  bent  he 
did  not  kill  himself.  The  soldiers  waited  patiently  until  the  Archbishop 
was  tired  out,  and  compelled,  by  fatigue,  to  replace  the  Host  on  the  altar. 
Then  they  immediately  arrested  him,  conducted  him  to  a boat  under 
a guard  of  five  men,  and  lauded  him  on  the  desert  Island  of  Corregidor. 
The  churches  were  at  once  re-opened  ; the  Jesuits  preached  where  they 
chose ; terms  were  dictated  to  the  contumacious  Archbishop,  who 
accepted  everything  unconditionally,  and  was  thereupon  permitted  to 
resume  his  office. 

The  acts  of  Corcuera  were  enquired  into  by  his  successor,  who 
caused  him  to  be  imprisoned  for  five  years,  but  it  is  to  be  presumed 
that  Corcuera  was  justified  in  what  he  did,  for  on  his  release  and  return 
to  Spain,  the  King  rewarded  him  with  the  Governorship  of  the  Canary 
Islands. 

It  is  chronicled  that  Sabiniano  Manrique  de  Lara,  who  arrived  in 
the  galleon  “San  Francisco  Xavier”  in  1653  with  the  Archbishop 
Poblete,  refused  to  disembark  until  this  dignitary  had  blessed  the  earth 
he  was  going  to  tread.  It  was  he  too  who  had  the  privilege  of 
witnessing  the  expurgation  of  the  islands  of  the  excommunications  and 
admonitions  of  Rome.  The  Archbishop  brought  peace  and  good-will 
to  all  men,  being  charged  by  His  Holiness  to  sanctify  the  Colony. 

The  ceremony  was  performed  with  great  solemnity,  from  an 
elevation,  in  the  presence  of  an  immense  concourse  of  people.  Later 
on,  the  pious  Lara  was  accused  of  perfidy  to  his  Royal  Master,  and  was 
fined  $60,000,  but  on  being  pardoned,  he  retired  to  Spain,  where  he 
took  holy  orders. 

His  successor,  Diego  Salcedo  (1663-1668),  was  not  so  fortunate  in 
his  relations  with  Archbishop  Poblete.  for  during  five  years  he  warmly 
contested  his  intervention  in  civil  affairs.  Poblete  found  it  hard  to 


60 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


yield  the  exercise  of  veto  in  all  matters  which,  by  courtesy,  had  been 
conceded  to  him  by  the  late  Governor  Lara.  The  Archbishop  refused 
to  obey  the  Royal  decrees  relating  to  Church  appointments  under 
the  Royal  patronage,  such  preferments  being  in  the  hands  of  the 
Governor-General  as  vice-royal  patron.  These  decrees  were  twice 
notified  to  the  Archbishop,  but  as  he  still  persisted  in  his  disobedience, 
Salcedo  signed  an  order  for  his  expulsion  to  Mariveles.  This  brought 
the  prelate  to  his  senses,  and  he  remained  more  submissive  in  future. 
It  is  recorded  that  the  relations  between  the  Governor  and  the 
Archbishop  became  so  strained,  that  the  latter  was  compelled  to  pay  a 
heavy  fine — to  remain  standing  whilst  awaiting  an  audience — to  submit 
to  contumely  during  the  interviews — and  when  he  died,  the  Governor 
ordered  royal  feasts  to  celebrate  the  joyful  event,  whilst  he  prohibited 
the  de  prof  midis  Mass,  on  the  ground  that  such  would  be  inconsistent 
with  the  secular  festivities. 

The  King,  on  being  apprised  of  this,  permitted  the  Inquisition  to 
take  its  course.  Diego  Salcedo  was  surprised  in  his  Palace,  and 
imprisoned  by  the  bloodthirsty  agents  of  the  Santo  Oficio.  Some 
years  afterwards,  he  was  shipped  on  board  a galleon  as  a prisoner  to 
the  Inquisitors  of  Mexico,  but  the  ship  had  to  put  back  under  stress  of 
weather,  and  Salcedo  returned  to  his  dungeon.  There  he  suffered  the 
worst  privations,  until  he  was  again  embarked  for  Mexico.  On  this 
voyage  he  died  of  grief  and  melancholy.  The  King  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  ecclesiastics,  and  ordered  Salcedo’s  goods,  as  well  as  those  of  his 
partisans,  to  be  confiscated. 

Manuel  de  Leon  (1669)  managed  to  preserve  a good  understanding 
with  the  clergy,  and,  on  his  decease,  he  bequeathed  all  his  possessions 
to  the  Obras  Pias  (vide  Chap.  XV.,  foot  note). 

Troubles  with  the  Archbishop  and  Friars  were  revived  on  the 
Government  being  assumed  by  Juan  de  Xargas  (1678-1684).  In 
the  last  year  of  his  rule,  the  Archbishop  was  banished  from  Manila. 
It  is  difficult  to  adequately  appreciate  the  causes  of  this  quarrel,  and 
there  is  doubt  as  to  which  was  right — the  Governor  or  the  Archbishop. 
On  his  restoration  to  his  See,  he  was  one  of  the  feAv  prelates — perhaps 
the  only  one — who  personally  sought  to  avenge  himself.  During  the 
dispute,  a number  of  Friars  had  supported  the  Government,  aud 
these  he  caused  to  stand  on  a raised  platform  in  front  of  a church,  and 


HOLY  RIOT. A GOVERNOR-GENERAL  MURDERED.  61 


publicly  recant  their  former  acts,  declaring  themselves  miscreants. 
Juan  de  Nargas  had  just  retired  from  the  Governorship  after  seven 
years’  service,  and  the  Archbishop  called  upon  him  likewise  to  abjure 
his  past  proceedings  and  perform  the  following  penance  : — To  wear  a 
penitent’s  garb — to  place  a rope  around  his  neck,  and  carry  a lighted 
caudle  to  the  doors  of  the  cathedral  and  the  churches  of  the  Parian, 
San  Gabriel  and  Biuondo,  on  every  feast  day  during  four  months. 
Nargas  objected  to  this  degradation,  and  claimed  privilege,  arguing 
that  the  Archbishop  had  no  jurisdiction  over  him,  as  he  was  a Cavalier 
of  the  military  order  of  St.  James.  But  the  Archbishop  only  desisted 
in  his  pretensions  when  the  new  Governor  threatened  to  expel  him 
again. 

Fernando  Bustameute  Bustillo  y Rueda  (1717—1719)  adopted 
stringent  measures  to  counteract  the  Archbishop’s  excessive  claims 
to  immunity.  Several  individuals  charged  with  heinous  crimes  had 
taken  church  asylum  and  defied  the  civil  power  and  justice.  The 
Archbishop  was  appealed  to,  to  hand  them  over  to  the  civil  authorities, 
or  allow  them  to  be  taken.  He  refused  to  do  either,  supporting  the 
claim  of  immunity  of  sanctuary. 

At  the  same  time  it  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Governor  that  a 
movement  had  been  set  on  foot  against  him  by  those  citizens  who 
favoured  the  Archbishop’s  views,  and  that  even  the  Friars  had  so 
debased  themselves  as  to  seek  the  aid  of  the  Chinese  residents  against 
the  Governor. 

Torralba,  the  late  acting-Governor,  was  released  from  confinement 
by  the  Governor,  and  re-instated  by  him  as  judge  in  the  Supreme 
Court,  although  he  was  under  an  accusation  of  embezzlement  to  the 
extent  of  $700,000.  The  Archbishop  energetically  opposed  this  act. 
He  notified  to  Torralba  his  excommunication  and  ecclesiastical  pains, 
and,  on  his  own  authority,  attempted  to  seize  his  person  in  violation 
of  the  privileges  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Torralba  with  his  sword  and 
shield  in  hand  expelled  the  Archbishop’s  messenger  by  force.  Then, 
as  judge  in  the  Supreme  Court,  he  hastened  to  avenge  himself  of  his 
enemies  by  issuing  warrants  against  them.  They  fled  to  church 
asylum,  and,  with  the  moral  support  of  the  Archbishop,  laughed  at  the 
magistrates.  There  the  refugees  provided  themselves  with  arms,  and 
prepared  for  rebellion.  When  the  Archbishop  was  officially  informed 
of  these  facts,  he  still  maintained  that  nothing  could  violate  their 


62 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


immunity.  The  Governor  then  caused  the  Archbishop  to  [be  arrested 
and  confined  in  a fortress,  with  all  the  ecclesiastics  who  had  joined 
the  conspiracy  against  the  Government. 

Open  riot  ensued,  and  the  priests  marched  to  the  Palace,  amidst 
hideous  clamourings,  collecting  the  mob  and  citizens  on  the  way.  It 
was  one  of  the  most  revolting  scenes  and  remarkable  events  in 
Philippine  history.  Priests  of  the  Sacred  Orders  of  Saint  Francis, 
Saint  Dominic,  and  Saint  Augustine  joined  the  Recoletos  in  shouting 
“Viva  la  Iglesia,”  “Viva  nuestro  Rey  Don  Felipe  Quinto.”1  The 
excited  rabble  rushed  to  the  Palace,  and  the  guard  having  fled,  they 
easily  forced  their  way  in.  One  priest  who  impudently  dared  to 
advance  towards  the  Governor,  was  promptly  ordered  by  him  to 
stand  back.  The  Governor,  seeing  himself  encircled  by  an  armed 
mob  of  laymen  and  servants  of  Christ  clamouring  for  his  downfall, 
pulled  the  trigger  of  his  gun,  but  the  flint  failed  to  strike  fire. 
Then  the  crowd  took  courage  and  attacked  him,  whilst  he  defended 
himself  bravely  with  a bayonet,  until  he  was  overwhelmed  by  numbers. 
From  the  Palace  he  was  dragged  to  the  common  jail,  and  stabbed  and 
maltreated  on  the  way. 

Ilis  son,  hearing  of  this  outrage,  arrived  on  horseback,  but  was 
run  through  by  one  of  the  rebels,  and  fell  to  the  ground.  He  got  up, 
cut  his  way  through  the  infuriated  rioters,  but  Avas  soou  surrounded 
and  killed  by  numbers,  Avho  horribly  mutilated  his  body. 

The  populace,  urged  by  the  clerical  party,  now  fought  for  the 
liberty  of  the  Archbishop.  The  prison  doors  were  broken  open, 
and  the  Archbishop  Avas  amongst  the  number  of  offenders  liberated. 
The  prelate  came  in  triumph  to  the  Palace,  and  assumed  the 
GoA'ernment  in  October,  1719.  The  mob,  during  their  excesses,  tore 
down  the  Royal  Standard,  and  maltreated  those  whom  they  met  of 
the  unfortunate  Governor’s  faithful  friends.  A mock  enquiry  into 
the  circumstances  of  the  riot  Avas  made  in  Manila  in  apparent  judicial 
form.  Another  investigation  Avas  instituted  in  Mexico,  Avliich  led  to 
several  of  the  minor  actors  in  this  sad  drama  being  made  the  scapegoat 
A-ictims  of  the  more  exalted  criminals.  The  Archbishop  held  the 
Government  for  nine  years,  and  was  then  transferred  to  the  Mexican 
Bishopric  of  Mechoacan. 


Long  live  the  Church,"  “ Long  live  our  King  Philip  V." 


CHURCH  AND  STATE  CONTENTIONS. 


63 


Pedro  Manuel  de  Arandia  (1754—1759)  is  said  to  have  died  of 
melancholy  consequent,  in  a measure,  on  his  futile  endeavours  to  govern 
at  peace  with  the  Friars,  who  always  secured  the  favour  of  the  King. 

On  four  occasions  the  Supreme  State  authority  in  the  Colony  has 
been  vested  in  the  prelates.  Archbishop  Manuel  Rojo,  acting- 
Governor  at  the  time  of  the  British  occupation  of  Manila  in  1763,  is 
said  to  have  died  of  grief  and  shame  in  prison  (1764)  through  the 
intrigues  of  the  violent  Simon  de  Anda  y Salazar. 

Jose  Raon  was  Governor-General  in  1768  when  the  expulsion  of 
the  Jesuits  was  decreed.  After  the  secret  determination  was  made 
known  to  him,  he  was  accused  of  having  divulged  it,  and  of  having 
concealed  his  instructions.  He  was  thereupon  placed  under  guard  in 
his  own  residence,  where  he  expired. 

Domingo  Moriones  y Murillo  (1877-1880),  it  is  alleged,  had 
altercations  with  the  Friars,  and  found  it  necessary  to  remind  the 
Archbishop  Payo  that  the  supreme  power  in  the  Philippines  belonged 
to  the  State — not  to  the  Church  representative. 

From  the  earliest  times  of  Spanish  dominion,  it  had  been  the 
practice  of  the  natives  to  expose  to  view  the  corpses  of  their  relations 
and  friends  in  the  public  highways  and  villages  whilst  conveying  them 
to  the  parish  churches,  where  they  were  again  exhibited  to  the  common 
gaze,  pending  the  pleasure  of  the  parish  priest  to  perform  the  last 
obsequies.  This  outrage  on  public  decorum  was  proscribed  by  the 
Director-General  of  Civil  Administration  in  a circular  of  the  18th  of 
October,  1887,  addressed  to  the  Provincial  Governors,  enjoining  them 
to  prohibit  such  indecent  scenes  in  future.  Thereupon  the  parish 
priests  simply  showed  their  contempt  for  restraint  by  the  civil 
authorities,  and  simulated  their  inability  to  elucidate  to  the  native  petty 
Governors  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  order.  At  the  same 
time,  the  Archbishop  of  Manila  issued  instructions  on  the  subject  to  his 
subordinates  in  very  equivocal  language.  The  native  local  authorities 
then  petitioned  the  Civil  Governor  of  Manila  to  make  the  matter  clear 
to  them. 

The  Civil  Governor  of  Manila  referred  the  matter  back  to  the 
Director-General  of  Civil  Administration.  This  functionary,  in  a new 
circular  dated  4th  of  November,  confirmed  his  previous  mandate  of  the 
18th  October,  and  censured  the  action  of  the  parish  priests,  who  “ in 


64 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


improper  language  and  from  the  pulpit,”  had  incited  the  native  headmen 
to  set  aside  his  authority.  The  author  of  the  circular  sarcastically 
added  the  pregnant  remark,  that  he  was  penetrated  with  the  conviction 
that  the  Archbishop’s  sense  of  patriotism  and  rectitude  would  deter 
him  from  subverting  the  law.  This  incident  seriously  aroused  the 
jealousy  of  the  Friars  holding  vicarages,  and  did  not  improve  the 
relations  between  Church  and  State. 


CHAPTER  V. 


EARLY  RELATIONS  BETWEEN  THE  PHILIPPINES 
AND  JAPAN. 

Two  decades  of  existence  in  the  16th  century  was  but  a short 
period  in  which  to  make  known  the  conditions  of  this  new  Colony  to 
its  neighbouring  States,  when  its  only  regular  intercourse  with  them 
was  through  the  Chinese  who  came  to  trade  with  Manila.  Japanese 
mariners,  therefore,  appear  to  have  continued  to  regard  the  north  of 
Luzon  as  “ no-man’s-land,”  for  years  after  its  nominal  annexation  by 
the  Spaniards  they  assembled  there,  whether  as  merchants  or  buccaneers 
it  is  difficult  to  determine.  Spanish  authority  had  been  asserted  by 
Salcedo  along  the  west  coast  about  as  far  as  lat.  18°  N.,  but  in  1591 
the  north  coast  was  only  known  to  Europeans  geographically.  So  far, 
the  natives  there  had  not  made  the  acquaintance  of  their  new  masters. 

A large  Spanish  galley  cruising  in  these  waters  met  a Japanese 
vessel  off  Cape  Bojeador  (N.W.  point)  and  fired  a shot  which  carried 
away  the  stranger’s  mainmast,  obliging  him  to  heave-to.  Then  the 
galley-men,  intending  to  board  the  stranger,  made  fast  the  sterns, 
whilst  the  Spaniards  rushed  to  the  bows,  but  the  Japanese  came  first, 
boarded  the  galley  and  drove  the  Spaniards  aft,  where  they  would 
have  all  perished  had  they  not  cut  away  the  mizzenmast  and  let  it  fall 
with  all  sail  set.  Behind  this  barricade,  they  had  time  to  load  their 
arquebuses  and  drive  back  the  Japanese,  over  whom  they  gained  a 
victory.  The  Spaniards  then  entered  the  Rio  Grande  de  Cagayan, 
where  they  met  a Japanese  fleet,  between  which  they  passed  peacefully. 
On  shore  they  formed  trenches,  and  mounted  cannons  on  earthworks, 
but  the  Japanese  scaled  the  fortifications  and  pulled  down  the  cannons 
by  the  mouths. 

These  were  recovered,  and  the  Spanish  captain  had  the  cannon 

mouths  greased,  so  that  the  Japanese  tactics  should  not  be  repeated. 

it 


66 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


A battle  was  fought,  and  the  defeated  Japanese  set  sail  ; whilst  the 
Spaniards  remained  to  obtain  the  submission  of  the  natives  by  force 
or  by  persuasion. 

Japanese  had  also  come  to  Manila  to  trade,  and  were  located  in  the 
neighbouring  village  of  Dilao,1  where  the  Franciscan  Friars  undertook 
their  conversion  to  Christianity,  whilst  the  Dominican  order  considered 
the  spiritual  care  of  the  Chinese  their  especial  charge. 

The  Portuguese  had  been  in  possession  of  Macao  since  the  year 
1557,  and  traded  with  various  Chinese  ports,  whilst  in  the  Japanese 
town  of  Nagasaki  there  was  a small  colony  of  Portuguese  merchants. 
These  were  the  indirect  sources  whence  the  Emperor  of  Japan  learnt 
that  Europeans  had  founded  a colony  in  Luzon  Island,  and  in  1593 
he  sent  a message  to  the  Governor  of  the  Philippines  calling  upon  him 
to  surrender  and  become  his  vassal,  threatening  invasion  in  the  event 
of  refusal.  The  Spanish  colonies  at  that  date  were  hardly  in  a position 
to  treat  with  haughty  scorn  the  menaces  of  the  Japanese  potentate, 
for  they  were  simultaneously  threatened  with  troubles  with  the  Dutch 
in  the  Moluccas,  for  which  they  were  preparing  an  armament  (vide 
Chap.  VI.).  The  want  of  men,  ships  and  war  material  obliged  them 
to  seek  conciliation  with  dignity.  The  Japanese  Ambassador,  Farranda 
Kiemou,  was  received  with  great  honours  and  treated  with  the  utmost 
deference  during  his  sojourn  in  Manila. 

The  Governor  replied  to  the  Emperor,  that  being  but  a lieger  of  the 
King  of  Spain — a mighty  monarch  of  unlimited  resources  and  power, — 
he  was  unable  to  acknowledge  the  Emperor’s  suzerainty  ; for  the  most 
important  duty  imposed  upon  him  by  his  Sovereign  was  the  defence 
of  his  vast  domains  against  foreign  aggression  ; that,  on  the  other  hand, 
he  was  desirous  of  entering  into  amicable  and  mutually  advantageous 
relations  with  the  Emperor,  and  solicited  his  conformity  to  a treaty  of 
commerce,  the  terms  of  which  would  be  elucidated  to  him  by  an  envoy. 

A priest,  Juan  Cobo,  and  an  infantry  captain  were  thereupon 
accredited  to  the  Japanese  Court  as  Philippine  ambassadors.  On  their 
arrival  they  were,  without  delay,  admitted  in  audience  by  the  Emperor  ; 
the  treaty  of  commerce  was  adjusted  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  parties, 
and  the  ambassadors,  with  some  Japanese  nobles,  set  sail  for  Manila 
in  Japanese  ships,  which  foundered  on  the  voyage,  and  all  perished. 

1 Now  the  suburb  of  Paco.  Between  1606  and  1608,  owing  to  a rising  of  the 
Japanese  settlers,  their  dwellings  in  Dilao  were  sacked  and  the  settlement  burnt. 


PHILIPPINE  CATHOLIC  MISSIONS  TO  JAPAN. 


67 


Neither  the  political  nor  the  clerical  party  in  Manila  -was,  however, 
dismayed  by  this  first  disaster,  and  the  prospect  of  penetrating  Japan 
was  followed  up  by  a second  expedition. 

Between  the  Friars  an  animated  discussion  arose,  when  the  Jesuits 
protested  against  members  of  auy  other  order  being  sent  to  Japan. 
Saint  Francis  Xavier  had,  years  before,  obtained  a Papal  Bull  from 
Pope  Gregory  XIII.,  awarding  Japan  to  his  Order,  which  had  been  the 
first  to  establish  missions  in  Nagasaki.  Jesuits  were  still  there  n 
numbers,  and  the  necessity  of  sending  members  of  rival  religious  bodies 
is  not  made  clear  in  the  historical  records.  The  jealous  feud  between 
those  holy  men  was  referred  to  the  Governor,  who  naturally  decided 
against  the  Jesuits,  in  pursuit  of  the  King’s  policy  of  grasping  territory 
under  the  cloak  of  piety.  A certain  Fray  Pedro  Bautista  was  chosen 
as  ambassador,  and  in  his  suite  were  three  other  priests.  These 
embarked  in  a Spanish  frigate,  whilst  Farranda  Kiemon,  who  had 
remained  in  Manila  the  honoured  guest  of  the  Government,  took  his 
leave,  and  went  on  board  his  own  vessel.  The  authorities  bid  farewell 
to  the  two  embassies  with  ostentatious  ceremonies  and  amidst  public 
rejoicings,  and  on  the  26th  of  May,  1593,  the  two  ships  started  on 
their  journey. 

After  30  days’  navigation,  one  ship  arrived  safely  at  Nagasaki  and 
the  other  at  a port  35  miles  off  it. 

Pedro  Bautista,  introduced  by  Farranda  Kiemon,  was  presented  to 
the  Emperor  Taycosama,  who  welcomed  him  as  an  ambassador  authorized 
to  negotiate  a treaty  of  commerce , and  conclude  an  offensive  and 
defensive  alliance  for  mutual  protection . The  Protocol  was  agreed  to, 
and  signed  by  both  parties,  and  the  relations  between  the  Emperor  and 
Pedro  Bautista  became  more  and  more  cordial.  The  latter  solicited,  and 
obtained,  permission  to  reside  indefinitely  in  the  country,  and  send  the 
treaty  on  by  messenger  to  the  Governor  of  the  Philippines,  hence  the 
ships  in  which  the  envoys  had  arrived  remained  about  ten  months  in 
port.  A concession  was  also  granted  to  build  a church  at  Meaco,  near 
Osaka,  and  it  was  opened  in  1594,  when  Mass  was  publicly  celebrated. 

In  Nagasaki  the  Jesuits  were  allowed  to  reside  unmolested,  and 
practise  their  religious  rites  amongst  the  Portuguese  population  of 
traders  and  others  who  might  have  voluntarily  embraced  Christianity. 
Bautista  went  there  to  consult  with  the  chief  of  the  Jesuit  Mission, 
who  energetically  opposed  what  he  held  to  be  an  encroachment  upon 

e a 


68 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  monopoly  rights  of  his  Order,  conceded  by  the  self-constituted 
Monarch  of  the  whole  world,  Pope  Gregory  XIII.,  and  confirmed  by 
Royal  Decrees.  Bautista,  however,  showed  a permission  which  he  had 
received  from  the  Jesuit  General,  by  virtue  of  which  he  was  suffered 
to  continue  his  course  until  the  arrival  of  that  dignitary  himself. 

The  Portuguese  merchants  in  Nagasaki  were  not  slow  to  com- 
prehend that  Bautista’s  coming  with  priests  at  his  command  was  but  a 
prelude  to  Spanish  territorial  conquest,  in  which  they  would  naturally 
be  the  losers  when  their  hoped-for  emancipation  from  the  Spanish  yoke 
should  one  day  be  realized.1  Therefore  to  save  their  own  interests, 
they  forewarned  the  Governor  of  Nagasaki,  who  prohibited  Bautista 
from  continuing  his  propaganda  against  the  established  religion  of  the 
country  in  contravention  of  the  Emperor’s  commands.  But  little  heed 
was  taken  of  this  injunction,  and  Bautista  was  expelled  from  Nagasaki 
for  contumacy. 

It  was  now  manifest  to  the  Emperor  that  he  had  been  basely 
deceived;  he  was  persuaded  to  believe  that  under  the  pretext  of 
concluding  a commercial  and  political  treaty  as  Philippine  ambassador, 
Bautista  and  his  party  had,  in  effect,  introduced  themselves  into  his 
realm  with  the  clandestine  object  of  seducing  his  subjects  from  their 
allegiance,  of  undermining  their  consciences,  perverting  them  from  the 
religion  of  their  forefathers,  and  that  all  this  would  bring  about  the 
dismemberment  of  his  Empire  and  the  overthrow  of  his  dynasty. 
Not.  only  had  Taycosama  abstained  from  persecuting  foreigners  for  the 
exercise  of  their  religious  rites,  but  he  freely  licensed  the  Jesuits  to 
continue  their  mission  in  Nagasaki  and  wherever  Catholics  happened 
to  congregate.  He  had  permitted  the  construction  of  their  temples, 
but  he  could  not  tolerate  a deliberate  propaganda  which  foreshadowed 
his  own  ruin.2 

Pedro  Bautista’s  designs  being  prematurely  obstructed,  he  took  his 
passage  back  to  Manila  from  Nagasaki  in  a Japanese  vessel,  leaving 
behind  him  his  interpreter,  Fray  Jerome,  with  the  other  Franciscan 
Monks.  An  Imperial  Decree  was  then  issued  to  prohibit  foreign 
priests  from  interfering  with  the  religion  of  Japanese  subjects ; but 


’ Portugal  was  forcibly  annexed  to  the  Spanish  Crown  from  1581  to  1640. 

2 The  persecution  of  religious  apostates  by  Philip  II.’s  Generals  during  the 
“ Wars  of  the  Flanders,”  was  due  to  his  foresight  of  the  political  disadvantages 
which  would  ensue  from  religious  discord. 


THE  MARTYR-SAINTS  IN  JAPAN. 


69 


this  law  being  set  at  naught  by  Bautista’s  colleagues,  one  was  arrested 
and  imprisoned,  and  warrants  were  issued  against  the  others  ; 
meanwhile  the  Jesuits  in  Nagasaki  were  in  no  way  restrained. 

The  Governor  of  Nagasaki  caused  the  Franciscan  propagandists 
to  be  conducted  on  board  a Portuguese  ship  and  handed  over  to  the 
charge  of  the  captain,  under  severe  penalties  if  he  aided  or  allowed 
their  escape,  but  they  were  free  to  go  wherever  they  chose  outside  the 
Japanese  Empire.  The  captain,  however,  permitted  one  to  return 
ashore,  and  for  some  time  he  wandered  about  the  country  in  disguise. 

Pedro  Bautista  had  reached  Manila,  where  the  ecclesiastical 
dignitaries  prevailed  upon  the  Governor  to  sanction  another  expedition 
to  Japan,  and  Bautista  arrived  in  that  country  a second  time  with  a 
number  of  Franciscan  Friars.  The  Emperor  now  lost  all  patience,  and 
determined  not  only  to  repress  these  venturesome  foreigners,  but  to 
stamp  out  the  last  vestige  of  their  revolutionary  machinations. 
Therefore,  by  Imperial  Decree,  the  arrest  was  ordered  of  all  the 
Franciscan  Friars,  and  all  natives  who  persisted  in  their  adhesion  to 
these  missionaries’  teachings.  Twenty-six  of  those  taken  were  tried 
and  condemned  to  ignominious  exhibition  and  death — the  Spaniards, 
because  they  had  come  into  the  country  and  had  received  royal  favours 
under  false  pretences,  representing  themselves  as  political  ambassadors 
and  suite — the  Japanese,  because  they  had  forsworn  the  religion  of 
their  ancestors  and  bid  fair  to  become  a constant  danger  and  source  of 
discord  in  the  realm.  Amongst  these  Spaniards  was  Pedro  Bautista. 
And  after  their  ears  and  noses  had  been  cut  off,  they  were  promenaded 
from  town  to  town  in  a cart,  finally  entering  Nagasaki  on  horseback. 
Each  bore  the  sentence  of  death  on  a breast-board,  which  stated  the 
reasons  why  they  were  so  condemned.  The  sentence  was  to  be  carried 
out  where  common  felons  were  ordinarily  executed  ; but  a deputation 
of  Portuguese  merchants  waited  upon  the  Governor  at  Nagasaki  to  beg 
that  the  crucifixions  should  take  place  elsewhere.  The  Governor 
readily  acceded  to  their  request — indeed  there  is  nothing  in  the  history 
of  these  events  which  points  to  vindictiveness  on  the  part  of  the 
Japanese  Emperor  or  his  officers. 

On  a high  ground,  near  the  City  and  the  port,  in  front  of  the 
Jesuits’  Church,  these  26  persons  were  crucified  and  stabbed  to  death 
with  lances,  in  expiation  of  their  political  offences.  It  was  a sad  fate 
for  men  who  conscientiously  believed  that  they  were  justified  in 


70 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


violating  rights  and  laws  of  nations  for  the  propagation  of  their 
particular  views,  but  can  one  complain  ? Would  Buddhist  missionaries 
in  Spain  have  met  with  milder  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the 
Inquisitors  ?l 

Each  Catholic  body  was  supposed  to  designate  the  same  road  to 
Heaven — each  professed  to  teach  the  same  means  of  obtaining  the 
grace  of  God  ; yet,  strange  to  say,  each  bore  the  other  an  implacable 
hatred — an  inextinguishable  jealousy  ! If  conversion  to  Christianity 
were  for  the  glory  of  God  and  not  'for  the  glory  of  the  Friars,  what 
could  it  have  mattered  to  the  Franciscan  order  whether  souls  of 
Japanese  were  saved  by  them  or  by  others  ? For  King  Philip  it  was 
the  same  whether  his  political  tools  were  of  one  denomination  or  the 
other,  but  many  of  the  Jesuits  in  Japan  happened  to  be  Portuguese. 

The  Jesuits  in  Manila  probably  felt  that  in  view  of  their  opposition 
to  the  Franciscan  missions,  they  might  incur  public  censure,  and  be  held 
morally  responsible  for  indirectly  contributing  to  the  unfortunate  events 
related  ; therefore,  they  formally  declared  that  Pedro  Bautista  and  his 
followers  died  excommunicated,  because  they  had  disobeyed  the  Bull 
of  Pope  Gregory  XIII. 

The  general  public  were  much  excited  when  the  news  spread 
through  the  City,  and  a special  Mass  was  said,  followed  by  a religious 
procession  through  the  streets.  The  Governor  sent  a commission  to 
Japan,  under  the  control  of  Luis  de  Navarrete,  to  ask  for  the  dead 
bodies  and  chattels  of  the  executed  priests.  The  Emperor  showed  no 
rancour  whatsoever  ; on  the  contrary,  his  policy  was  already  carried 
out ; and  to  welcome  the  Spanish  lay  deputies,  he  gave  a magnificent 
banquet  and  entertained  them  sumptuously.  Luis  de  Navarrete  having 
claimed  the  dead  bodies  of  the  priests,  the  Emperor  at  once  ordered  the 
guards  on  the  execution  ground  to  retire,  and  told  Navarrete  that  he 
could  dispose  as  he  pleased  of  the  mortal  remains.  Navarrete  there- 
upon hastened  to  Nagasaki,  but  before  he  could  reach  there,  devout 
Catholics  had  cut  up  the  bodies  ; one  carrying  away  a head,  another  a 


1 Religious  intolerance  in  Spain  was  confirmed  in  1822,  by  the  New  Penal  Code 
of  that  date  ; the  text  reads  thug  : — “ Todo  61  que  conspirase  directamente  y de 
“ hecho  4 establecer  otra  religion  en  las  Espanas,  6 4 que  la  Nacion  Kspanola  deje 
“ de  profesar  la  religion  Apostolica  Romana  es  traidor  y eufrira  la  pena  de 
“ muerte.”  Articulo  227  del  Codigo  Penal  presentado  a las  Cortes  en  22  de  Abril 
de  1821  y sancionado  en  1822. 


THE  EMPEROR  OF  JAPAN  EXPLAINS  HIS  POLICY.  71 


leg,  and  so  forth.  It  happened  too,  that  Navarrete  died  of  disease  a 
few  days  after  his  arrival  in  Nagasaki.  His  successor,  Diego  de  Losa, 
recovered  the  pieces  of  the  deceased  priests,  which  he  put  into  a box 
and  shipped  for  Manila,  but  the  vessel  and  box  were  lost  on  the  way. 

Diego  de  Losa  returned  to  Manila,  the  bearer  of  a polite  letter,  and 
very  acceptable  presents  from  the  Emperor  to  the  Governor  of  the 
Philippines. 

The  letter  fully  expatiated  on  recent  events,  and  set  forth  a well- 
reasoned  justification  of  the  Emperor’s  decrees  against  the  priests,  in 
terms  which  proved  that  he  was  neither  a tyrant  nor  a wanton  savage, 
but  an  astute  politician.  The  letter  stated,  that  under  the  pretext  of 
being  ambassadors,  the  priests  in  question  had  come  into  the  country 
and  had  taught  a diabolical  law  belonging  to  foreign  countries,  and 
which  aimed  at  superseding  the  rites  and  laws  of  his  own  religion, 
confused  his  people,  and  destroyed  his  Government  and  Kingdom  ; 
for  which  reason  he  had  rigorously  proscribed  it.  Against  these 
prohibitions,  the  religious  men  of  Luzon  preached  their  law  publicly  to 
humble  people,  such  as  servants  and  slaves.  Not  being  able  to  permit 
this  persistence  in  law-breaking,  he  had  ordered  their  death  by  placing 
them  on  crosses  ; for  he  was  informed  that  in  the  Kingdom  where 
Spaniards  dominated,  this  teaching  of  their  religious  doctrine  was  but 
an  artifice  and  stratagem  by  means  of  which  the  civil  power  was 
deceitfully  gained.  He  astutely  asks  the  Governor-General  if  he  would 
consent  to  Japanese  preaching  their  laws  in  his  territory,  perturbing 
public  peace  with  such  novelties  amongst  the  lower  classes  ? 

It  is  certain  he  would  not  permit  it,  argues  the  Emperor — it  would 
be  severely  repressed,  and  he  had  done  the  same  in  the  exercise  of  his 
absolute  power  and  for  the  good  of  his  subjects.  Thus,  he  adds,  he  has 
avoided  the  occurrence  in  his  dominions  of  what  has  taken  place  in 
those  regions  where  the  Spaniards  deposed  the  legitimate  Kings,  and 
bad  constituted  themselves  masters  by  religious  fraud. 

It  is  true,  he  admits,  that  he  seized  the  cargo  of  a Spanish  ship, 
but  it  was  only  as  a reprisal  for  the  harm  which  he  had  suffered  by  the 
tumult  raised  when  they  evaded  the  edict. 

But  as  the  Spanish  Governor  had  thought  fit  to  send  another 
ambassador  from  so  far,  risking  the  perils  of  the  sea,  he  was  anxious 
for  peace  and  mutual  good-feeling,  but  only  on  the  precise  condition 
that  no  more  individuals  should  be  sent  to  teach  a law  foreign  to  his 


72  . 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


realm,  aud  under  these  unalterable  conditions  the  Governor’s  subjects 
were  at  liberty  to  trade  freely  with  Japan  ; that  by  reason  of  his  former 
friendship  and  royal  clemency,  he  had  refrained  from  killing  all  the 
Spaniards  with  the  priests  and  their  servants,  and  had  allowed  them  to 
return  to  their  country. 

As  to  religion  itself,  Taycosama  is  said  to  have  remarked  that 
among  so  many  professed,  one  more  was  of  little  consequence, — hence 
his  toleration  in  the  beginning,  and  his  continued  permission  to  the 
Jesuits  to  maintain  their  doctrines  amongst  their  own  sectarians. 
Moreover,  it  is  said  that  a map  was  shown  to  Taycosama,  marking 
the  domains  of  the  King  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  that  in  reply 
to  his  enquiry  : “ How  could  one  man  have  conquered  such  vast 
territory  ? ” — a certain  Father  Guzman  (or  more  probably  it  was  a 
Portuguese)  answered  : “ By  secretly  sending  religious  men  to  teach  their 
“ doctrine,  and  when  a sufficient  number  of  persons  were  so  converted, 
“ the  Spanish  soldiery,  with  their  aid,  annexed  their  country  and 
“ overthrew  their  Kings.”  Such  an  avowal  naturally  impressed 
Taycosama  profoundly.1 

In  Seville  there  was  quite  a tumult  when  the  details  of  the 
executions  in  Japan  were  published. 

In  the  meantime,  the  lamentable  end  of  the  Franciscan  missionaries 
did  not  deter  others  from  making  further  attempts  to  follow  their 
example.  During  the  first  20  years  of  the  17th  century,  priests 
succeeded  in  entering  Japan,  under  the  pretence  of  trading,  in  spite 
of  the  extreme  measures  adopted  to  discover  them  and  the  precautions 
taken  to  uproot  the  new  doctrine,  which  it  was  feared  would  become 
the  forerunner  of  sedition.  Indeed,  many  Japanese  nobles  professing 
Christianity  had  already  taken  up  their  residence  in  Manila,  and  were 
regarded  by  the  Emperor  as  a constant  danger  to  his  realm,  hence  he 
was  careful  to  avoid  communication  with  the  Philippines.  During  the 
short  reigns  of  Dayfusama  aud  ihis  son  Xogusama,  new  decrees  were 
issued,  not  against  foreign  Christians,  but  against  those  who  made 
apostates  amongst  the  Japanese  ; and  consequently  two  more  Spanish 
priests  were  beheaded. 

In  September,  1622,  a large  number  of  Spanish  missionaries  and 
Christian  Japanese  men  and  children  were  executed  in  Nagasaki. 


1 “ Hist.  Gen.  de  Philipinas,”  by  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  Yol.  III.,  Chap.  VIII. 


MISSIONS  . AND  EXECUTIONS  CONTINUED. 


73 


Twenty-five  of  them  were  burnt,  and  the  rest  beheaded  ; their  remains 
being  thrown  into  the  sea  to  avoid  the  Christians  following  their  odious 
custom  of  preserving  parts  of  corpses  as  relics.  Two  days  afterwards, 
four  Franciscan  and  two  Dominican  Friars  with  five  Japanese  were  burnt 
in  Omura.  Then  followed  an  edict,  stating  the  pains  and  penalties, 
civil  deprivations,  etc.  against  all  who  refused  to  abandon  their  apostasy 
and  return  to  the  faith  of  their  forefathers.  Another  edict  was  issued, 
imposing  death  upon  those  who  should  conduct  priests  to  Japan,  and 
forfeiture  of  the  ships  in  which  they  should  arrive  and  the  merchandise 
with  which  they  should  come.  To  all  informers  against  native 
apostates,  the  culprits’  estates  and  goods  were  transferred  as  a reward. 

A Spanish  deputation  was  sent  to  the  Emperor  of  Japan  in  1622, 
alleging  a desire  to  renew  commercial  relations,  but  the  Emperor  was 
so  exasperated  at  the  recent  defiance  of  his  decrees,  that  he  refused  to 
accept  the  deputies’  presents  from  the  Philippine  Government,  and  sent 
them  and  the  deputation  away. 

Still  there  were  Friars  in  Manila  eager  to  seek  martyrdom,  but  the 
Philippine  traders,  in  view  of  the  danger  of  confiscation  of  their  ships 
and  merchandise  if  they  carried  missionaries,  resolved  not  to  despatch 
vessels  to  Japan  if  ecclesiastics  insisted  on  taking  passage.  The 
Government  supported  this  resolution  in  the  interests  of  trade,  and 
formally  prohibited  the  transport  of  priests.  The  Archbishop  of 
Manila,  on  his  part,  imposed  ecclesiastical  penalties  on  those  of  his 
subordinates  who  should  clandestinely  violate  this  prohibition. 

Supplicatory  letters  from  Japan  reached  the  religious  communities 
in  Manila,  entreating  them  to  send  more  priests  to  aid  in  the  spread  of 
Christianity,  therefore  the  chiefs  of  the  Orders  consulted  together, 
bought  a ship,  and  paid  high  wages  to  its  officers  to  carry  four 
Franciscan,  four  Dominican  and  two  Recoleto  priests  to  Japan.  W he 
the  Governor,  Alonso  Fajardo,  heard  of  the  intended  expedition,  he 
threatened  to  prohibit  it,  affirming  that  he  would  not  consent  to  any 
more  victims  being  sent  to  Japan.  Thereupon  representatives  of  the 
religious  orders  waited  upon  him,  to  state  that  if  he  persisted  in  his 
prohibition,  upon  his  conscience  would  fall  the  enormous  charge  of 
having  lost  the  souls  which  they  had  hoped  to  save.  The  Governor 
therefore  retired  from  the  discussion,  remitting  the  question  to  the 
Archbishop,  who  at  once  permitted  the  ship  to  leave,  conveying  the  ten 
priests  disguised  as  merchants.  Several  times  the  vessel  was  nearly 


74 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


■wreaked,  but  at  length  arrived  safely  in  a Japanese  port ; the  ten  priests 
landed,  and  were  shortly  afterwards  burnt  by  Imperial  order. 

In  Rome,  a very  disputed  enquiry  had  been  made  into  the 
circumstances  of  the  Franciscan  mission  ; but  in  spite  of  the  severe 
ordeal  of  the  diaboli  advocatus,  canonization  was  conceded  to  Pedro 
Bautista  and  his  companions. 

In  1629,  the  Papal  Bull  of  Urban  VIII.,  dated  14th  of  September, 
1627,  was  published  in  Manila,  amidst  public  feasts  and  popular 
rejoicing.  The  Bull  declared  the  missionaries  of  Japan  to  be  Saints  and 
Martyrs  and  Patron  Saints  of  the  second  class.  Increased  animation 
in  favour  of  missions  to  Japan  became  general  in  consequence.  Ten 
thousand  dollars  were  collected  to  fit  out  a ship  to  carry  12  priests 
from  Manila,  besides  24  priests  who  came  from  Pangasinan  to  embark 
secretly.  The  ship,  however,  was  wrecked  off  the  Ilocos  Province 
coast,  but  the  crew  and  priests  were  saved. 

A large  junk  was  then  secretly  prepared  at  a distauce  from  Manila 
for  the  purpose  of  conveying  another  party  of  friars  to  Japan  ; but  just, 
as  they  were  about  to  embark,  the  Governor  sent  a detachment  of 
soldiers  with  orders  to  prevent  them  doing  so,  and  he  definitely 
prohibited  further  missionary  expeditious. 

In  1633,  the  final  extinction  of  Christians  was  vigorously 
commenced  by  the  Emperor  To-Kogunsama  ; and  in  the  following  year 
79  persons  were  executed.  The  same  Emperor  sent  a ship  to  Manila 
with  a present  of  150  lepers,  saying  that  as  he  did  not  permit 
Christians  in  his  country,  and  knowing  that  the  priests  had  specially 
cared  for  these  unfortunate  beings,  he  remitted  them  to  their  care. 
The  first  impulse  of  the  Spaniards  was  to  sink  the  ship  with  cannon 
shots,  but  finally  it  was  agreed  to  receive  the  lepers,  who  were 
conducted  with  great  pomp  through  the  city  and  lodged  in  a large 
shed  at  Dilao  (now  the  suburb  of  Paco).  This  gave  rise  to  the 
foundation  of  the  Saint  Lazarus’  (Lepers’)  Hospital,  existing  at  the 
present  day.1  The  Governor  replied  to  the  Emperor  that  if  any  more 
were  sent  he  would  kill  them  and  their  conductors. 

The  Emperor  then  convoked  a great  assembly  of  his  vassal  Kings 
and  Nobles,  and  solemnly  imposed  upon  them  the  strict  obligation  to 

1 This  Hospital  was  rebuilt  with  a legacy  left  by  the  Gov.-Gen.  Don  Manuel 
de  Leon  in  1677.  It  was  afterwards  subsidized  by  the  Government,  and  was  under 
the  care  of  the  Franciscan  Friars,  up  to  the  close  of  Spanish  dominion. 


PHILIPPINE  MISSIONS  TO  JAPAN  RELINQUISHED.  75 

fulfil  all  the  edicts  against  the  entry  and  permanence  of  Christians, 
under  severe  penalties,  forfeiture  of  property,  deprivation  of  dignities, 
or  death.  So  intent  was  this  Prince  on  effectually  annihilating 
Christianity  within  his  Empire,  that  he  henceforth  interdicted  all  trade 
with  Macao  ; and  when  in  1640  his  decree  was  disregarded  by  four 
Portuguese  traders,  who,  describing  themselves  as  ambassadors,  arrived 
with  a suite  of  46  Orientals,  they  were  all  executed. 

In  the  same  year,  the  Governor  of  the  Philippines  called  a Congress 
of  local  officials  and  ecclesiastics  ; amongst  whom  it  was  agreed  that 
to  send  missionaries  to  Japan  was  to  send  them  directly  to  death, 
and  it  was  henceforth  resolved  to  abandon  Catholic  missions  in  that 
country. 

Secret  missions  and  consequent  executions  still  continued  until 
about  the  year  1642,  when  the  Dutch  took  Tanchiu — in  Formosa 
Island — from  the  Spaniards,  and  intercepted  the  passage  to  Japan  of 
priests  and  merchants  alike.  The  conquest  of  Japan  was  a feat  which 
all  the  artifice  of  King  Philip  IV.’s  favourites  and  their  monastic 
agents  could  not  compass. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


CONFLICTS  WITH  THE  DUTCH. 

Consequent  on  the  union  of  the  Crowns  of  Portugal  and  Spain 
(1581  to  1640),  the  feuds,  as  between  nations,  diplomatically  subsided, 
although  the  individual  antagonism  was  as  rife  as  ever. 

Spanish  and  Portuguese  interests  in  the  Moluccas,  as  elsewhere, 
were  thenceforth  officially  mutual.  In  the  Molucca  group,  the  old 
contests  between  the  once  rival  Kingdoms  had  estranged  the  natives 
from  their  forced  alliances.  Anti-Portuguese  and  Philo-Portuguese 
parties  had  sprung  up  amongst  the  petty  sovereignties,  but  the 
Portuguese  fort  and  factory  established  in  Ternate  Island  were  held 
for  many  years,  despite  all  contentions.  But  another  rivalry,  as 
formidable  and  more  detrimental  than  that  of  the  Portuguese  in  days 
gone  by,  now  menaced  Spanish  ascendancy. 

From  the  close  of  the  16th  century  up  to  the  year  of  the  “ Family 
Compact”  Wars  (1763),  Holland  and  Spain  were  relentless  foes.  To 
recount  the  numerous  combats  between  their  respective  fleets  during 
this  period,  would  itself  require  a volume.  It  will  suffice  here  to  show 
the  bearing  of  these  political  conflicts  upon  the  concerns  of  the 
Philippine  colony.  The  treaty  of  Antwerp,  •which  was  wrung  from 
the  Spaniards  in  1609,  twenty-eight  years  after  the  union  of  Spain  and 
Portugal,  broke  the  scourge  of  their  tyranny,  whilst  it  failed  to  assuage 
the  mutual  antipathy.  One  of  the  consequences  of  the  “ Wars  of  the 
Flanders,”  which  terminated  with  this  treaty,  was  that  the  Dutch  were 
obliged  to  seek  in  the  Far  East  the  merchandise  which  had  hitherto 
been  supplied  to  them  from  the  Peninsula.  The  short-sighted  policy 
of  the  Spaniards  in  closing  to  the  Dutch  the  Portuguese  markets, 
which  were  now  theirs,  brought  upon  themselves  the  destruction  of 


CONFLICTS  WITH  THE  DUTCH. 


77 


the  monopolies  which  they  had  gained  by  the  Union.  The  Dutch 
were  now  free,  and  their  old  tyrant’s  policy  induced  them  to 
independently  establish  their  own  trading  headquarters  in  the 
Molucca  Islands,  whence  they  could  obtain  directly  the  produce 
forbidden  to  them  in  the  home  ports.  Hence,  from  those  islands,  the 
ships  of  a powerful  Netherlands  Trading  Company  sallied  forth  from 
time  to  time  to  meet  the  Spanish  galleons  from  Mexico  laden  with 
silver  and  manufactured  goods. 

Previous  to  this,  and  during  the  Wars  of  the  Flanders,  Dutch 
corsairs  hovered  about  the  waters  of  the  Moluccas,  to  take  reprisals 
from  the  Spaniards.  These  encounters  frequently  took  place  at  the 
eastern  entrance  of  the  Sau  Bernadino  Straits,  where  the  Dutch  were 
accustomed  to  heave-to  in  anticipation  of  the  arrival  of  their  prizes. 

In  this  manner,  constantly  roving  about  the  Philippine  waters, 
they  enriched  themselves  at  the  expense  of  their  detested  adversary, 
and,  in  a small  degree,  avenged  themselves  of  the  bloodshed  and 
oppression  which  for  over  sixty  years  had  desolated  the  Low 
Countries. 

The  Philippine  Colony  lost  immense  sums  in  the  seizure  of  its 
galleons  from  Mexico,  upon  which  it  almost  entirely  depended  for 
subsistence.  Being  a dependency  of  New  Spain,  its  whole  intercourse 
with  the  civilized  world,  its  supplies  of  troops  and  European 
manufactured  articles,  were  contingent  upon  the  safe  arrival  of  the 
galleons.  Also  the  dollars  with  which  they  annually  purchased 
cargoes  from  the  Chinese  for  the  galleons  came  from  Mexico. 

Consequently,  the  Dutch  usually  took  the  aggressive  in  these  sea- 
battles,  although  they  were  not  always  victorious.  When  there  were 
no  ships  to  meet,  they  bombarded  the  ports  where  others  were  being 
built.  The  Spaniards,  on  their  part,  from  time  to  time  fitted  out 
vessels  to  run  down  to  the  Molucca  Islands  to  attack  the  enemy  in  his 
own  waters. 

During  tliq  Governorship  of  Gomez  Perez  Dasmarinas  (1590-1593), 
the  native  King  of  Siao  Island — one  of  the  Molucca  group — came  to 
Manila  to  offer  homage  and  vassalage  to  the  representative  of  the  King 
of  Spain  and  Portugal,  in  return  for  protection  against  the  incursions  of 
the  Dutch  and  the  raids  of  the  Ternate  natives.  Dasmarinas  received 
him  and  the  Spanish  priests  who  accompanied  him  with  affability,  and, 
being  satisfied  with  his  credentials,  he  prepared  a large  expedition  to 


78 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


go  to  the  Moluccas  to  set  matters  iu  order.  The  Fleet  was  composed 
of  several  frigates,  one  ship,  6 galleys  and  100  small  vessels,  all 
well  armed.  The  fighting  men  numbered  100  Spaniards,  400 
Pampanga  and  Tagalog  arquebusiers,  1,000  Yisaya  archers  and 
lancers,  besides  100  Chinese  to  row  the  galleys.  This  expedition, 
which  was  calculated  to  be  amply  sufficient  to  subdue  all  the 
Moluccas,  sailed  from  Cavite  on  the  6th  of  October,  1593.  The 
sailing  ships  having  got  far  ahead  of  the  galleys,  they  hove-to  off 
Punta  de  Azufre  (N.  of  Maricaban  Island)  to  Avait  for  them.  The 
galleys  arrived  ; and  the  next  day  they  were  able  to  start  again  in 
company.  Meanwhile  a conspiracy  was  formed  by  the  Chinese 
galleymen  to  murder  all  the  Spaniards.  Assuming  these  Chinese 
to  be  volunteers,  their  action  would  appear  most  wanton  and  base. 
If,  however,  as  is  most  probable,  they  were  pressed  into  this  military 
service  to  foreigners,  it  seems  quite  natural,  that  being  forced  to 
bloodshed  without  alternative,  they  should  first  fight  for  their  own 
liberty. 

All  but  the  Chinese  were  asleep,  and  they  fell  upon  the  Spaniards  iu 
a body.  Eighteen  of  the  troops  and  four  slaves  escaped  by  jumping 
into  the  sea.  The  Governor  was  sleeping  in  his  cabin,  but  awoke  on 
hearing  the  noise.  He  supposed  the  ship  had  grounded,  and  was 
coming  up  the  companion  en  deshabille , when  a Chinaman  cleaved  his 
head  with  a cutlass.  The  Governor  reached  his  state-room,  and  taking 
his  Missal  and  the  Image  of  the  Virgin  in  his  hand,  he  died  in  six  hours. 
The  Chinese  did  not  venture  below,  where  the  priests  and  armed  soldiers 
were  hidden.  They  cleared  the  decks  of  all  their  opponents,  made  fast 
the  hatches  and  gangways,  and  waited  three  days,  when,  after  putting 
ashore  those  who  were  still  alive,  they  escaped  to  Cochin  China,  where 
the  King  and  Mandarins  seized  the  vessel  and  all  she  carried.  On 
board  were  found  $12,000  in  coin,  some  silver,  and  jewels  belonging  to 
the  Governor  and  his  suite. 

Thus  the  expedition  was  brought  to  an  untimely  end.  The  King 
of  Siao,  and  the  missionaries  accompanying  him,  had  started  in  advance 
for  Otong  (Panay  Island)  to  wait  for  the  Governor,  and  there  they 
received  the  news  of  the  disaster. 

Amongst  the  most  notable  of  the  successful  expeditions  of  the 
Spaniards,  was  that  of  Pedro  Bravo  de  Acuna,  in  1606,  which  consisted 
of  19  frigates,  9 galleys,  and  8 6mall  craft,  carrying  a total  of  about 


CONFLICTS  WITH  THE  DUTCH. PLAYA  HONDA.  79 


2,000  men  and  provisions  for  a prolonged  struggle.  The  result  was 
that  they  subdued  a petty  sultan,  friendly  to  the  Dutch,  and  established 
a fortress  on  his  island. 

About  the  year  1607,  the  Supreme  Court  (the  Governorship  being 
vacant  from  1606  to  1608),  hearing  that  a Dutch  vessel  was  hovering 
off  Ternate,  sent  a ship  against  it,  commanded  by  Pedro  de  Heredia. 
A combat  ensued.  The  Dutch  commander  was  taken  prisoner  with 
several  of  his  men,  and  lodged  in  the  fort  at  Ternate,  but  was  ransomed 
on  payment  of  §50,000  to  the  Spanish  commander.  Heredia  returned 
joyfully  to  Manila,  where,  much  to  his  surprise,  he  was  prosecuted  by 
the  Supreme  Court  for  exceeding  his  instructions,  and  expired  of 
melancholy.  The  ransomed  Dutch  leader  was  making  his  way  back 
to  his  headquarters  in  a small  ship,  peacefully,  and  without  threatening 
the  Spaniards  in  any  way,  when  the  Supreme  Court  treacherously  sent 
a galley  and  a frigate  after  him  to  make  him  prisoner  a second  time. 
Overwhelmed  by  numbers  and  arms,  and  little  expecting  such  perfidious 
conduct  of  the  Spaniards,  he  was  at  once  arrested  and  brought  to 
Manila.  The  Dutch  returned  22  Spanish  prisoners  of  war  to  Manila 
to  ransom  him,  but  whilst  these  were  retained,  the  Dutch  commander 
was  nevertheless  imprisoned  for  life. 

Some  years  afterwards,  a Dutch  squadron  anchored  off  the  south 
point  of  Bataan  Province,  not  far  from  Punta  Marivelez,  at  the 
entrance  to  Manila  Bay.  Juan  de  Silva,  the  Governor  (from  1609  to 
1616),  was  in  great  straits.  Several  ships  had  been  lost  by  storms, 
others  were  away,  and  there  was  no  adequate  floating  armament  with 
which  to  meet  the  enemy.  However,  the  Dutch  lay  to  for  five  or  six 
months,  waiting  to  seize  the  Chinese  and  Japanese  traders’  goods  on 
their  way  to  the  Manila  market.  They  secured  immense  booty,  and 
were  in  no  hurry  to  open  hostilities.  This  delay  gave  Silva  time  to 
prepare  vessels  to  attack  the  foe.  In  the  interval  he  dreamt  that  Saint 
Mark  had  offered  to  help  him  defeat  the  Dutch.  On  awaking,  he 
called  a priest,  whom  he  consulted  about  the  dream,  and  they  agreed 
that  the  nocturnal  vision  was  a sign  from  Heaven  denoting  a victory. 
The  priest  went  (from  Cavite)  to  Manila  to  procure  a relic  of  this 
glorious  intercessor,  and  returned  with  his  portrait  to  the  Governor, 
who  adored  it.  In  haste  the  ships  and  armament  were  prepared.  On 
Saint  Mark’s  day,  therefore,  the  Spaniards  sallied  forth  from  Cavite 
with  six  ships,  carrying  70  guns  and  two  galleys,  and  two  launches 


80 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


also  well  armed,  besides  a number  of  small  light  vessels,  to  assist  in  the 
formation  of  line  of  battle. 

All  the  European  fighting  men  in  Manila  and  Cavite  embarked — 
over  1,000  Spaniards — the  flower  of  the  Colony,  together  with  a large 
force  of  natives,  who  were  taught  to  believe  that  the  Dutch  were  iufidels. 
On  the  issue  of  this  day’s  events  perchance  depended  the  possession 
of  the  Colony.  Manila  and  Cavite  were  garrisoned  by  volunteers. 
Orations  were  offered  in  the  Churches.  The  Miraculous  Image  of  Our 
Lady  of  the  Guide  was  taken  in  procession  from  the  Hermit,  and 
exposed  to  public  view  in  the  Cathedral.  The  Saints  of  the  different 
churches  and  sanctuaries  were  adored  and  exhibited  daily.  The 
Governor  himself  took  the  supreme  command,  and  dispelled  all 
wavering  doubt  in  his  subordinates  by  proclaiming  Saint  Mark’s 
promise  of  intercession.  On  his  ship  he  hoisted  the  Royal  Standard, 
on  which  was  embroidered  the  Image  of  the  Holy  Virgin,  with  the 
motto  “ Mostrate  esse  Matrem and  over  a beautifully  calm  sea  he  led 
the  way  to  battle. 

A shot  from  the  Spanish  heavy  artillery  opened  the  bloody  combat. 
The  Dutch  were  completely  vanquished,  after  a fierce  struggle,  which 
lasted  six  hours.  Their  three  ships  were  destroyed,  and  their  flags, 
artillery,  and  plundered  merchandise  to  the  value  of  $300,000,  were 
seized.  This  famous  engagement  was  thenceforth  known  as  the  Battle 
of  Playa  Honda. 

Again  in  1611,  under  Silva,  a squadron  sailed  to  the  Moluccas 
and  defeated  the  Dutch  off  Gilolo  Island. 

In  1617,  the  Spaniards  had  a successful  engagement  off  the 
Zambales  coast  with  the  Dutch,  who  lost  three  of  their  ships. 

In  July,  1620,  three  Mexican  galleons  were  met  by  three  Dutch 
vessels  off  Cape  Espiritu  Santo  (Samar  Island),  at  the  entrance  of  the 
San  Bernadino  Straits,  but  managed  to  escape  in  the  dark.  Two  ran 
ashore  and  broke  up  ; the  third  reached  Manila.  After  this,  the 
Governor-General,  Alonso  Fajardo  de  Tua,  ordered  the  course  of  the 
State  ships  to  be  varied  on  each  voyage. 

In  1625,  the  Dutch  again  appeared  off  the  Zambales  coast,  and 
Gerouimo  de  Silva  w’ent  out  against  them.  The  Spaniards  having  lost 
one  man,  relinquished  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  and  the  Commander 
was  brought  to  trial  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

In  1626,  at  the  close  of  the  Governorship  of  Fernando  de  Silva,  a 


RULE  OF  THE  GOVERNORS-GENERAL. 


81 


Spanish  Colony  was  founded  on  Formosa  Island,  but  no  supplies  were 
sent  to  it,  and  consequently  in  1642  it  surrendered  to  the  Dutch,  who 
held  it  for  20  years,  until  they  were  driven  out  by  the  Chinese 
adventurer  Koxinga.  And  thus  for  over  a century  and  a half  the 
strife  continued,  until  the  Dutch  concentrated  their  attention  on  the 
development  of  their  Eastern  Colonies,  which  the  power  of  Spain, 
growing  more  and  more  effete,  was  incompetent  to  impede. 

******  # 

The  rule  of  the  Governors-General  of  the  Islands  was,  upon  the 
whole,  benignant  with  respect  to  the  natives  when  these  manifested 
submission.  Apart  from  the  unconcealed  animosity  of  the  monastic 
party,  the  Governor-General’s  liberty  of  actiou  was  always  very  much 
locally  restrained  by  the  Supreme  Court  and  by  individual  officials. 
The  standing  rule  was,  that  iu  the  event  of  the  death  or  deprivation 
of  office  of  the  Governor-General,  the  Civil  Government  was  to  be 
assumed  by  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  military  administration  by  the 
senior  magistrate.  Latterly,  in  the  absence  of  a Governor-General, 
from  any  cause  whatsoever,  the  sub-inspector  of  the  forces  became 
Acting  Governor-General. 

Up  to  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  the  authority  of  the 
King’s  absolute  will  was  always  jealously  imposed,  aud  the  Governors- 
General  were  frequently  rebuked  for  having  exercised  independent 
action,  taking  the  initiative  in  what  they  deemed  the  best  policy.  But 
Royal  decrees  could  not  enforce  honesty  ; the  peculations  and  frauds  on 
the  part  of  the  secular  authorities,  and  increasing  quarrels  aud  jealousies 
amongst  the  several  religious  bodies,  seemed  to  annihilate  all  prospect 
of  social  aud  material  progress  of  the  Colony.  As  early  as  the  reign  of 
Philip  III.  (1598  to  1621),  the  procurators  of  Manila  had,  during  three 
years,  been  unsuccessfully  soliciting  from  the  mother  country  financial 
help  for  the  Philippines  to  meet  official  discrepancies.  The  affairs  of 
the  Colony  were  eventually  submitted  to  a special  Royal  Commission 
in  Spain,  the  result  being,  that  the  King  was  advised  to  abandon  this 
possession,  which  was  not  only  unproductive,  but  had  become  a costly 
centre  of  disputes  aud  bad  feeling.  However,  Fray  Hernando  de 
Moraga,  a missionary  from  the  Philippines,  happened  to  be  iu  the 
Peninsula  at  the  time,  and  successfully  implored  the  King  to  withhold 
his  ratification  of  the  recommendation  of  the  Commission.  His  Majesty 
avowed,  that  even  though  the  maintenance  of  this  Colony  should  exhaust 

F 


82 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


his  Mexican  Treasury,  his  conscience  would  not  allow  him  to  consent 
to  the  perdition  of  souls  which  had  been  saved,  and  the  hope  of  rescuing 
yet  far  more  in  these  distant  regions. 

During  the  first  two  centuries  following  the  foundation  of  the 
Colony,  it  was  the  custom  for  a Royal  Commission  to  be  appointed  to 
enquire  into  the  official  acts  of  the  outgoing  Governor  before  he  could 
leave  the  islands. — Hacerle  la  residencia,  as  it  was  called. 

Whilst  on  the  one  hand  this  measure  effectually  served  as  a check 
upon  a Governor  who  might  be  inclined  to  adopt  unjustifiable  means  of 
coercion,  or  commit  defalcations,  it  was  also  attended  with  many  abuses  ; 
for  against  an  energetic  ruler,  an  antagonistic  party  was  always  raised, 
ready  to  join  in  the  ultimate  ruin  of  the  Governor  who  had  aroused 
their  susceptibilities  by  refusing  to  favour  their  nefarious  schemes. 
Hence  when  a prima  facie  case  was  made  out  against  a Governor, 
his  inexperienced  successor  was  often  persuaded  to  consent  to 
his  incarceration  whilst  the  articles  of  impeachment  were  being 
investigated. 

Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Corcuera  (1635-1644)  had  been  Governor 
of  Panama  before  he  was  appointed  to  the  Philippines.  During  his 
term  of  office  here  he  had  usually  sided  with  the  Jesuits  on  important 
questions  taken  up  by  the  Friars,  and  on  being  succeeded  by  Diego 
Fajardo,  he  was  brought  to  trial,  fined  $25,000,  and  put  into  prison. 
After  five  years’  confinement,  he  was  released  by  Royal  order  and 
returned  to  Spain,  where  the  King  partially  compensated  him  with  the 
Government  of  the  Canary  Islands. 

Juan  Vargas  (1678-1684)  had  been  in  office  for  nearly  seven  years, 
and  the  Roval  Commissioner  who  enquired  into  his  acts  took  four  years 
to  draw  up  his  report.  He  filled  20  large  volumes  of  a statement  of 
the  charges  made  against  the  late  Governor,  some  of  which  were  grave, 
but  the  majority  of  them  were  of  a very  frivolous  character.  This  is 
the  longest  enquiry  of  the  kind  on  record. 

Acting-Governor  Jose  Torralba  (1715-1717)  was  arrested  on  the 
termination  of  his  Governorship  and  confined  in  the  Fortress  of 
Santiago,  charged  with  embezzlement  to  the  amount  of  $700,000.  He 
had  also  to  deposit  the  sum  of  $20,000  for  the  expenses  of  the  enquiry 
commission.  Several  other  officials  were  imprisoned  with  him  as 
accomplices  in  his  crimes.  He  is  said  to  have  sent  his  son  with  public 
funds  on  trading  expeditions  around  the  coasts,  and  his  wife  and  young 


PROSECUTIONS  OF  THE  GOVERXORS-GENERAL. 


83 


children  to  Mexico  with  an  enormous  sum  of  money  defrauded  from 
the  Government.  Figures  at  that  date  show,  that  when  he  took  the 
Government,  there  was  a balance  in  the  Treasury  of  $238,849,  and 
when  he  left  it  in  two  years  and  a half,  the  balance  was  $33,226, 
leaving  a deficit  of  $205,623,  whilst  the  expenses  of  the  colony 
were  not  extraordinary  during  that  period.  Amongst  other  charges, 
he  was  accused  of  having  sold  ten  Provincial  Government  licences 
( encomiendas ),  many  offices  of  notaries,  scriveners,  &c.,  and  conceded 
27  months’  gambling  licences  to  the  Chinese  in  the  Parian  without 
accounting  to  the  Treasury.  He  was  finally  sentenced  to  pay  a fine 
of  $100,000,  the  costs  of  the  trial,  the  forfeiture  of  the  $20,000  already 
deposited,  perpetual  privation  of  public  office,  and  banishment  from  the 
Philippine  Islands  and  Madrid.  When  the  Eoyal  order  reached 
Manila,  he  was  so  ill  that  his  banishment  was  postponed.  He  lived 
for  a short  time  nominally  under  arrest,  and  was  permitted  to  beg  alms 
for  his  subsistence  until  he  died  in  the  Hospital  of  San  Juan  de  Dios 
in  1736. 

The  defalcations  of  some  of  the  Governors  caused  no  inconsiderable 
anxiety  to  the  Sovereign.  Pedro  de  Arandia  (1754-1759)  was  a 
corrupt  administrator  of  his  country’s  wealth.  He  is  said  to  have 
amassed  a fortune  of  $25,000  during  his  five  years’  term  of  office,  and 
on  his  death  he  left  it  all  to  pious  works. 

Governor  Berenguer  y Marquina  (1788-1793)  was  accused  of 
briberv,  but  the  King  absolved  him. 

J 7 O 

In  the  present  century,  a Governor  of  Yloilo  is  said  to  have 
absconded  in  a sailing  ship  with  a large  sum  of  the  public  funds.  A 
local  Governor  was  then  also  ex-officio  administrator  ; and,  although 
the  system  was  afterwards  reformed,  official  extortion  was  rife  through- 
out the  whole  Spanish  administration  of  the  Colony,  up  to  the  last. 

A strange  drama  of  the  year  1622  well  portrays  the  spirit  of  the 
times — the  immunity  of  a Governor-General  in  those  days,  as  well  as 
the  religious  sentiment  which  accompanied  his  most  questionable  acts. 
Alonso  Fajardo  de  Tua  having  suspected  his  wife  of  infidelity,  went  to 
the  house  where  she  was  accustomed  to  meet  her  paramour.  Her  attire 
was  such  as  to  confirm  her  husband’s  surmises.  He  called  a priest 
and  instructed  him  to  confess  her,  telling  him  that  he  intended  to  take 
her  life.  The  priest  failing  to  dissuade  Fajardo  from  inflicting  such 
an  extreme  penalty,  took  her  confession  and  proffered  her  spiritual 

F 2 


84 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


consolation.  Then  Fajardo,  incensed  with  jealousy,  mortally  stabbed 
her.  No  inquiry  into  the  occurrence  seems  to  have  been  made,  and  he 
continued  to  govern  for  two  years  after  the  event,  when  he  died  of 
melancholy.  It  is  recorded  that  the  paramour,  who  was  the  son  of  a 
Cadiz  merchant,  had  formerly  been  the  accepted  fiance  of  ;Fajardo’s 
wife,  and  that  he  arrived  in  Manila  in  their  company.  The  Governor 
gave  him  time  to  confess  before  he  killed  him,  after  which  (according 
to  one  account)  he  caused  his  house  to  be  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the 
land  on  which  it  stood  to  be  strewn  with  salt.  Juan  de  la  Concepcion, 
however,  says  that  the  house  stood  for  one  hundred  years  after  the  event 
as  a memorial  of  the  punishment. 

In  1640,  Olivarez,  King  Philip  IV.’s  chief  counsellor,  had  succeeded 
by  his  arrogance  and  unconstitutional  policy  of  repression,  in  arousing 
the  latent  discontent  of  the  Portuguese.  A few  years  previously  they 
had  made  an  unsuccessful  effort  to  regain  their  independent  nationality 
under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Duke  of  Braganza.  At  length,  when  a 
call  was  made  upon  their  boldest  warriors  to  support  the  King  of  Spain 
in  his  protracted  struggle  with  the  Catalonians,  an  insurrection  broke 
out,  which  only  terminated  when  Portugal  had  thrown  off,  for  ever,  the 
scourge  of  Spanish  supremacy. 

The  Duke  of  Braganza  was  crowned  King  of  Portugal,  under  the 
title  of  John  IV.,  and  every  Portuguese  colony  declared  in  his  favour, 
except  Ceuta,  on  the  African  coast.  The  news  of  the  separation  of 
Portugal  from  Spain  reached  Manila  in  the  following  year.  The 
Governor-General  at  that  time — Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Corcuera — sent 
out  at  once  an  expedition  of  picked  men  under  Juan  Claudio  with 
orders  to  take  Macao, — a Portuguese  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Canton  Biver,  about  40  miles  west  of  Hongkong.  The  attempt 
miserably  failed,  and  the  blue  and  white  ensign  continued  to  waive 
unscathed  over  the  little  territory.  The  Governor  of  Macao,  who 
was  willing  to  yield,  was  denounced  a traitor  to  Portugal,  and  killed 
by  the  populace.  Juan  Claudio,  who  fell  a prisoner,  was  generously 
liberated  by  favour  of  the  Portuguese  Viceroy  of  Goa,  and  returned 
to  Manila. 

The  Convent  of  Santa  Clara  was  founded  in  Manila  in  1621  by 
Gerdnima  de  la  Asuncion,  who,  three  years  afterwards,  was  expelled 
from  the  management  by  the  Friars  because  she  refused  to 
admit  reforms  iu  the  conventual  regulations.  The  General  Council 


NUNNERIES. THE  INQUISITION. 


85 


subsequently  restored  her  to  the  matronship  for  :20  years.  Public 
opinion  was,  at  this  time,  vividly  aroused  against  the  superiors  of  the 
convents,  who,  it  was  alleged,  made  serious  inroads  on  society  by 
inveigling  the  marriageable  young  women  into  taking  the  veil  and  to 
live  unnatural  lives.  The  public  demanded  that  there  should  be  a 
fixed  limit  to  the  number  of  nuns  admitted.  An  ecclesiastic  of  high 
degree  made  strenuous  efforts  to  rescue  three  nuns  who  had  just 
been  admitted,  but  the  abbess  refused  to  give  them  up  until  her 
excommunication  was  published  on  the  walls  of  the  nunnery. 

In  1750,  a certain  Mother  Cecilia,  who  had  been  in  the  nunnery 
of  Santa  Catalina  since  she  was  16  years  of  age,  fell  in  love  with  a 
Spaniard  who  lived  opposite,  named  Francisco  Autonio  de  Figueroa, 
and  begged  to  be  relieved  of  her  vows  and  have  her  liberty  restored  to 
her.  The  Archbishop  was  willing  to  grant  her  request,  which  was, 
however,  stoutly  opposed  by  the  Dominican  Friars.  On  appeal  being 
made  to  the  Governor,  as  viceregal  patron,  he  ordered  her  to  be  set 
at  liberty.  The  Friars,  nevertheless,  defied  the  Governor,  who,  to  sustain 
his  authority,  was  compelled  to  order  the  troops  to  be  placed  under 
arms,  and  the  commanding  officer  of  the  artillery  to  hold  the  cannons 
in  readiness  to  fire  when  and  where  necessmy.  In  view  of  these 
preparations,  the  Friars  allowed  the  nun  to  leave  her  confinement,  and 
she  was  lodged  in  the  College  of  Santa  Potenciana  pending  the  dispute. 
Public  excitement  was  intense.  The  Archbishop  ordered  the  girl  to  be 
liberated,  but  as  his  subordinates  were  still  contumacious  to  his  bidding, 
the  Bishop  of  Cebu  was  invited  to  arbitrate  on  the  question,  but  ho 
declined  to  interfere,  therefore  an  appeal  was  remitted  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Mexico.  In  the  meantime,  the  girl  was  married  to  her  lover,  and 
long  afterwards  a citation  arrived  from  Mexico  for  the  woman  to  appear 
at  that  ecclesiastical  court.  She  went  there  with  her  husband,  from 
whom  she  was  separated  whilst  the  case  was  being  tried,  but  in  the 
end  her  liberty  and  marriage  were  confirmed. 

During  the  Government  of  Kino  de  Tabora  (1626-1632),  the 
High  Host  and  sacred  vessels  were  stolen  from  the  Cathedral  of  Manila. 
The  Archbishop  was,  in  consequence,  sorely  distressed,  and  walked 
barefooted  to  the  Jesuits’  convent  to  weep  with  the  priests,  and  therein 
find  a solace  for  his  mental  affliction.  It  was  surmised  that  the  wrath 
of  God  at  such  a crime  would  assuredly  be  avenged  by  calamities  on 
the  inhabitants,  and  confessions  were  made  daily.  The  Friars  agreed  to 


86 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


appease  the  anger  of  the  Almighty  by  making  public  penance  and 
by  public  prayer.  The  Archbishop  gave  himself  up  to  the  most 
fanciful  follies.  He  perpetually  fasted,  ate  herbs,  drank  only  water, 
slept  on  the  floor  with  a stone  for  a pillow,  and  flagellated  his  own  body. 
On  Corpus  Christi  day,  a religious  procession  passed  through  the  public 
streets,  exhorting  the  delinquents  to  restore  the  body  of  Our  Saviour, 
but  all  iu  vain.  The  melancholy  prelate,  Aveak  beyond  recovery  from 
his  self-imposed  privations,  came  to  the  Avindow  of  his  retreat  as  the 
cortege  passed  in  front  of  it,  and  there  he  breathed  his  last. 

As  in  all  other  Spanish  Colonies,  the  Inquisition  had  its  secret 
agents  or  commissaries  in  the  Philippines.  Sometimes  a priest  Avould 
hold  poAvers  for  several  years  to  inquire  into  the  private  lives  and  acts 
of  individuals,  whilst  no  one  knew  Avho  the  informer  Avas.  The  Holy 
Office  ordered  that  its  Letter  of  Anathema,  Avith  the  names  in  full  of  all 
persons  who  had  incurred  pains  and  penalties  for  heresy,  should  be  read 
in  public  places,  every  three  years,  but  this  order  was  not  fulfilled. 
The  Letter  of  Anathema  was  so  read  in  1669,  and  the  only  time  since 
then  up  to  the  present  date  Avas  in  1718. 

In  the  middle  of  the  17th  century,  the  Tartars  invaded  China  and 
overthrew  the  Min  Dynasty — at  that  time  represented  by  the  Chinese 
Emperor  Yunglic.  He  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  by  the  Tartar 
Emperor  Kuugchi,  to  Avhose  arbitrary  poAver  nearly  all  the  Chinese 
Empire  had  submitted.  Amongst  the  few  Mongol  chiefs  who  held  out 
against  Ta-Tsiug  dominion,  Avas  a certain  Mandarin,  knoAvn  under  the 
name  of  Koxinga,  who  retired  to  the  Island  of  Kinmuen,  where  he 
asserted  his  independence  and  defied  his  nation’s  conqueror.  Securely 
established  in  his  stronghold,  he  invited  the  Chinese  to  take  refuge  iu 
his  island  and  oppose  the  Tartar’s  rule.  Therefore  the  Emperor  ordered 
that  no  man  should  inhabit  China  within  four  leagues  of  the  coast, 
except  in  those  provinces  which  Avere  undoubtedly  loyal  to  the  neAV 
Government.  The  coast  was  consequently  laid  bare  ; vessels,  houses, 
plantations,  and  everything  useful  to  man  Avas  destroyed  in  order  to 
effectually  cut  off  all  communications  with  lands  beyond  the  Tartar 
Empire.  The  Chinese  from  the  coast,  Avho  for  generations  had  earned 
a living  by  fishing,  etc.,  croAvded  into  the  interior,  and  their  misery  was 
indescribable. 

v Koxiuga,  unable  to  communicate  Avith  the  mainland  of  the  Empire, 
turned  his  attention  to  the  conquest  of  Formosa  Island,  at  the  time  in 


KOXINGA  THREATENS  INVASION. 


87 


the  possessiou  of  the  Dutch.  According  to  Dutch  accounts,  the 
European  settlers  numbered  about  630,  with  a garrison  of  2,200.  The 
Dutch  artillery,  stores  and  merchandise  were  valued  at  $8,000,000, 
and  the  Chinese,  who  attacked  them  under  Koxinga,  were  about 
100,000  strong.  The  settlement  surrendered  to  the  invaders’  superior 
numbers,  and  Koxinga  established  himself  as  King  of  the  Island. 
Koxinga  had  become  acquainted  with  an  Italian  Dominican  missionary 
named  Vittorio  Riccio,  whom  he  created  a Mandarin,  and  sent  him  as 
Ambassador  to  the  Governor  of  the  Philippines.  Riccio  therefore  arrived 
in  Manila  in  1662,  the  bearer  of  Koxinga’s  despatches  calling  upon  the 
Governor  to  pay  tribute,  under  threat  of  the  Colony  being  attacked  by 
Koxinga  if  his  demand  were  refused. 

The  position  of  Riccio  as  an  European  Friar  and  Ambassador  of  a 
Mongol  adventurer  was  as  awkward  as  it  was  novel.  He  was  received 
with  great  honour  in  Manila,  where  he  disembarked,  and  rode  to  the 
Government  House  in  the  full  uniform  of  a Chinese  envoy,  through 
lines  of  troops  drawn  up  to  salute  him  as  he  passed.  At  the  same  time, 
letters  from  Formosa  had  also  been  received  by  the  Chinese  in  Manila, 
and  the  Government  at  once  accused  them  of  conniving  at  rebellion. 
All  available  forces  were  concentrated  in  the  capital ; and  to  increase 
the  garrison,  the  Governor  published  a Decree,  dated  6th  of  May,  1662, 
ordering  the  demolition  of  the  forts  of  Zamboanga,  Yligan  (Mindanao 
Island),  Calamianes  and  Ternate1  (Moluccas). 

The  only  provincial  fort  preserved  was  that  of  Surigao  (then  called 
Caraga),  consequently  in  the  south  the  Mussulmans  became  complete 
masters  on  land  and  at  sea  for  half  a year. 

The  troops  in  Manila  numbered  100  cavalry  and  8,000  infantry. 
Fortifications  were  raised,  and  redoubts  were  constructed  in  which  ta 
secrete  the  Treasury  funds.  When  all  the  armament  was  in  readiness, 
the  Spaniards  incited  the  Chinese  to  rebel,  to  afford  a pretext  for  their 
massacre. 

Two  junk  masters  were  seized,  and  the  Chinese  population  was 
menaced ; therefore  they  prepared  for  their  own  defence,  and  then 
opened  the  affray,  for  which  the  Government  was  secretly  longing,  by 

1 From  this  date  the  Molucca  Islands  were  definitely  evacuated  and  abandoned 
by  the  Spaniards,  although  as  many  men  and  as  much  material  and  money  had 
been  employed  in  garrisons  and  conveyance  of  subsidies  there  as  in  the  whole 
Philippine  Colony  up  to  that  period. 


88 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


killing  a Spaniard  in  the  market  place.  Suddeuly  artillery  fire  was 
opened  out  on  the  Parian,  and  many  of  the  peaceful  Chinese  traders,  in 
their  terror,  hanged  themselves  ; many  were  drowned  in  the  attempt  to 
reach  the  canoes  in  which  to  get  away  to  sea  ; some  few  did  safely 
arrive  in  Formosa  Island  and  joined  Ivoxiuga’s  camp,  whilst  others  took 
to  the  mountains.  Some  8,000  to  9,000  Chinese  remained  quiet,  but 
ready  for  any  event,  when  they  were  suddenly  attacked  by  Spaniards 
and  natives.  The  confusion  was  general,  and  the  Chinese  seemed  to 
be  gaining  ground,  therefore  the  Governor  sent  the  Ambassador  Riecio 
and  a certain  Fray  Joseph  de  Madrid  to  parley  with  them.  The  Chinese 
accepted  the  terms  offered  by  Riccio,  who  returned  to  the  Governor, 
leaving  Fray  Joseph  with  the  rebels,  but  when  Riccio  went  back  with  a 
general  pardon  and  a promise  to  restore  the  two  junk  masters,  he  found 
that  they  had  beheaded  the  priest.  A general  carnage  of  the  Mougols 
followed,  and  Juan  de  la  Concepciou  says  1 that  the  original  intention 
of  the  Spaniards  was  to  kill  every  Chinaman,  but  that  they  desisted  in 
view  of  the  inconvenience  which  would  have  ensued  from  the  want  of 
tradesmen  and  mechanics.  Therefore  they  made  a virtue  of  a necessity, 
and  graciously  pardoned  in  the  name  of  Ilis  Catholic  Majesty  all  who 
laid  down  their  arms. 

Riccio  returned  to  Formosa  Island,  and  found  Koxinga  preparing 
for  warfare  against  the  Philippines,  but  before  he  could  carry  out  his 
intentions  he  died  of  fever.  This  chief’s  successor,  of  a less  bellicose 
spirit,  sent  Riccio  a second  time  to  Manila,  and  a treaty  was  agreed  to, 
re-establishing  commercial  relations  with  the  Chinese.  Shortly  after 
Koxinga’s  decease,  a rebellion  was  raised  in  Formosa  ; and  the  Island 
falling  at  length  into  the  hands  of  a Tartar  party,  became  annexed  to 
China  under  the  new  dynasty.  Then  Riccio  was  called  upon  to  relate 
the  part  he  had  taken  in  Koxinga’s  affairs,  and  he  was  heard  in 
council.  Some  present  were  in  favour  of  invading  the  Philippines  in 
great  force  because  of  the  cruel  aud  unwarranted  general  massacre  of 
the  Chinese  in  cold  blood,  but  Riccio  took  pains  to  show  how  powerful 
Spain  was,  aud  how  justified  was  the  action  of  the  Spaniards,  as  a 
measure  of  precaution,  in  view  of  the  threatened  invasion  of  Koxinga. 
The  Chinese  party  was  appeased,  but  had  the  Tartars  cared  to  take 


1 “Hist.  Gen.  de  Philipinas,  ” by  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  Vol.  VII.,  page  IS, 
pub,  Manila,  1788. 


VALENZUELA,  THE  COURT  FAVOURITE. 


89 


up  the  cause  of  their  conquered  subjects,  the  fate  of  the  Philippines 
would  have  been  doubtful. 

During  the  minority  of  the  young  Spanish  King  Charles  II.,  the 
Regency  was  held  by  his  mother,  the  Queen  Dowager,  who  was 
unfortunately  influenced  by  favourites,  to  the  great  disgust  of  the  Court 
and  the  people.  Amongst  these  sycophants  was  a man  named 
Valenzuela,  of  noble  birth,  who,  as  a boy,  had  followed  the  custom 
of  those  days,  and  entered  as  page  to  a nobleman — the  Duke  del 
Infautado — to  learn  manners  and  Court  etiquette. 

The  Duke  went  to  Italy  as  Spanish  Ambassador,  and  took 
Valenzuela  under  his  protection.  He  was  a handsome  and  talented 
young  fellow, — learned  for  those  times, — intelligent,  well  versed  in  all 
the  generous  exercises  of  chivalry,  and  a poet  by  nature.  On  his 
return  from  Italy  with  the  Duke,  his  patron  caused  him  to  be  created  a 
Cavalier  of  the  Order  of  Saint  James.  The  Duke  shortly  afterwards 
died,  but  through  the  influence  of  the  Dowager  Queen’s  confessor — the 
notorious  Nitard,  also  a favourite — young  Valenzuela  was  presented  at 
Court.  There  he  made  love  to  one  of  the  Queen’s  maids-of-honour 
— a German — aud  married  her.  The  Prince,  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 
who  headed  the  party  against  the  Queen,  expelled  her  favourite  (Nitard) 
from  Court,  and  Valenzuela  became  Her  Majesty’s  sole  confidential 
adviser.  Nearly  every  night,  at  late  hours,  the  Queen  went  to 
Valenzuela’s  apartment  to  confer  with  him,  whilst  he  daily  brought  her 
secret  news  learnt  from  the  courtiers.  The  Queen  created  him  Marquis 
of  San  Bartolome  and  of  Villa  Sierra,  a first-class  Grandee  of  Spain, 
and  Prime  Minister. 

He  was  a most  perfect  courtier  ; and  it  is  related  of  him  that  when 
a bull  fight  took  place,  he  used  to  go  to  the  Royal  box  richly  adorned 
in  fighting  attire,  and,  with  profound  reverence,  beg  Her  Majesty’s 
leave  to  challenge  the  bull.  The  Queen,  it  is  said,  never  refused  him 
the  solicited  permission,  but  tenderly  begged  of  him  not  to  expose 
himself  to  such  dangers. 

Sometimes  he  would  appear  in  the  ring  as  a cavalier,  in  a black 
costume  embroidered  with  silver  and  with  a large  white  aud  black 
plume,  in  imitation  of  the  Queen’s  half  mourning.  It  was  much 
remarked  that  on  one  occasion  he  wore  a device  of  the  sun  with 
an  eagle  looking  down  upon  it,  and  the  words,  “ I alone  have 
licence .” 


90 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS, 


He  composed  several  comedies,  and  'allowed  them  to  be  performed 
at  his  expense  for  the  free  amusement  of  the  people.  He  also 
much  improved  the  City  of  Madrid  with  fine  buildings,  bridges 
and  many  public  works  to  sustain  his  popularity  amongst  the 
citizens. 

The  young  King,  now  a youth,  ordered  a deer  hunt  to  be  prepared 
in  the  Escorial  grounds  ; and  during  the  diversion,  His  Majesty 
happened  to  shoot  Valenzuela  in  the  muscle  of  his  arm,  whether 
intentionally  or  accidentally  is  not  known.  However,  the  terrified 
Queen-mother  fainted  and  fell  into  the  arms  of  her  ladies-in-waiting. 
This  circumstance  was  much  commented  upon,  and  contributed  in  no 
small  degree  to  the  public  odium  and  final  downfall  of  Valenzuela  in 
1684.  At  length,  Don  Juan  de  Austria  returned  to  the  Court,  when 
the  young  King  was  of  an  age  to  appreciate  public  concerns,  and  he 
became  more  the  Court  favourite  than  ever  Valenzuela  or  Nitard  had 
been  during  the  Dowager  Queen’s  administration.  Valenzuela  fell  at 
once  from  the  exclusive  position  he  had  held  in  Royal  circles  aud 
retired  to  the  Escorial,  where,  by  order  of  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 
a party  of  young  noblemen,  including  Don  Juan’s  son,  the  Duke 
of  Medina  Sidonia,  the  Marquis  of  Valparaiso  and  others  of  rank, 
accompanied  by  200  horsemen,  went  to  seize  the  disfavoured  courtier. 
He  was  out  walking  at  the  time  of  their  arrival,  but  he  was  speedily 
apprised  of  the  danger  by  his  bosom  friend,  the  Prior  of  St.  Jerome 
Monastery.  The  priest  hid  him  in  the  roof  of  the  Monastery,  where, 
being  nearly  suffocated  for  want  of  ventilation,  a surgeon  was  sent  up 
to  bleed  him  and  make  him  sleep.  The  search  party  failed  to  find  the 
refugee,  aud  were  about  to  return,  when  the  surgeon  treacherously 
betrayed  the  secret  to  them,  and  Valenzuela  was  discovered  sleeping 
with  arms  by  his  side.  He  was  made  prisoner,  confined  in  a castle, 
degraded  of  all  his  honours  and  rank,  aud  finally  banished  by  Don  Juan 
de  Austria  to  the  furthermost  Spanish  possession  in  the  world — the 
Philippines, — whilst  his  family  were  incarcerated  in  a convent  at 
Talavera  in  Spain. 

When  the  Pope  heard  of  this  violation  of  church  asylum  in  the 
Escorial  committed  by  the  nobles,  he  excommunicated  all  concerned  in 
it ; aud  in  order  to  purge  themselves  of  their  sin  aud  obtain  absolution, 
they  were  compelled  to  go  to  church  in  their  shirts,  each  with  a rope 
around  his  neck.  They  actually  performed  this  penance,  and  then  the 


STRANGE  PROCEEDINGS  OF  A POPE’S  LEGATE.  91 


Nuncio,  Cardinal  Mellini,  relieved  them  of  their  ecclesiastical  pains 
and  penalties. 

Valenzuela  was  permitted  to  establish  a house  within  the  prison 
of  Cavite,  where  he  lived  for  several  years  as  a State  prisoner  and 
exile.  When  Don  Juan  de  Austria  died,  the  Dowager-Queen  regained 
in  a measure  her  influence  at  Court,  and  one  of  the  first  favours  she 
begged  of  her  son,  the  King,  was  the  return  of  Valenzuela  to  Madrid. 
The  King  granted  her  request,  and  she  at  once  despatched  a ship  to 
bring  him  to  Spain,  but  the  Secretary  of  State  interfered  and  stopped 
it.  Nevertheless,  Valenzuela,  pardoned  and  liberated,  set  out  for 
the  Peninsula,  and  reached  Mexico,  where  he  died  from  the  kick  of  a 
horse. 

In  1703,  a vessel  arrived  in  Manila  Bay  from  India,  under  an 
Armenian  captain,  bringing  a young  man  35  years  of  age,  a native  of 
Turin,  who  styled  himself  Monseigneur  Charles  Thomas  Maillard  de 
Tournon,  Visitor-General,  Bishop  of  Savoy,  Patriarch  of  Antioch, 
Apostolic  Nuncio  and  Legate  ad  latere  of  the  Pope.  He  was  on  his 
way  to  China  to  visit  the  missions,  and  called  at  Manila  with  eight 
priests  and  four  Italian  families. 

Following  the  custom  established  with  foreign  ships,  the  custodian 
of  the  Fort  of  Cavite  placed  guards  on  board  this  vessel.  This  act 
seems  to  have  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  exalted  stranger,  who 
assumed  a very  haughty  tone,  and  arrogantly  insisted  upon  a verbal 
message  being  taken  to  the  Governor  (Domingo  Zabalburu),  to  announce 
his  arrival.  In  Manila  these  circumstances  were  much  debated,  and 
at  length  the  Governor  instructed  the  custodian  of  Cavite  Fort  to 
accompany  the  stranger  to  the  City  of  Manila.  On  his  approach,  a 
salute  was  fired  from  the  City  battlements,  and  he  took  up  his  residence 
in  the  house  of  the  Maestre  de  Campo.  There  the  Governor  went  to 
visit  him  as  the  Pope’s  legate,  and  was  received  with  great  arrogance. 
However,  the  Governor  showed  no  resentment ; he  seemed  to  be  quite 
dumfounded  by  the  dignified  airs  assumed  by  the  patriarch,  and  consulted 
with  the  Supreme  Court  about  the  irregularity  of  a legate  arriving  without 
exhibiting  the  regium  exequatur.  The  Court  decided  that  the  stranger 
must  be  called  upon  to  present  his  Papal  credentials  and  the  Royal 
confirmation  of  his  powers  with  respect  to  Spanish  dominions,  and  with 
this  object  a magistrate  was  commissioned  to  wait  upon  him.  The 
patriarch  treated  the  commissioner  with  undisguised  contempt,  expressing 


92 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


his  indignation  and  surprise  at  his  position  being  doubted  ; he  absolutely 
refused  to  show  any  credentials,  and  turned  out  the  commissioner,  raviug 
at  him  and  causing  an  uproarious  scandal.  At  each  stage  of  the 
negotiations  with  him,  the  patriarch  put  forward  the  great  authority  of 
the  Pope,  and  his  unquestionable  right  to  dispose  of  realms  and  peoples 
at  his  will,  and  somehow  this  ruse  seemed  to  subdue  everybody  ; the 
Governor,  the  Archbishop  and  all  the  authorities,  civil  and  ecclesiastical, 
were  overawed.  The  Archbishop,  in  fact,  made  au  unconditional 
surrender  to  the  patriarch,  who  now  declared  that  all  State  and  religious 
authority  must  be  subordinate  to  his  will.  The  Archbishop  was  ordered 
by  him  to  set  aside  his  Archiepiscopal  Cross,  whilst  the  patriarch  used 
his  own  particular  cross  iu  the  religious  ceremonies,  and  left  it  in  the 
Cathedral  of  Manila  on  his  departure.  He  went  so  far  as  to  cause  his 
master  of  the  ceremonies  to  publicly  divest  the  Archbishop  of  a part  of 
his  official  robes  and  insignia,  to  all  which  the  prelate  meekly  consented. 
All  the  chief  authorities  visited  the  patriarch,  who,  however,  was  too 
dignified  to  return  their  calls.  Here  was,  in  fact,  an  extraordinary  case 
of  a man  unknown  to  everybody  and  refusing  to  prove  his  identity, 
having  actually  brought  all  the  authority  of  a colony  under  his  sway  ! 
He  was,  as  a matter  of  fact,  the  legate  of  Clement  XI. 

The  only  person  to  whom  he  appears  to  have  extended  his 
friendship  was  the  Maestre  de  Campo,  at  the  time  under  ecclesiastical 
arrest.  The  Maestre  de  Campo  was  visited  by  the  patriarch,  who  so 
ingeniously  blinded  him  with  his  patronage,  that  this  official 
squandered  about  $20,000  iu  entertaining  his  strange  visitor  and 
making  him  presents.  The  patriarch  in  return  insisted  upon  the 
Governor  and  Archbishop  pardoning  the  Maestre  de  Campo  of  all 
his  alleged  misdeeds,  and  when  this  was  conceded,  he  caused  the 
pardon  to  be  proclaimed  in  a public  act.  All  the  Manila  officials 
were  treated  by  the  patriarch  with  open  disdain,  but  he  created  the 
Armenian  captain  of  the  vessel  which  brought  him  to  Manila,  a 
knight  of  the  “ Golden  Spur,”  iu  a public  ceremony  in  the  Maestre  de 
Campo’s  house,  in  which  the  Governor-General  was  ignored. 

From  Manila  the  patriarch  went  to  China,  where  his  meddling 
with  the  Catholic  missious  was  met  with  fierce  opposition.  He  so 
dogmatically  asserted  his  unproved  authority,  that  he  caused  European 
missionaries  to  be  cited  to  the  Chinese  Courts  and  sentenced  for  their 
disobedience  ; but  he  was  playing  with  fire,  for  at  last  the  Emperor  of 


TREATMENT  OF  PAPAL  LEGATES. 


93 


China,  wearied  of  his  importunities,  banished  him  from  the  country. 
Thence  he  went  to  Macao,  where,  much  to  the  bewilderment  of  the 
Chinese  population,  he  maintained  constant  disputes  with  the  Catholic 
missionaries  until  he  died  there  in  1710  in  the  Inquisition  prison,  where 
he  was  placed  at  the  instance  of  the  Jesuits. 

When  King  Philip  V.  became  aware  of  what  had  occurred  in 
Manila,  he  was  highly  incensed,  and  immediately  ordered  the 
Governor-General  to  Mexico,  declaring  him  disqualified  for  life  to 
serve  under  the  Crown.  The  senior  magistrates  of  the  Supreme 
Court  were  removed  from  office.  Each  priest  who  had  yielded  to 
the  legate’s  authority  without  previously  taking  cognizance  of  the 
regium  exequatur  was  ordered  to  pay  $1,000  fine.  The  Archbishop 
was  degraded  and  transferred  from  the  Archbishopric  of  Manila  to  the 
Bishopric  of  Guadalajara  in  Mexico.  In  spite  of  this  punishment,  it 
came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  King  that  the  ex-Archbishop  of  Manila, 
as  Bishop  of  Guadalajara,  was  still  conspiring  with  the  patriarch  to 
subvert  civil  and  religious  authority  in  his  dominions,  with  which 
object  he  had  sent  him  $1,000  from  Mexico,  and  had  promised  him  a 
fixed  sum  of  $1,000  per  annum  with  whatever  further  support  he 
could  afford  to  give  him.  Therefore  the  King  issued  an  edict  to  the 
effect  that  any  legate  who  should  arrive  in  his  domains  without  Royal 
confirmation  of  his  Papal  credentials  should  thenceforth  be  treated 
simply  with  the  charity  and  courtesy  due  to  any  traveller  ; and  in 
order  that  this  edict  should  not  be  forgotten,  or  evaded,  under  pretext 
of  its  having  become  obsolete,  it  was  further  enacted  that  it  should  be 
read  in  full  on  certain  days  in  every  year  before  all  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  functionaries. 


CHAPTER  VII, 


BRITISH  OCCUPATION  OF  MANILA. 

In  1761,  King  George  III.  hail  just  succeeded  to  the  throne  of 
England,  and  the  protracted  contentions  with  France  had  been  suspended 
for  a while.  It  was  soon  evident,  however,  that  efforts  were  being 
employed  to  extinguish  the  power  and  prestige  of  Great  Britain,  and 
with  this  object  a convention  had  been  entered  into  between  France 
and  Spain  known  as  the  “ Family  Compact.”  It  was  so  called  because 
it  was  an  alliauce  made  bv  the  three  branches  of  the  House  of  Bourbon, 
namely,  Louis  XV.  of  Frauce,  Charles  III.  of  Spain,  and  his  sou 
Ferdinand,  who,  in  accordance  with  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  had  ascended 
the  throne  of  Naples.  Spain  engaged  to  unite  her  forces  with  those  of 
France  against  England  on  the  1st  of  May,  1762,  if  the  war  still  lasted, 
in  which  case  France  would  restore  Minorca*  to  Spain.  Pitt  was 
convinced  of  the  necessity  of  meeting  the  coalition  by  force  of  arms, 
hut  he  was  unable  to  secure  the  support  of  his  Ministry  to  declare  war, 
and  he  therefore  retired  from  the  premiership.  The  succeeding  Cabinet 
were,  nevertheless,  compelled  to  adopt  his  policy,  and  after  having  lost 
many  advantages  by  delaying  their  decision,  war  was  declared  against 
France  and  Spain. 

The  British  were  successful  everywhere.'  In  the  West  Indies,  the 
Caribbean  Islands  and  Havana  were  captured  with  great  booty  by 
Rodney  and  Monckton,  whilst  a British  Fleet  was  despatched  to  the 
Philippine  Islands  with  orders  to  take  Manila. 

There  are  many  versions  of  this  event  given  by  different  historians, 
and  amongst  them  there  is  not  wanting  an  author  who,  following  the 
Spanish  custom,  has  accounted  for  defeat  by  alleging  treason. 

On  the  14th  of  September,  1762,  a British  vessel  arrived  in  the 
Bay  of  Manila,  refused  to  admit  Spauish  officers  ou  board,  and  after 
taking  soundings  she  sailed  again  out  of  the  harbour. 


BRITISH  INVASION. — MANILA  TAKEN, 


95 


In  the  evening  of  the  22nd  of  September,  the  British  squadron, 
composed  of  13  ships,  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Cornish,  entered 
the  bay,  and  the  next  day  two  British  officers  were  deputed  to  demand 
the  surrender  of  the  Citadel,  which  was  refused. 

Brigadier-General  Draper  thereupon  disembarked  his  troops,  and 
again  called  upon  the  city  to  yield.  This  citation  being  defied,  the 
bombardment  commenced  the  next  day.  The  Fleet  anchored  in  front 
of  a powder-magazine,  took  possession  of  the  Churches  of  Malate, 
Hermita,  San  Juan  de  Bagumbayan  and  Santiago.  Two  picket  guards 
made  an  unsuccessful  sortie  against  them.  The  whole  force  in  Manila, 
at  the  time,  was  the  King’s  regiment,  which  mustered  about  600  men 
and  80  pieces  of  artillery.  The  British  forces  consisted  of  1,500 
European  troops  (one  regiment  of  infantry  and  two  companies  of 
artillery),  3,000  seamen,  800  Sepoy  fusileers,  and  1,400  Sepoy  prisoners, 
making  a total  of  6,830  men,  including  officers.1 

There  was  no  Governor-General  here  at  the  time,  and  the  only 
person  with  whom  the  British  Commander  could  treat  was  the  Acting- 
Governor,  the  Archbishop  Manuel  Autonio  Rojo,  who  was  willing  to 
yield.  His  authority  was,  however,  set  aside  by  a rebellious  war  party, 
who  placed  themselves  under  the  leadership  of  a magistrate  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  named  Simon  de  Anda  y Salazar.  This  individual, 
instead  of  leading  them  to  battle,  fled  to  the  Province  of  Bulacan  the 
day  before  the  capture  of  Manila  in  a prahu  with  a few  natives, 
carrying  with  him  some  money  and  half  a ream  of  official  stamped 
paper.2  He  knew  perfectly  well  that  he  was  defying  the  legal 
authority  of  the  Acting-Governor,  and  was,  in  fact,  in  open  rebellion 
against  his  mandate.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  give  an  official 
colour  to  his  acts  by  issuing  his  orders  and  proclamations  on  Govern- 
ment-stamped paper,  so  that  their  validity  might  be  recognized  if  he 
subsequently  succeeded  in  justifying  his  action  at  Court. 

On  the  24th  of  September,  the  Spanish  batteries  of  San  Diego  and 
San  Andres  opened  fire,  but  with  little  effect.  A richly  laden  galleon — 
the  “ Philipino” — was  known  to  be  on  her  way  from  Mexico  to  Manila, 
but  the  British  ships  which  were  sent  in  quest  of  her  fell  in  with 


1 Zuniga’s  History,  Eng.  trans.  London,  1814,  Vol.  II.,  Chap.  XIII. 

2 Cronica  de  los  P.  P.  Dominiccs,  ed.  of  Rivadenayra,  Madrid,  Vol.  IV.,  pp.  637 
to  650. 


96 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


another  galleon — the  “ Trinidad  ” — and  brought  their  prize  to  Manila. 
Her  treasure  amounted  to  about  §2,500,000.* 

A Frenchman  resident  in  Manila,  Monsieur  Faller,  made  an  attack 
on  the  British,  who  forced  him  to  retire,  and  he  was  then  accused  by 
the  Spaniards  of  treason.  Artillery  fire  was  kept  up  on  both  sides. 
The  Archbishop’s  nephew  was  taken  prisoner,  and  an  officer  was  sent 
with  him  to  hand  him  over  to  his  uncle.  However,  a party  of  natives 
fell  upon  them  and  murdered  them  all.  The  officer’s  head  having  been 
cut  off,  it  was  demanded  by  General  Draper.  Excuses  were  made  for 
not  giving  it  up,  and  the  General  determined  thenceforth  to  continue 
the  warfare  with  vigour  and  punish  this  atrocity.  The  artillery  was 
increased  by  another  battery  of  three  mortars,  placed  behind  the  Church 
of  Santiago,  and  the  bombardment  continued. 

Five  thousand  native  recruits  arrived  from  the  provinces,  and  out 
of  this  number,  2,000  Pampaugos  were  selected.  They  were  divided 
into  three  columns,  in  order  to  advance  by  different  routes  aud  attack 
respectively  the  church  of  Santiago — Malate  and  Hermita — and  the 
troops  on  the  beach.  At  each  place  they  were  driven  back.  The  leader 
of  the  attack  on  Malate  and  Hermita — Don  Santiago  Orendain — was 
declared  a traitor.  The  two  first  columns  were  dispersed  with  great 
confusion  and  loss.  The  third  column  retreated  before  they  had 
sustained  or  inflicted  any  loss.  The  natives  fled  to  their  villages  in 
dismay,  and  on  the  5th  of  October  the  British  entered  the  walled  city. 
After  a couple  of  hours’ bombardment,  the  forts  of  San  Andres  and 
San  Eugenio  were  demolished,  the  artillery  overturned,  and  the  enemy’s 
fusileers  and  sappers  were  killed. 

A council  of  war  was  now  held  by  the  Spaniards.  General  Draper 
sustained  the  authority  of  the  Archbishop  against  the  war  party, 
composed  chiefly  of  civilians,  who  determined  to  continue  the  defence 
in  spite  of  the  opinion  of  the  military  men,  who  argued  that  a 
capitulation  was  inevitable.  But  matters  were  brought  to  a crisis  by 
the  natives,  who  refused  to  repair  the  fortifications,  and  the  Europeans 
were  unable  to  perform  such  hard  labour.  Great  confusion  reigned  in 
the  city — the  clergy  fled  through  the  Puerta  del  Parian,  where  there 


1 This  money  constituted  the  Manila  merchants’  specie  remittances  from 
Acapulco,  together  with  the  Mexican  subsidy  to  support  the  administration  of 
this  Colony,  which  was  merely  a dependency  of  Mexico  up  to  the  second  decade 
of  this  century  (vide  Chap.  XV.). 


BRITISH  INVASION. WAR  INDEMNITY  AGREED  UPON.  97 


was  still  a native  guard.  According  to  Zuniga,  the  British  spent  20,000 
cannon  balls  and  5,000  shells  in  the  bombardment  of  the  city. 

Major  Fell  entered  the  city  (Oct.  6th)  at  the  head  of  his  troops, 
and  General  Draper  followed,  leading  his  column  unopposed,  with 
two  field  pieces  in  the  van,  whilst  a constant  musketry  fire  cleared  the 
Calle  Real  as  they  advanced.  The  people  fled  before  the  enemy.  The 
gates  beiug  closed,  they  scrambled  up  the  walls  and  got  into  boats  or 
swam  off. 

Colonel  Monson  was  sent  by  Draper  to  the  Archbishop-Governor 
to  say  that  he. expected  immediate  surrender.  This  was  disputed  by 
the  Archbishop,  who  presented  a paper  purporting  to  be  terms  of 
capitulation.  The  Colonel  refused  to  take  it,  and  demanded  an 
unconditional  surrender.  Then  the  Archbishop,  a Colonel  of  the 
Spanish  troops,  and  Colonel  Monson  went  to  interview  the  General, 
whose  quarters  were  in  the  Palace.  The  Archbishop,  offering  himself 
as  a prisoner,  presented  the  terms  of  capitulation,  which  provided  for 
the  free  exercise  of  their  religion  ; security  of  private  property  ; free 
trade  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands,  and  the  continuation  of  the 
powers  of  the  Supreme  Court  to  keep  order  amongst  the  ill-disposed. 
These  terms  were  granted,  but  General  Draper,  on  his  part,  stipulated 
for  an  indemnity  of  four  millions  of  dollars,  and  it  was  agreed  to  pay 
one  half  of  this  sum  in  specie  and  valuables  and  the  other  half  in 
Treasury  bills  on  Madrid.  The  capitulation,  with  these  modifications, 
was  signed  by  Draper  and  the  Archbishop-Governor.  The  Spanish 
Colonel  took  the  document  to  the  Fort  to  have  it  countersigned  by  the 
magistrates,  which  was  at  once  done  ; the  Fort  was  delivered  up  to 
the  British,  aud  the  magistrates  retired  to  the  Palace  to  pay  their 
respects  to  the  conquerors. 

When  the  British  flag  was  seen  floating  from  the  Fort  of  Santiago 
there  was  great  cheering  from  the  British  Fleet.  The  Archbishop 
stated  that  when  Draper  reviewed  the  troops,  more  than  1,000  men 
were  missing,  including  sixteen  officers.  Among  these  officers  were 
a Major,  fatally  wounded  by  an  arrow  on  the  first  day  of  the  assault, 
and  the  Vice-Admiral,  who  was  drowned  whilst  coming  ashore  in 
a boat. 

The  natives  who  had  been  brought  from  the  provinces  to  Manila 
were  plundering  and  committing  excesses  in  the  city,  so  Draper  had 
them  all  driven  out.  Guards  were  placed  at  the  doors  of  the  nunneries 

G 


98 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


ami  convents  to  prevent  outrages  on  the  women,  and  then  the  city 
was  given  up  to  the  victorious  troops  for  pillage  during  three  hours. 
Zuniga,  however,  remarks  that  the  European  troops  were  moderate, 
but  that  the  Indian  contingents  were  insatiable.  They  are  said  to  have 
committed  many  atrocities,  and,  revelling  in  bloodshed,  even  murdered 
the  inhabitants.  They  ransacked  the  suburbs  of  Santa  Cruz  and 
Binondo,  and,  acting  like  savage  victorious  tribes,  they  ravished 
women,  and  even  went  into  the  highways  to  murder  and  rob  those 
who  fled.  The  three  hours  expired,  and  the  following  day  a similar 
scene  was  permitted.  The  Archbishop  thereupon  besought  the  General 
to  put  a stop  to  it,  and  have  compassion  on  the  city.  The  General 
complied  with  this  request,  and  restored  order  under  pain  of  death  for 
disobedience — some  Chinese  were  in  consequence  banged.  General 
Draper  himself  killed  one  whom  he  found  in  the  act  of  stealing,  and 
he  ordered  that  all  Church  property  should  be  restored,  but  only  some 
priests’  vestments  were  recovered. 

Draper  demanded  the  surrender  of  Cavite,  which  was  agreed  to  by 
the  Archbishop  and  magistrates,  but  the  Commanding  Officer  refused 
to  comply.  The  Major  of  that  garrison  was  sent  with  'a  message  to 
the  Commander,  but  on  the  way  he  talked  with  such  freedom  about 
the  surrender  to  the  British,  that  the  natives  quitted  their  posts  and 
plundered  the  Arsenal.  The  Commander,  rather  than  face  humiliation, 
retired  to  a ship,  and  left  all  further  responsibility  to  the  Major. 

Measures  were  now  taken  to  pay  the  agreed  indemnity.  Heavy 
contributions  were  levied  upon  the  inhabitants,  which,  however,  together 
with  the  silver  from  the  pious  establishments,  church  ornaments,  plate, 
the  Archbishop’s  rings  and  breast-cross,  only  amounted  to  $546,000. 
The  British  then  proposed  to  accept  one  million  at  once  and  draw  the 
rest  from  the  cargo  of  the  galleon  “ Philipino,”  if  it  resulted  that  she 
had  not  been  seized  by  the  British  previous  to  the  day  the  capitulation 
was  signed — but  the  one  million  was  not  forthcoming.  The  day  before 
the  capture  of  Manila,  a Royal  messenger  had  been  sent  off  with 
$111,000  with  orders  to  hide  them  in  some  place  in  the  Laguna  de  Bay. 
The  Archbishop  now  ordered  their  l’eturn  to  Manila,  and  issued  a requi- 
sition to  that  effect,  but  the  Franciscan  friars  were  insubordinate,  and 
armed  the  natives,  whom  they  virtually  ruled,  and  the  treasure  was 
secreted  in  Majayjay  Convent.  Thence,  on  receipt  of  the  Archbishop’s 
message,  it  was  carried  across  country  to  a place  in  North  Pampanga, 


BRITISH  INVASION. — SIMON  DE  ANDA’s  REBELLION.  99 


bordering  on  Cagayau  and  Pangasinan".  The  British,  convinced  that 
they  were  being  dnped,  insisted  on  their  claim.  Thomas  Backhouse, 
commanding  the  troops  stationed  at  Pasig,  went  up  to  the  Laguna  de 
Bay  with  80  mixed  troops,  to  intercept  the  bringing  of  the  “Philipino” 
treasure.  He  attacked  Tunasan,  Vinanand  Santa  Rosa,  and  embarked 
for  Pagsanjan,  which  was  then  the  capital  of  the  Lake  Province.  The 
inhabitants,  after  fifing  the'  convent  and  church,  fled.  Backhouse 
returned  to  Calamba,  entered  the  Province  of  Batangas,  overran  it,  and 
made  several  Austin  Friars  prisoners.  In  Lipa  he  seized  $3,000,  and 
there  he  established  his  quarters,  expecting  that  the  “ Philipino”  treasure 
would  be  carried  that  way  ; but  on  learning  that  it  had  been  transported 
by  sea  to  a Pampanga  coast  town,  Backhouse  withdrew  to  Pasig. 

In  the  capitulation,  the  whole  of  the  Archipelago  was  surrendered 
to  the  British,  but  a magistrate,  Simon  de  Auda,  determined  to  appeal  to 
arms.  Draper  used  stratagem,  and  issued  a Proclamation  commiserating 
the  fate  of  the  natives  who  paid  tribute  to  Spaniards,  and  assuring  them 
that  the  King  of  England  would  not  exact  it.  The  Archbishop,  as 
Governor,  became  Draper’s  tool,  sent  messages  to  the  Spanish  families 
persuading  them  to  return,  and  appointed  au  Englishman,  married  in 
the  country,  to  be  Alderman  of  Toudo.  Despite  the  strenuous  opposi- 
tion of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  Archbishop,  at  the  instance  of  Draper, 
convened  a council  of  native  headmen  and  representative  families,  and 
proposed  to  them  the  cession  of  all  the  islands  to  the  King  of  England. 
Draper  clearly  saw  that  the  ruling  powers  in  the  Colony,  judging  from 
their  energy  and  effective  measures,  were  the  Friars,  so  he  treated  them 
with  great  respect.  The  Frenchman  Faller,  who  unsuccessfully  opposed 
the  British  assault,  was  offered  troops  to  go  and  take  possession  of 
Zamboanga  and  accept  the  government  there,  but  he  refused,  as  did 
also  a Spaniard  named  Sandoval. 

Draper  returned  to  Europe  ; Major  Fell  was  left  in  command  of  the 
troops,  whilst  Drake  assumed  the  military  government  of  the  city,  with 
Smith  and  Brock  as  council,  and  Brereton  in  charge  of  Cavite.  Draper, 
on  leaving,  gave  orders  for  two  frigates  to  go  in  search  of  the  “Philipino” 
treasure.  The  ships  got  as  far  as  Capul  Island  and  put  into  harbour. 
They  were  detained  there  by  a ruse  on  the  part  of  a half-caste  pilot, 
and  the  treasure  was  got  away  in  the  meantime. 

Simon  de  Anda,  from  his  provincial  retreat,  proclaimed  himself 
Governor-General.  He  declared  that  the  Archbishop  and  the  magistrates, 

G 2 


100 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


as  prisoners  of  war,  were  dead  in  the  eye  of  the  law  ; and  that  his 
assumption  of  authority  was  based  upon  old  laws.  None  of  his  country- 
men disputed  his  authority,  and  he  established  himself  in  Bacolor. 
The  British  Council  then  convened  a meeting  of  the  chief  inhabitants, 
at  which  Anda  was  declared  a seditious  person  and  deserving  of  capital 
punishment,  together  with  the  Marquis  of  Monte  Castro,  who  had 
violated  his  parole  d’honneur,  and  the  Provincial  of  the  Austin  Friars, 
who  had  joined  the  rebel  party.  All  the  Austin  friars  were  declared 
traitors  for  having  broken  their  allegiance  to  the  Archbishop’s  authority.. 
The  British  still  pressed  for  the  payment  of  the  one  million,  whilst  the 
Spaniards  declared  they  possessed  no  more.  The  Austin  friars  were 
ordered  to  keep  the  natives  peaceable  if  they  did  not  wish  to  provoke 
hostilities  against  themselves.  At  length,  the  British,  convinced  of  the 
futility  of  decrees,  determined  to  sally  out  with  their  forces  ; and  500 
men  under  Thomas  Backhouse  went  up  the  Pasig  River  to  secure  a 
free  passage  for  supplies  to  the  camp.  Whilst  opposite  to  Maybonga, 
Bustos  with  his  Cagayan  troops  fired  on  them.  The  British  returned 
the  fire,  and  Bustos  fled  to  Mariquina.  The  British  passed  the  river, 
and  sent  an  officer  with  a white  flag  of  truce  to  summon  surrender. 
Bustos  was  insolent,  and  threatened  to  hang  the  officer  if  he  returned. 
Backhouse’s  troops  then  opened  fire  and  placed  two  field  pieces  which 
completely  scared  the  natives,  who  fled  in  such  great  confusion  that 
many  were  drowned  in  the  river.  Thence  the  British  pursued  their 
enemy  “ as  if  they  were  a flock  of  goats,”  and  reached  the  Bamban 
River,  where  the  Sultan  of  Sulu 1 resided  with  his  family.  The  Sultan, 
after  a feigned  resistance,  fell  a prisoner  to  the  British,  who  fortified 
his  dwelling,  and  occupied  it  during  the  whole  of  the  operations.  There 
were  subsequent  skirmishes  on  the  Pasig  River  banks  with  the  armed 
insurgents,  who  were  driven  as  far  as  the  Autipolo  mountains. 

Meanwhile,  Anda  collected  troops  ; and  Bustos,  as  his  Lieutenant- 
General,  vaunted  the  power  of  his  chief  through  the  Bulacan  and 
Pampanga  Provinces.  A Franciscan  and  an  Austin  friar,  having  led 
troops  to  Masilo,  about  seven  miles  from  Manila,  the  British  went  out 
to  dislodge  them,  but  on  their  approach  most  of  the  natives  feigned  they 
were  dead,  and  the  British  returned  without  any  loss  in  arms  or  men. 

The  British,  believing  that  the  Austin  friars  were  conspiring  against 


Vicissitudes  of  Sultan  Mahamad  Alimudin  (vale  Chap.  X.). 


BRITISH  INVASION. — BULACAN  TAKEN  BY  ASSAULT.  101 


them  in  connivance  with  those  inside  the  city,  placed  these  friars  in 
confinement,  and  subsequently  shipped  away  eleven  of  them  to  Europe. 
For  the  same  reason,  they  at  last  determined  to  enter  the  St.  Augustine 
Convent,  and  on  ransacking  it,  they  found  that  the  priests  had  been 
lying  to  them  all  the  time.  Six  thousand  dollars  in  coin  were  found 
hidden  in  the  garden,  and  large  quantities  of  wrought  silver  elsewhere. 
The  whole  premises  were  then  searched,  and  all  the  valuables  were 
seized.  A British  expedition  went  out  to  Bulacan,  sailing  across  the 
Bay  and  up  the  Hagonoy  River,  where  they  disembarked  at  Malolos 
ou  the  19th  of  January,  1763.  The  troops,  under  Captain  Eslay  of 
the  Grenadiers,  numbered  600  men,  many  of  whom  were  Chinese 
volunteers.  As  they  advanced  from  Malolos,  the  natives  and  Spaniards 
fled.  On  the  way  to  Bulacan,  Bustos  advanced  to  meet  them,  but 
retreated  into  ambush  on  seeing  they  were  superior  in  numbers.  Bulacan 
Conveut  was  fortified  with  three  small  cannons.  As  soon  as  the  troops 
were  in  sight  of  the  convent,  a desultory  fire  of  case  shot  made  great 
havoc  in  the  ranks  of  the  resident  Chinese  volunteers  forming  the  British 
vanguard.  At  length  the  British  brought  their  field  pieces  into  action, 
and  pointing  at  the  enemy’s  cannon,  the  first  discharge  carried  off  the 
head  of  their  artilleryman  Ybarra.  The  panic-stricken  natives 
decamped  ; the  convent  was  taken  by  assault  ; there  Avas  an  indis- 
criminate fight  and  general  slaughter.  The  Alcalde  and  a Franciscan 
friar  fell  in  action  ; one  Austin  friar  escaped,  and  another  was  seized 
and  killed  to  avenge  the  death  of  the  British  soldiers.  The  invading 
forces  occupied  the  Convent,  and  some  of  the  troops  were  shortly  sent 
hack  to  Manila.  Bustos  reappeared  near  the  Bulacan  Convent  with 
8,000  native  troops,  of  which  600  were  cavalry,  but  they  dared  no 
attack  the  British.  Bustos  then  manoeuvred  in  the  neighbourhood  and 
made  occasional  alarms.  Small  parties  were  sent  out  against  him  with 
so  little  effect,  that  the  British  Commander  headed  a body  in  person, 
and  put  the  whole  of  Bustos’  troops  to  flight  like  mosquitos  before  a 
gust  of  wind,  for  Bustos  feared  they  would  be  pursued  into  Pampanga. 
After  clearing  away  the  underwood,  which  served  as  a covert  for  the 
natives,  the  British  reoccupied  the  convent ; but  Bustos  returned  to 
his  position,  and  was  a second  time  as  disgracefully  routed  by  the 
British,  who  then  withdrew  to  Manila. 

At  the  same  time,  it  Avas  alleged  that  a conspiracy  was  being 
organized  amongst  the  Chinese  in  the  ProA'ince  of  Pampanga  Avith  the 


102 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


object  of  assassinating  Anda  and  his  Spanish  followers.  The  Chinese 
cut  trenches  and  raised  fortifications,  avowing  that  their  bellicose 
preparations  were  only  to  defend  themselves  against  the  possible  attack 
of  the  British  ; whilst  the  Spaniards  saw  in  all  this  a connivance  with 
the  invaders.  The  latter  no  doubt  conjectured  . rightly.  Auda,  acting 
upon  the  views  of  his  party,  precipitated  matters  by  appearing  with 
fourteen  Spanish  soldiers  and  a crowd  of  native  bowmen  to  commence 
the  slaughter  in  the  town  of  G-uagua.  The  Chinese  assembled  there 
iu  great  numbers,  and  Anda  endeavoured  in  vain  to  induce  them  to 
surrender  to  him.  He  then  sent  a Spaniard,  named  Miguel  Garccs, 
with  a message,,  offering  them  pardon  iu  the  name  of  the  King  of 
Spain  if  they  would  lay  down  their  arms  ; but  they  killed  the  emissary, 
and  Anda  therefore  commenced  the  attack.  The  result  was  favourable 
for  Anda’s  party,  and  great  numbers  of  the  Chinese  were  slain.  Many 
tied  to  the  fields,  where  they  were  pursued  by  the  troops,  whilst  those 
who  were  captured  were  hanged.  Such  was  the  inveterate  hatred 
which  Anda  entertained  for  the  Chinese,  that  he  issued  a general  decree 
declaring  all  the  Chinese  traitors  to  the  Spanish  flag,  and  ordered  them 
to  be  hanged  wherever  they  might  be  found  iu  the  provinces.  Thus 
thousands  of  Chinese  were  executed  who  had  taken  no  part  whatever 
iu  the  events  of  this  little  war. 

Admiral  Cornish  having  decided  to  return  to  Europe,  again  urged 
for  the  payment  of  the  two  millions  of  dollars.  The  Archbishop  was 
in  great  straits  ; he  was  williug  to  do  auything,  but  his  colleagues 
opposed  him,  and  Cornish  waS'  at  length  obliged  to  content  himself 
with  a bill  on  the  Madrid  Treasury.  Anda  .appointed  Bustos  Alcalde 
of  Bulacan,  and  ordered,  him  to  recruit  and  train  troops,  as  he  still 
nurtured  the  hope  of  confining  the  British  to  Manila — perhaps  even  of 
driving  them  out  of  the  Colony. 

The  British  iu  the  city  were  compelled  to  adopt  the  most  rigorous 
precautions  against  a rising  of  the  population  within  the  walls,  and 
several  Spanish  residents  were  arrested  for  intriguing  against  them  in 
concert  with  those  outside. 

Several  French  prisoners  from  Pondicherry  deserted  from  the 
British  ; and  some  Spanish  regular  troops,  who  had  been  taken 
prisoners,  effected  their  escape.  The  Fiscal  of  the  Supreme  Court  and 
a Senor  Villa  Corta  were  found  conspiring.  The  latter  was  caught  in 
the  act  of  sending  a letter  to  Anda,  and  was  sentenced  to  be  hanged 


BRITISH  INVASION. SIMON  HE  ANDA’S  PROCLAMATION.  103 


aud  quartered — the  quarters  to  be  exhibited  iu  public  places.  The 
Archbishop,  however,  obtained  Villa  Corta’s  pardon,  on  the  condition 
that  Anda  should  evacuate  the  Pampanga  Province  ; and  Villa  Corta 
wrote  to  Anda,  begging  him  to  accede  to  this,  but  Auda  absolutely 
refused  to  make  any  sacrifice  to  save  his  friend’s  life  ; and  at  the  same 
time  he  wrote  a disgraceful  letter  to  the  Archbishop,  couched  in  such 
insulting  terms,  that  the  British  Commander  burnt  it  without  letting 
the  Archbishop  see  it.  Villa  Corta  was  finally  ransomed  by  the 
payment  of  $3,000. 

The  treasure  brought  by  the  “Philipino”  served  Anda  to  organize 
a respectable  force  of  recruits.  Spaniards  who  were  living  there  iu 
misery,  and  a crowd  of  natives  always  ready  for  pay,  enlisted.  These 
forces  under  Lieutenant-General  Bustos  encamped  at  Malinta,  about 
five  miles  from  Manila.  The  officers  lodged  in  a house  belonging 
to  the  Austin  Friars,  around  which  the  troops  pitched  their  tents — 
the  whole  being  defended  by  redoubts  and  palisades  raised  under 
the  direction  of  a French  deserter,  who  led  a company.  From  this 
place  Bustos  constantly  caused  alarm  to  the  British  troops,  who  once 
had  to  retreat  before  a picket  guard  sent  to  get  the  church  bells 
of  Quiapo.  The  British,  in  fact,  were  much  molested  by  Bustos’ 
Malinta  troops,  who  forced  the  invaders  to  withdraw  to  Manila  and 
reduce  the  extension  of  their  outposts.  This  measure  was  followed 
up  by  a Proclamation,  in  which  the  British  Commander  alluded  to 
Bustos’  troops  as  “ canaille  and  robbers,”  and  offered  a reward  of 
$5,000  for  Auda’s  head  ; declaring  him  and  his  party  rebels  and 
traitors  to  their  Majesties  the  Kings  of  Spain  aud  England.  Anda, 
chafing  at  his  impotence  to  combat  the  invading  party  by  force  of 
arms,  gave  vent  to  his  feelings  of  rage  and  disappointment  by  issuing 
a Decree,  dated  from  Bacolor  19th  of  May,  1763,  of  which  the 
translated  text  reads  as  follows,  viz. : — 

“ Royal  Government  Tribunal  of  these  Islands  for  His  Catholic 
“ Majesty  : — Whereas  the  Royal  Government  Tribunal,  Supreme 
“ Government  aud  Captain-Generalship  of  His  Catholic  Majesty  in 
“ these  Islands  are  gravely  offended  at  the  audacity  and  blindness 
“ of  those  men,  who,  forgetting  all  humanity,  have  condemned  as 
“ rebellious  and  disobedient  to  both  their  Majesties,  him,  who  as  a 
“ faithful  vassal  of  His  Catholic  Majesty,  and  iu  conformity  with  the 
“ law,  holds  the  Royal  Tribunal,  Government  and  Captain-General- 


104 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


“ ship  ; anil  halving  suffered  by  a reward  being  offered  by  order  of  the 
“ British  Governor  in  couucil  to  whomsoever  shall  deliver  me  alive  or 
“ dead  ; and  by  their  having  placed  the  arms  captured  in  Bulacan  at 
“ the  foot  of  the  gallows — seeing  that  instead  of  their  punishing  and 
“ reproaching  such  execrable  proceedings,  the  spirit  of  haughtiness 
“ and  pride  is  increasing,  as  shown  in  the  Proclamation  published  in 
“ Manila  on  the  17th  instant,  in  which  the  troops  of  His  Majesty 
“ are  infamously  calumniated — treating  them  as  blackguards  and  dis- 
“ affected  to  their  service — charging  them  with  plotting  to  assassinate 
“ the  English  officers  and  soldiers,  and  with  having  fled  when  attacked 
“ — the  whole  of  these  accusations  being  false  : Now  therefore  by 
“ these  presents,  be  it  known  to  all  Spaniards  aud  true  Englishmen, 
“ that  Messrs.  Drake,  Smith  and  Brock  who  signed  the  Proclamation 
“ referred  to,  must  not  be  considered  as  vassals  of  His  Britannic 
“ Majesty,  but  as  tyrants  and  common  enemies  unworthy  of  human 
“ society,  aud  therefore,  I order  that  they  be  apprehended  as  such, 
“ and  I offer  ten  thousand  dollars  for  each  one  of  them  alive  or  dead. 
“ At  the  same  time,  I withdraw  the  order  to  treat  the  vassals  of  His 
“ Britaunic  Majesty  with  all  the  humanity  which  the  rights  of  war 
“ will  permit,  as  has  been  practised  hitherto  with  respect  to  the 
“ prisoners  and  deserters.” 

Anda  had  by  this  time  received  the  consent  of  his  King  to  occupy 
the  position  which  he  had  usurped,  and  the  British  Commander  was 
thus  enabled  to  communicate  officially  with  him,  if  occasion  required 
it  ; and  Drake  replied  to  this  Proclamation,  recommending  Anda  to 
carry  on  the  war  with  greater  moderation  aud  humanity. 

On  the  27th  of  June,  1763,  the  British  made  a sortie  from  the 
city  to  dislodge  Bustos,  who  still  occupied  Malinta.  The  attacking 
party  consisted  of  350  fusileers,  50  horsemen,  a mob  of  Chinese  and 
a number  of  guns  and  ammunition.  The  British  took  up  quarters 
on  one  side  of  the  river,  whilst  Bustos  remained  on  the  other.  The 
opposing  parties  exchanged  fire,  but  neither  cared  or  dared  to  cross 
-the  water-way.  The  British  forces  retired  in  good  order  to  Masilo, 
and  remained  there  until  they  heard  that  Bustos  had  burnt  Malinta 
House  and  removed  his  camp  to  Meycauayan.  Then  the  British 
withdrew  to  Manila  in  the  evening.  On  the  Spanish  side  there  were 
two  killed,  five  mortally  wounded,  and  two  slightly  wounded.  The 
British  losses  were  six  mortally  wounded  and  seven  disabled.  This 


BRITISH  INVASION. NEWS  OF  PEACE. 


105 


was  the  last  encounter  in  open  warfare.  Chinamen  occasionally  lost 
their  lives  through  their  love  of  plunder  in  the  vicinity  occupied  by 
tbe  British. 

During  these  operations,  tbe  priesthood  taught  the  ignorant  natives 
to  believe  that  the  invading  troops  were  infidels — and  a holy  war  was 
preached. 

Tbe  Friars,  especially  those  of  the  Augustine  order,1  abandoned 
their  mission  of  peace  for  that  of  tbe  sword,  aud  tbe  British  met  with 
a slight  reverse  at  Masilo,  where  a religious  fanatic  of  the  Austin  friars 
had  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a small  band  lying  in  ambush. 

On  the  23rd  of  July,  1763,  a British  frigate  brought  news  from 
Europe  of  an  armistice, — and  the  preliminaries  of  peace,  by  virtue  of 
which  Manila  was  to  be  evacuated  (Peace  of  Paris,  10th  of  February, 
1763),  were  received  by  the  British  Commander  on  the  27th  of  August 
following,  and  communicated  by  him  to  the  Archbishop-Governor  for 
the  “ Commander-in-Chief  ” of  the  Spanish  arms.  Anda  stood  on  his 
dignity,  and  protested  that  he  should  be  addressed  directly,  and  be 
styled  Captain-General.  On  this  plea  he  declined  to  receive  the 
communication.  Drake  replied  by  a manifesto,  dated  19th  September, 
to  the  effect  that  the  responsibility  of  the  blood  which  might  be  spilt  in 
consequence  of  Anda’s  refusal  to  accept  his  notification  would  rest  with 
him.  Anda  published  a counter  manifesto,  dated  28th  September, 
in  Bacolor  (Pampanga),  protesting  that  he  had  not  been  treated  with 
proper  courtesy. 

Greater  latitude  was  allowed  to  the  prisoners,  and  Villa  Corta 
effected  his  escape  dressed  as  a woman.  He  fled  to  Anda — the 
co-conspirator  who  had  refused  to  save  his  life, — and  their  superficial 
friendship  was  renewed.  Villa  Corta  was  left  iu  charge  of  business  in 
Bacolor  during  Anda’s  temporary  absence.  Meanwhile  the  Archbishop 
fell  ill  ; and  it  was  discussed  who  should  be  his  successor  in  the 

1 So  tenacious  was  the  opposition  brought  by  the  Austin  friars  both  in  Manila 
and  the  Provinces,  that  the  British  appear  to  have  regarded  them  as  their  special 
foes. 

From  the  archives  of  Bauan  Convent,  Province  of  Batangas,  I have  taken  the 
following  notes,  viz. The  Austin  Friars  lost  $238,000  and  fifteen  convents.  Six 
of  their  estates  were  despoiled.  Of  the  troops  killed,  300  were  Spaniards,  500 
Pampanga  natives  and  300  Tagalog  natives.  Besides  the  Austin  friars  from  the 
galleon  “■  Trinidad,”  who  were  made  prisoners  and  shipped  to  Bombay,  ten  of 
their  order  were  killed  in  battle  and  nineteen  were  taken  and  exiled  to  India  and 
Europe. 


106 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


government  in  the  event  of  his  death.  Villa  Corta  argued  that  it  fell 
to  him  as  senior  magistrate.  The  discussion  came  to  the  knowledge  of 
Anda,  and  seriously  aroused  his  jealousy.  Fearing  conspiracy  against 
his  ambitious  projects,  he  left  his  camp  at  Polo,  aud  hastened  to 
interrogate  Villa  Corta,  who  explained  that  he  had  only  made  casual 
remarks  in  the  course  of  conversatiou.  Anda,  however,  was  restless  on 
the  subject  of  the  succession,  and  sought  the  opiuion  of  all  the  chief 
priests  and  bishops.  Various  opinions  existed.  Some  urged  that  the 
decision  be  left  to  the  Supreme  Court — others  were  in  favour  of  Anda — 
■whilst  many  abstained  from  expressing  their  views.  Anda  was  so 
nervously  anxious  about  the  matter,  that  he  even  begged  the  opiuion  of 
the  British  Commander,  aud  wrote  him  on  the  subject  from  Bacolor  on 
the  2nd  of  November,  1763. 

Major  Fell  seriously  quarrelled  with  Drake  about  the  Frenchman 
Faller,  whom  Admiral  Cornish  had  left  under  sentence  of  death  for 
having  written  a letter  to  Java  accusing  him  of  being  a pirate  and  a 
robber.  Drake  protected  Faller,  whilst  Fell  demanded  the  execution 
of  the  prisoner  ; and  the  dispute  became  so  heated,  that  Fell  was  about 
to  slay  Drake  with  a bayonet,  but  was  prevented  by  some  soldiers.  Fell 
then  went  to  London  to  complaiu  of  Drake,  hence  Anda’s  letter  was 
addressed  to  Backhouse,  who  took  Fell’s  place.  Anda,  who  months 
since  had  refused  to  negotiate  or  treat  with  Drake,  still  insisted 
upon  being  styled  Captain-General.  Backhouse  replied  that  he  was 
ignorant  of  the  Spaniards’  statutes  or  laws,  but  that  he  knew  the 
Governor  was  the  Archbishop.  Anda  thereupon  spread  the  report  that 
the  British  Commander  had  forged  the  Preliminaries  of  Peace  because 
he  could  no  longer  hold  out  in  warfare.  The  British  necessarily  had  to 
send  to  the  provinces  to  purchase  provisions,  and  Anda  caused  their 
forage  parties  to  be  attacked,  so  that  the  war  really  continued,  in  spite 
of  the  news  of  peace,  until  the  30th  of  January,  1764.  On  this  day 
the  Archbishop  died,  sorely  grieved  at  the  situation,  and  weighed  down 
with  cares.  He  had  engaged  to  pay  four  millions  of  dollars  and 
surrender  the  islands,  but  could  he  indeed  have  refused  any  terms  ? 
The  British  were  in  possession  ; aud  these  conditions  were  dictated  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

Immediately  after  the  funeral  of  the  Archbishop,  Anda  received 
despatches  from  the  King  of  Spain,  by  way  of  China,  confirming 
the  news  of  peace  to  his  Governor  at  Manila.  Then  the  British 


BRITISH  INVASION. MANILA  EVACUATED. 


107 


acknowledged  Auda  as  Governor,  and  proceeded  to  evacuate  the  city, 
but  rival  factions  were  not  so  easily  set  aside,  and  fierce  quarrels  ensued 
between  the  respective  parties  of  Auda,  Villa  Corta  and  Ustariz  as  to 
who  should  be  Governor  and  receive  the  city  officially  from  the  British. 
Anda,  being  actually  in  command  of  the  troops,  had  the  game  in 
his  hands.  The  conflict  was  happily  terminated  by  the  arrival  at 
Marinduque  of  the  newly  appointed  Governor- General  from  Spain, 
Don  Francisco  de  La  Torre.  A galley  was  sent  there  by  Anda  to  bring 
His  Excellency  to  Luzon,  and  he  arrived  at  Bacolor,  where  Anda 
resigned  the  Government  to  him  on  the  17th  of  March,  1764. 

La  Torre  sent  a message  to  Backhouse  and  Brereton — the  com- 
manding officers  at  Manila  and  Cavite, — stating  that  he  was  ready 
to  take  over  the  city  in  due  form.  La  Torre  thereupon  took  up  his 
residence  in  Santa  Cruz,  placed  a Spanish  guard  with  sentinels  from 
that  ward  as  far  as  the  Great  Bridge  (Puente  de  Barcas,  now  called 
Puente  de  Espana),  where  the  British  advance  guard  was,  and  friendly 
communication  took  place.  Governor  Drake  was  indignant  at  being 
ignored  in  all  these  proceedings,  and  ordered  the  Spanish  Governor  to 
withdraw  his  guards,  under  threat  of  appealing  to  force.  Backhouse 
and  Brereton  resented  this  rudeness,  and  ordered  the  troops  under  arms 
to  arrest  Drake,  whose  hostile  action,  due  to  jealousy,  they  declared 
unwarrantable.  Drake  being  apprised  of  their  intentions,  escaped  from 
the  city  with  his  suite,  embarked  on  board  a frigate,  and  sailed  off. 

La  Torre  was  said  to  be  indisposed  on  the  day  appointed  for 
receiving  the  city.  Some  assert  that  he  feigned  his  indisposition  as 
he  did  not  wish  to  arouse  Anda’s  animosity,  and  desired  to  afford 
him  an  opportunity  of  displaying  himself  as  a delegate  at  least  of  the 
highest  local  authority  by  receiving  the  city  from  the  British,  whilst 
he  pampered  his  pride  by  allowing  him  to  enter  triumphantly  into  it. 
As  the  city  exchanged  masters,  the  Spanish  flag  was  hoisted  once 
more  on  the  Fort  of  Santiago  amidst  the  hurrahs  of  the  populace  and 
artillery  salutes. 

Before  embarking,  Brereton  offered  to  do  justice  to  any  claims 
which  might  be  legitimately  established  against  the  British  authorities. 
Hence  a sloop  lent  to  Drake,  valued  at  $4,000,  was  paid  for  to  the 
Jesuits,  and  the  $3,000  paid  to  ransom  Villa  Corta’s  life  was  returned, 
Brereton  remarking,  that  if  the  sentence  against  him  were  valid,  it 
should  have  been  executed  at  the  time,  but  it  could  not  be  commuted 


108 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


by  money  payment.  At  the  instance  of  the  British  authorities,  a free 
pardon  was  granted  and  published  to  the  Chinese,  few  of  whom, 
however,  confided  in  it,  and  many  left  with  the  retiring  army. 
Brereton,  with  his  forces,  embarked  for  India,  after  despatching  a 
packet-boat  to  restore  the  Sultan  of  Sulu  to  his  throne. 

During  this  convulsed  period,  great  atrocities  were  committed. 
Unfortunately  the  common  felons  were  released  by  the  English  from 
their  prisons,  and  used  their  liberty  to  perpetrate  murders  and  robbery 
in  alliance  with  those  always  naturally  bent  that  way.  So  great  did 
this  evil  become — so  bold  were  the  marauders,  that  in  time  they  formed 
large  parties,  infested  highways,  attacked  plantations,  and  the  poor 
peasantry  had  to  flee,  leaving  their  cattle  and  all  their  belongings  in 
their  power.  Several  avenged  themselves  of  the  Friars  for  old  scores — 
others  settled  accounts  with  those  Europeans  who  had  tyrannized  them 
of  old.  The  Chinese,  whether  so-called  Christians  or  pagans,  declared 
for  and  aided  the  British. 

The  proceedings  of  the  choleric  Simon  de  Anda  y Salazar  were 
approved  by  his  Sovereign,  but  his  impetuous  disposition  drove  from 
him  his  best  counsellors,  whilst  those  who  were  bold  enough  to  uphold 
their  opinions  against  his,  were  accused  of  connivance  with  the  British. 
Communications  with  Europe  were  scant  indeed  in  those  days,  but 
Anda  could  not  have  been  altogether  ignorant  of  the  causes  of  the  war, 
which  terminated  with  the  Treaty  of  Paris. 

On  his  return  to  Spain,  after  the  appointment  of  La  Torre  as 
Governor-General,  he  succeeded  in  retaining  the  favour  of  the  king, 
who  conferred  several  honours  on  him,  making  him  Councillor  of 
Castile,  etc.  In  the  meantime  Jose  Raon,  who  superseded  La  Torre, 
had  fallen  into  disgrace,  and  Anda  was  appointed  to  the  Governor- 
Generalship  of  the  Islands. 

There  is  perhaps  no  imperiousness  so  intolerant  as  that  of  an 
official  who  vaunts  his  authority  by  the  reflected  light  of  his  powerful 
patron.  Anda  on  his  arrival  avenged  himself  of  his  opposers  in  all 
directions.  He  imprisoned  his  predecessor,  several  judges,  military 
officials  and  others  ; some  he  sent  back  to  Spain,  others  he  banished 
from  the  capital.  Thus  he  brought  trouble  upon  himself.  From  all 
sides  hostile  resistance  increased.  He  quarrelled  with  the  clergy  ; but 
when  his  irascible  temper  had  exhausted  itself  in  the  course  of  six 
years,  he  retired  to  the  Austin  Friars’  Hospital  of  San  Juan  de  Dios 


REBELLION  IN  YLOCOS  PROVINCE. 


109 


in  Cavite,  where  he  expired  in  1776,  much  to  the  relief  of  his  numerous 
adversaries. 

Consequent  on  the  troubled  state  of  the  Colony,  a serious  rebellion 
arose  in  Ylogan  (Cagayan  Province),  amongst  the  Timava  natives, 
who  flogged  the  Commandant,  and  declared  they  would  no  longer  pay 
tribute  to  the  Spaniards.  The  revolt  spread  to  Ylocos  and  PaDgasinan, 
but  the  ringleaders  were  caught,  and  tranquillity  was  restored  by  the 
gallows. 

A rising  far  more  importaut  occurred  in  Ylocos  Sur.  The  Alcalde 
was  deposed,  and  escaped  after  he  had  been  forced  to  give  up  his  stall' 
of  office.  The  leader  of  this  revolt  was  a cunning  and  wily  Manila 
native,  named  Diego  de  Silan,  who  persuaded  the  people  to  cease  paying 
tribute,  and  declare  against  the  Spaniards,  who,  he  pointed  out,  were 
unable  to  resist  the  English.  The  City  of  Yigan  was  in  great  commotion. 
The  Vicar-General  parleyed  with  the  natives  ; and  then,  collecting  his 
troops,  the  rebels  were  dispersed,  whilst  some  were  taken  prisoners  ; but 
the  bulk  of  the  rioters  rallied  and  attacked,  and  burnt  down  part  of  the 
city.  The  loyal  natives  fled  before  the  flames.  The  Vicar-General’s 
house  was  taken,  and  the  arms  in  it  were  seized.  All  the  Austin  friars 
within  a large  surrounding  neighbourhood  had  to  ransom  themselves 
by  money  payments.  Silan  was  then  acknowledged  as  chief  over  a 
large  territory  north  and  south  of  Vigan.  He  appointed  his  lieutenants, 
and  issued  a Manifesto  declaring  Jesus  of  Hazareth  to  be  Captain- 
General  of  the  place,  and  that  he  was  His  Alcalde  for  the  promotion 
of  the  Catholic  religion  and  dominion  of  the  King  of  Spain.  His 
Manifesto  was  wholly  that  of  a religious  fanatic.  He  obliged  the 
natives  to  attend  Mass,  to  confess,  and  to  see  that  their  children  went 
to  school.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  pretended  piety,  he  stole  cattle  and 
exacted  ransoms  for  the  lives  of  all  those  who  could  pay  them  ; he  levied 
a tax  of  $100  on  each  friar.  Under  the  pretence  of  keeping  out  the 
British,  he  placed  sentinels  in  all  directions  to  prevent  news  reaching 
the  terrible  Simon  de  Ynda.  But  Anda,  though  fully  informed  by  an 
Austin  friar  of  what  transpired,  had  not  sufficient  troops  to  march 
north.  He  sent  a requisition  to  Silan  to  present  himself  within  nine 
days,  under  penalty  of  arrest  as  a traitor.  Whilst  this  order  was 
published,  vague  reports  were  intentionally  spread  that  the  Spaniards 
were  coming  to  Ylocos  in  great  force.  Many  deserted  Silan,  but  he 
contrived  to  deceive  even  the  clergy  and  others  by  his  feigned  piety. 


110 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Silau  sent  prescuts  to  Manila  for  the  British,  acknowledging  the  King' 
of  England  to  be  his  legitimate  Sovereign.  The  British  Governor  sent, 
in  return,  a vessel  bearing  despatches  to  Silan,  appointing  him  Alcalde 
Mayor.  Elated  with  pride,  Silau  at  ouce  made  this  public.  The  natives 
were  undeceived,  for  they  had  counted  on  him  to  deliver  them  from  the 
British  ; now,  to  their  dismay,  they  saw  him  the  authorized  magistrate 
of  the  invader.  He  gave  orders  to  make  all  the  Austin  friars  prisoners, 
saying  that  the  British  would  send  other  clergy  in  their  stead.  The 
friars  surrendered  themselves  without  resistance  and  joined  their  Bishop 
near  Vigau,  awaiting  the  pleasureof  Silan.  The  Bishop  excommunicated 
Silau,  and  then  he  released  some  of  the  priests.  The  Christian  natives 
having  refused  to  slay  the  friars,  a secret  compact  was  being  made,  with 
this  object,  with  the  mountain  tribes,  when  a half-caste  named  Vicos 
obtained  the  Bishop’s  benediction  and  killed  Silau  ; and  the  rebellion, 
which  had  lasted  from  14th  December,  1762,  to  28th  May,  1763,  ended. 

Xot  until  a score  of  little  battles  had  been  fought  were  the  numerous 
riots  in  the  provinces  quelled.  The  loyal  troops  were  divided  into 
sections,  and  marched  north  in  several  directions,  until  peace  was 
restored  by  March,  1765.  Zuniga  says  that  the  Spaniards  lost  in  these 
riots  about  70  Europeans  and  140  natives,  whilst  they  cost  the  rebels 
quite  10,000  men. 

* * * • * « * * 

The  submission  made  to  the  Spaniards,  in  the  time  of  Legaspi,  of  the 
Manila  and  Tondo  chiefs,  was  but  of  local  importance,  and  by  no  means 
implied  a total  pacific  surrender  of  the  whole  Archipelago  ; for  each 
district  had  yet  to  be  separately  conquered.  In  many  places  a bold  stand 
was  made  for  independence,  but  the  superior  organization  and  science  of 
the  European  forces  invariably  brought  them  victory  in  the  end. 

Space  will  not  permit  me  to  cite  all  the  numerous  revolutionary 
protests  registered  in  history  against  the  Spanish  dominion,  to  show  that 
the  natives  from  the  beginning,  and  up  to  the  present  time,  have  only 
yielded  to  a force  which  they  have  repeatedly,  in  each  generation, 
essayed  to  overthrow.  The  Pampanga  natives  soon  submitted,  but  a 
few  years  afterwards  they  were  in  open  mutiny  against  their  masters, 
who,  they  alleged,  took  their  young  men  from  their  homes  to  form  army 
corps,  and  busily  employed  the  able-bodied  men  remaining  in  the  district 
to  cut  timber  for  Government  requirements  aud  furnish  provisions  to 
the  camp. 


STRUGGLES  FOR  LIBERTY. 


Ill 


In  1622  the  natives  of  Bojol  Island  erected  an  oratory  in  the 
mountain  in  honour  of  an  imaginary  deity,  and  revolted  against  the 
tyranny  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries.  They  proclaimed  their  intention 
to  regain  their  liberty,  and  freedom  from  the  payment  of  tribute  to 
foreigners,  and  taxes  to  a church  they  did  not  believe  in.  Several 
towns  aud  churches  were  burnt,  and  Catholic  images  were  desecrated, 
but  the  rebels  were  dispersed  by  the  Governor  of  Cebu,  who,  with  a 
considerable  number  of  troops,  pursued  them  into  the  interior.  In  the 
same  island  a more  serious  rising  was  caused  in  1744  by  the  despotism 
of  a Jesuit  priest  named  Morales,  who  arrogated  to  himself  governmental 
rights,  ordering  the  apprehension  of  natives  who  did  not  attend  Mass, 
and  exercising  his  sacerdotal  functions  according  to  his  own  caprice. 
The  natives  resisted  those  abuses,  and  a certain  Dagohoy,  whose 
brother’s  body  bad  been  left  uninterred  to  decompose  by  the  priest’s 
orders,  organised  a revenge  party,  and  swore  to  pay  the  priest  in  his 
own  coin.  The  Jesuit  was  captured  and  executed,  and  his  corpse  was 
left  four  days  in  the  sun  to  corrupt. 

Great  numbers  of  disaffected  natives  flocked  to  Dagohoy’s  standard. 
Their  complaint  was,  that  whilst  they  risked  their  lives  in  foreign 
service  for  the  sole  benefit  of  their  European  masters,  their  homes 
were  wrecked  and  their  wives  and  families  maltreated  to  recover  the 
tribute. 

Dagohoy,  with  his  people,  maintained  their  independence  for  the 
space  of  35  years,  during  which  period  it  was  necessary  to  constantly 
employ  detachments  of  troops  to  check  the  rebels’  raid  on  private 
property.  On  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  the  Colony,  Recoleto 
Friars  went  to  Bohol,  and  then  Dagohoy  aud  his  partisans  submitted 
to  the  Government  on  the  condition  of  all  receiving  a full  pardon. 

In  Leyte  an  insurrection  was  set  on  foot  in  1622  against  Spanish 
rule,  and  the  Governor  of  Cebu  went  there  with  40  vessels,  carrying 
troops  and  war  material  to  co-operate  with  the  local  Governor  against 
the  rebels.  The  native  leader  was  made  prisoner,  and  his  head  placed 
on  a high  pole,  to  strike  terror  into  the  populace.  Another  prisoner 
was  garrotted,  four  more  were  publicly  executed  by  being  shot  with 
arrows,  and  another  was  burnt. 

In  1629,  an  attempt  was  made  in  the  Province  of  Surigao  (then 
called  Caraga),  in  the  east  of  Mindanao  Island,  to  throw  off  the 
Spanish  yoke.  Several  churches  were  burnt,  and  four  priests  were 


112 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


killed  by  the  rebels,  and  the  rising  was  only  quelled  after  three  years* 
guerilla  warfare. 

In  1649  the  Governor- General  decided  to  supply  the  want  of  men 
in  the  Arsenal  at  Cavite,  and  the  increasing  necessity  for  troops, 
by  pressing  the  natives  of  Samar  Island  into  the  King’s  service. 
Thereupon  a native  headman  named  Sumoroy  killed  the  priest  of 
Ybabao,  on  the  east  coast  of  Samar,  and  led  the  mob  who  sacked  and 
burnt  the  churches  along  the  coast.  The  Governor  at  Catbalogau  got 
together  a few  men,  and  sent  them  into  the  mountains  with  orders 
to  send  him  back  the  head  of  Sumoroy,  but  instead  of  this  they  sent 
him  a pig’s  head.  The  revolt  increased,  and  General  Andres  Lopez 
Azaldegui  was  despatched  to  the  island  with  full  powers  from  the 
Governor-General,  whilst  he  was  supported  on  the  coast  by  armed 
vessels  from  Zamboanga.  Sumoroy  fled  to  the  hills,  but  his  mother 
was  found  in  a hut ; and  the  invading  party  wreaked  their  vengeance 
on  her  by  literally  pulling  her  to  pieces. 

Sumoroy  was  at  length  betrayed  by  his  own  people,  who  carried 
his  head  to  the  Spanish  Captain,  and  this  officer  had  it  stuck  up  on 
a pole  in  the  village.  Some  years  afterwards,  another  rebel  chief 
surrendered,  under  a pardon  obtained  for  him  by  the  priests,  but  the 
military  authorities  imprisoned  and  then  hanged  him. 

The  riots  of  1649  extended  to  other  provinces  for  the  same  cause. 
In  Albay,  the  parish  priest  of  Sorsogon  had  to  flee  for  his  life  ; in 
Masbate  Island,  a sub-lieutenant  was  killed  ; in  Zamboanga,  a priest 
was  murdered  ; in  Cebu,  a Spaniard  was  assassinated  ; and  in  Caraga 
(Surigao),  and  Butuan,  many  Europeans  fell  victims  to  the  fury  of  the 
populace.  To  quell  these  disturbances,  Captain  Gregorio  de  Castillo, 
stationed  at  Butuan,  was  ordered  to  march  against  the  rebels  with  a 
body  of  infantry,  but  bloodshed  was  avoided  by  the  Captain  publishing 
a general  pardon  in  the  name  of  the  King,  and  crowds  of  insurgents 
came  to  the  camp  in  consequence.  The  King’s  name,  however,  was 
sullied  ; for  very  few  of  those  who  surrendered  ever  regained  their 
liberty.  They  were  sent  prisoners  to  Manila,  where  a few  were 
pardoned,  others  were  executed,  and  the  majority  became  galley  slaves. 

In  1660  there  was  again  a serious  rising  in  Pampauga,  the  natives 
objecting  to  cut  timber  for  the  Cavite  Arsenal  without  payment.  The 
revolt  spread  to  Pangasinau  Province,  where  a certain  Andres  Maloug 
was  declared  King,  and  he  in  turn  gave  to  another — Pedro  Gumapos — 


STRUGGLES  FOR  LIBERTY. 


113 


the  title  of  Count.  Messages  were  sent  to  Zambales  and  other  adjacent 
provinces,  ordering  the  natives  to  kill  the  Spaniards,  under  pain  of 
incurring  King  Malong’s  displeasure. 

Three  army  corps  were  formed  by  the  rebels  : one  of  6,000  men, 
under  Melchor  de  Yeras,  for  the  conquest  of  Pampanga  ; another  of 
3,000  men,  led  by  the  titular  Count  Gumapos,  to  annex  Ilocos,  and 
Cagayan,  whilst  the  so-called  King  Malong  took  the  field  against  the 
Pangasinan  people  at  the  head  of  2,000  followers.  Ilocos  Province 
declared  in  his  favour,  and  furnished  a body  of  insurgents  under  a 
chief  named  Juan  Manzano,  whilst  everywhere  on  the  march  the  titular 
King’s  troops  increased  until  they  numbered  about  40,000  men.  On 
the  way  many  Spaniards — priests  and  laymen — were  killed.  The 
Governor-General  sent  by  land  to  Pampanga  200  Spanish  troops,  400 
Pampaugos  and  half-breeds,  well  armed  and  provisioned,  and  Mount 
Arayat  was  fortified  and  garrisoned  by  500  men.  By  sea  : two  galleys, 
six  small  vessels,  and  four  cargo  launches — carrying  700  Spaniards 
and  half-breeds,  and  30  Pampangos — went  to  Bolinao,  in  Zambales 
Province.  The  rebels  were  everywhere  routed,  and  their  chiefs  were 
hanged, — some  in  Pampanga  and  others  in  Manila. 

Almost  each  generation  has  called  forth  the  strong  arm  of  the 
conqueror  to  repress  native  aspirations  to  liberty  in  one  island  or 
another,  whilst  the  flame  of  rebellion  has  as  often  been  kindled  by 
sacerdotal  despotism  as  by  official  rapacity. 

In  the  present  century,  several  vain  attempts  to  subvert  Spanish 
authority  have  been  made  ; notably  in  1823,  when  a body  of  disaffected 
native  troops,  headed  by  their  Captain — a creole  named  Andres  Novales 
— conspired  to  seize  the  capital  and  assume  Government. 

The  rising  was  quickly  subdued  by  the  Governor-General  in  person, 
who,  with  Spanish  troops,  dispersed  the  rebels,  their  chiefs  being 
captured  and  executed. 

In  1827  the  standard  of  sedition  was  raised  in  Cebu  and  a few 
towns  of  that  island,  but  these  disturbances  were  speedily  stifled 
through  the  influence  of  the  Spanish  friars.  In  1844,  during  a rising 
in  Negros  Island,  the  Spanish  Governor  was  killed.  The  cause  is  said 
to  have  been  due  to  the  Governor  having  compelled  the  State  prisoners 
to  labour  for  his  private  account. 

In  January,  1872,  what  is  known  as  the  Cavite  insurrection 
occurred,  the  centre  of  the  plot  being  Cavite  Arsenal.  A number  of 

H 


114 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


native  soldiers  were  implicated  in  this  affair,  and  it  was  agreed 
between  the  conspirators  in  Cavite  and  their  accomplices  in  Manila 
that  the  signal  for  the  outbreak  should  be  given  by  those  in  the 
capital,  who  were  to  fire  off  a rocket  on  the  night  that  they  would  be 
ready  for  simultaneous  action.  It  happened,  however,  that  those  in 
Cavite  mistook  the  fireworks  of  a suburban  feast  for  the  signal  agreed 
upon,  and  they  unwittingly  commenced  the  revolt,  unsupported  by 
their  comrades  across  the  bay. 

The  disaffected  soldiers  took  possession  of  the  Arsenal  and  made  a 
firm  resistance,  whilst  others  attacked  the  influential  Europeans.  The 
loyal  troops  were  called  out,  the  Arsenal  was  retaken,  and  all  the 
rebels  who  escaped  death  were  taken  prisoners.  The  origin  of  this 
tumult  was  native  opposition  to  the  Spanish  friars.  A certain 
Dr.  Joseph  Burgos  (Philippine  horn)  had  headed  a party  wrhich  urged 
the  exclusion  of  friars  from  parochial  incumbencies,  and  called  for 
the  fulfilment  'of  the  Council  of  Trent  decisions  which  prohibited 
friars  from  holding  benefices.  It  appears  that  the  friars,  nevertheless, 
secured  these  ecclesiastical  preferments  by  virtue  of  Papal  Bulls  of 
Pius  Y.  and  subsequent  Popes,  who  authorized  friars  to  act  as  parish 
priests,  not  in  perpetuity,  but  so  long  as  secular  clergymen  were 
insufficient  in  number  to  attend  to  the  cure  of  souls.  The  native  party 
consequently  declared  that  the  friars  retained  their  incumbencies 
illegally  and  by  intrusion,  in  view  of  the  sufficiency  of  Philippine 
secular  priests.  Had  the  Council  of  Trent  enactments  been  carried 
out  to  the  letter,  undoubtedly  the  religious  communities  in  the  Philip- 
pines were  doomed  to  comparative  political  impotence.  The  Spanish 
monastic  faction,  therefore,  insisted  upon  the  extreme  penalty  of  the 
law  being  inflicted  upon  their  opponents,  and  Dr.  Joseph  Burgos,  and 
three  other  native  [priests  (one  of  whom  was  a dotard  of  80  years 
of  age),  were  executed  on  the  Luneta,  a fashionable  promenade  by  the 
sea-shore  outside  Manila,  whilst  several  of  the  native  clergy  and  many 
laymen  were  deported. 

The  real  instigators  of  the  Cavite  tragedy  were  the  Spanish  friars, 
who  found  in  it  a means  of  attainting  Dr.  Burgos,  of  striking  terror 
into  the  native  clergy,  and  of  procuring  the  banishment  of  certain 
families  known  to  hold  liberal  ideas. 

Colonel  Sabas  went  over  to  Cavite  and  quelled  the  riot,  and  when 
the  friars  had  secured  their  victims  they  caused  a bill  of  indictment  to 


CAVITE  CONSPIRACY  OF  1872. 


115 


be  put  forward  by  the  public  prosecutor  in  which  it  was  alleged  that  a 
revolutionary  government  had  been  projected. 

Some  of  the  accused  in  this  revolt,  who  protested  their  innocence, 
were  banished  to  the  Marianas  (Ladrone)  Islands,  whence  a few 
escaped  to  foreign  countries.  Of  these,  personally  known  to  me,  one 
is  a successful  lawyer  now  residing  near  London,  and  three  were  still 
living  in  Hongkong  in  1896.  In  1889  I visited  a penal  settlement — 
La  Colonia  Agricola  de  San  Ramon — in  Mindanao  Island,  and  during 
my  stay  at  the  director’s  house  I was  every  day  served  at  table  by 
the  native  convict  who  was  said  to  have  been  nominated  by  the  Cavite 
insurgents  to  the  Civil  Governorship  of  Manila. 


H 2 


C H A PTER 


V I 1 1. 


THE  CHINESE. 

Long  before  the  foundation  of  Manila  by  Legaspi  in  1571  the 
Chinese  traded  with  these  Islands.  Their  locus  standi,  however,  was 
invariably  a critical  one,  and  their  commercial  transactions  with  the 
semi-barbarous  Philippine  Islanders  were  always  conducted  afloat. 
Often  their  junks  were  boarded  and  pillaged  by  the  natives,  but,  in 
spite  of  the  immense  risk  incurred,  the  Chinese  lacked  nothing  in  their 
active  pursuit. 

Legaspi  soon  perceived  the  advantages  which  would  accrue  to  his 
conquest  by  fomenting  the  development  of  commerce  with  these  Islands  ; 
and,  as  an  inducement  to  the  Chinese  to  continue  their  traffic,  he 
severely  punished  all  acts  of  violence  committed  against  them. 

In  the  course  of  time,  the  Chinese  had  gained  sufficient  confidence 
under  European  protection  to  come  ashore  with  their  wares.  In  1588, 
Chinese  were  already  paying  rent  for  the  land  they  occupied.  Some 
writers  assert  that  they  propagated  their  religious  doctrine  as  well  as 
their  customs,  but  I have  found  nothing  to  confirm  this  statement, 
and  my  knowledge  of  Chinese  habits  inclines  me  to  think  it  most 
improbable.  In  their  trading  junks  they  frequently  carried  their  idols 
as  a Romish  priest  carries  his  missal  when  he  travels.  The  natives 
may  have  imitated  the  Chinese  religious  rites  years  before  the  Spaniards 
came.  There  is  no  evidence  adduced  to  prove  that  they  forcibly 
proselytized  the  natives  as  the  Spaniards  did.  On  the  other  hand,  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  some  idols,  lost  by  the  Chinese  in  shipwreck 
and  piratical  attacks,  have  been,  and  still  are,  revered  by  the  natives  as 
authenticated  miraculous  images  of  Christian  Saints  (vide  “ Holy  Child 
of  Cebu”  and  “ Our  Lady  of  Casaysay,”  Chap.  XI.). 

The  Chinese  contributed,  in  a large  measure,  to  bring  about  a 
state  of  order  and  prosperity  in  the  uew  Colony,  with  the  introduction 


CHINESE. THE  ALCAYCERIA. THE  PARIAN.  117 


of  their  small  trades  and  industry  ; ami  their  traffic  in  the  interior,  and 
with  China,  was  really  beneficial,  in  those  times,  to  the  object  which 
the  conquerors  had  in  view.  So  numerous,  however,  did  they  become, 
that  it  was  found  necessary  to  regulate  the  growing  commerce  and  the 
modus  vivendi  of  the  foreign  traders. 

In  the  bad  weather  they  were  unable  to  go  to  and  from  their  juuks, 
and,  fearing  lest  under  such  circumstances  the  trade  would  fall  off, 
the  Government  determined  to  provide  them  with  a large  building 
called  the  Alcayceria.  The  contract  for  its  construction  was  offered  to 
any  private  person  or  corporation  willing  to  take  it  up  on  the  following 
terms,  viz.  : — The  original  cost,  the  annual  expense  of  maintenance,  and 
the  annual  rents  received  from  the  Chinese  tenants  were  to  he  equally 
shared  by  the  Government  and  the  contractor.  The  contract  was 
accepted  by  a certain  Fernando  de  Mier  y Noriega,  who  was  appointed 
bailiff  of  the  Alcayceria  for  life,  and  the  employment  was  to  be 
hereditary  in  his  family,  at  a salary  of  $50  per  month.  However, 
when  the  plan  was  submitted  to  the  Government,  it  was  considered  too 
extensive,  and  was  consequently  greatly  reduced,  the  Government 
defraying  the  total  cost  ($18,000).  The  bailiff’s  salary  was  likewise 
reduced  to  $25  per  month,  and  only  the  condition  of  sharing  rent  and 
expense  of  preservation  was  maintained.  The  Alcayceria  was  a square 
of  shops,  with  a back  store,  and  one  apartment  above  each  tenement. 
It  was  inaugurated  in  the  year  1580,  in  the  Calle  de  San  Fernando,  in 
Binondo,  opposite  to  where  is  now  the  Harbour-Master’s  Office,  and 
under  fire  of  the  forts.  In  the  course  of  years  this  became  a ruin,  and 
on  the  same  site  Government  Stores  were  built  in  1856.  These,  too, 
were  wrecked  in  their  turn  by  the  great  earthquake  of  1863.  In  the 
meantime,  the  Chinese  bad  long  ago  spread  far  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  Alcayceria , and  another  centre  had  been  provided  for  them  within 
the  City  of  Manila.  This  was  called  the  Parian , which  is  the  Mexican 
word  for  market-place.  It  was  demolished  by  Government  order  in 
1860,  but  the  entrance  to  the  city,  at  that  part  (constructed  in  1782), 
still  retains  the  name  of  Puerta  del  Parian. 

Hence  it  will  be  seen,  that  from  the  time  of  the  conquest,  and  for 
generations  following,  the  Spanish  authorities  offered  encouragement 
and  protection  to  the  Chinese. 

Dr.  Antonio  Morga,  in  his  work  on  the  Philippines,  page  349, 
writes  (at  the  close  of  the  16th  century)  : “It  is  true  the  town  cannot 


118 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


“ exist  -without  the  Chinese,  as  they  are  workers  iu  all  trades  and 
“ business,  and  very  industrious  and  work  for  small  wages.” 

Juan  de  la  Concepcion  w'rites1  (referring  to  the  beginning  of  the 
17th  century)  : “ Without  the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  Chinese, 
“ these  dominions  could  not  have  subsisted.”  The  same  writer 
estimates  the  number  of  Chinese  in  the  Colony  in  1638  at  33,000.2 

In  1686  the  policy  of  fixing  the  statutory  maximum  number  of 
Chinese  at  6,000  was  discussed,  but  commercial  conveniences  out- 
weighed its  adoption.  Had  the  measure  been  carried  out,  it  was 
proposed  to  lodge  them  all  in  one  place  within  easy  cannon  range,  in 
view  of  a possible  rising. 

In  1755  it  was  resolved  to  expel  all  non-Christian  Chinese,  but  a 
term  was  allowed  for  the  liquidation  of  their  affairs  and  withdrawal. 
By  the  30th  of  June  1755,  the  day  fixed  for  their  departure  from 
Manila,  515  Chinamen  had  been  sharp  enough  to  obtain  baptism  as 
Christians,  in  order  to  evade  the  edict,  besides  1,108  who  were 
permitted  to  remain  because  they  were  studying  the  mysteries  and 
intricacies  of  Christianity.  2,070  were  banished  from  Manila,  the 
expulsion  being  rigidly  enforced  on  those  newly  arriving  in  junks. 

Except  a few  Europeans  and  a score  of  Western  Asiatics,  the 
Chinese  who  remained  were  the  only  merchants  in  the  Archipelago. 
The  natives  had  neither  knowledge,  tact,  energy,  nor  desire  to  compete 
with  them.  They  cannot,  to  this  day,  do  so  successfully,  and  the 
Chinese  may  bo  considered  a boon  to  the  Colony,  for,  without  them, 
living  would  be  far  dearer — commodities  and  labour  of  all  kinds  more 
scarce,  and  the  export  and  import  trade  much  embarrassed.  The 
Chinese  are  really  the  people  who  gave  to  the  natives  the  first  notions 
of  trade,  industry  and  fruitful  work.  They  taught  them,  amongst 
many  other  useful  things,  the  extraction  of  saccharine  juice  from  the 
sugar  cane,  the  manufacture  of  sugar,  and  the  working  of  wrought 
iron.  They  introduced  into  the  Colony  the  first  sugar-mills  with 
vertical  stone  crushers,  and  iron  boiling-pans. 

The  history  of  the  last  hundred-aud-fifty  years  shows  that  the 
Chinese,  although  tolerated,  were  always  regarded  by  the  Spanish 
colonists  as  an  unwelcome  race,  and  the  natives  have  learnt,  from 

1 “Hist.  Gen.  de  Pliilipinas,”  by  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  Yol.  IV.,  page  53, 
pub.  in  Manila  in  1788. 

- Ibid.,  Yol.  V.,  page  129. 


CHINESE:  THEIR  EXPULSION  DECREED. 


119 


example,  to  despise  them.  From  time  to  time,  especially  since  the 
year  1763,  the  feeling  against  them  has  run  very  high. 

The  public  clamour  for  restrictions  on  their  arrival,  impediments 
to  the  traffic  of  those  already  established  here,  intervention  of  the 
authorities  with  respect  to  their  dwellings  and  mode  of  living,  and  not 
a few  have  urged  their  total  expulsion.  Indeed,  such  influence  was 
brought  to  bear  on  the  Indian  Council  at  Madrid  during  the  temporary 
Governorship  of  Juan  Arechedera,  Bishop  of  Nueva  Segovia  (1745- 
1750),  that  the  Archbishop  received  orders  to  expel  the  Chinese  from 
the  Islands,  but,  on  the  ground  that  to  have  done  so  would  have 
prejudiced  public  interests,  he  simply  archived  the  decree.  Even  up  to 
the  close  of  Spanish  rule,  the  authorities  in  power  and  the  national 
trading  class  considered  the  question  from  very  distinct  points  of  view, 
for  the  fact  is,  that  only  the  mildest  action  was  taken — just  enough  to 
appease  the  wild  demands  of  the  people.  Still  the  Chinaman  was 
always  subject  to  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  tide  of  official  bounteousness, 
and  only  since  1843  were  Chinese  shops  allowed  to  be  opened  on  the 
same  terms  as  other  foreigners. 

The  Chinaman  is  always  ready  to  sell  at  any  price  which  will  leave 
him  a trifling  nett  gain,  whereas  the  native,  having  earned  sufficient 
for  his  immediate  wants,  would  stubbornly  refuse  to  sell  his  wares 
except  at  an  enormous  profit. 

Again,  but  for  Chinese  coolie  competition,1  constant  labour  from  the 
natives  would  be  almost  unprocurable.  The  native  day-labourer  would 
work  two  or  three  days,  and  then  suddenly  disappear.  The  active 
Chinaman  goes  day  after  day  to  his  task  (excepting  only  at  the  time 
of  the  Chinese  New  Year,  in  January  or  February),  and  can  be  depended 
upon — thus  the  needy  native  is  pushed,  by  alien  competition,  to  bestir 
himself.  In  my  time,  in  the  port  of  Yloilo,  four  foreign  commercial 
houses  had  to  incur  the  expense  and  risk  of  bringing  Chinese  coolies 
for  loading  and  discharging  vessels,  whilst  the  natives  coolly  lounged 
about  and  absolutely  refused  to  work.  Moreover,  the  exactions  and 
avarice  of  the  native  are  quite  intolerable,  and  create  a serious  impedi- 
ment to  the  development  of  the  Colony.  Only  a very  small  minority 
of  the  labouring  class  will  put  their  hands  to  work  without  an  advance 


1 About  two  per  thousand  of  the  present  resident  Chinese  were  not  originally 
coolies. 


120 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


on  their  wages,  and  men  who  earn  §8  per  month  will  often  demand  as- 
much  as  $25  to  $40  advance  without  any  guarantee  whatsoever.  If  a 
native  is  commissioned  to  perform  any  kind  of  service,  he  will  refuse  to 
stir  without  a sum  of  money  beforehand,  whilst  the  Chinese  very 
rarely  expect  payment  until  they  have  given  value  for  it.  Only  the 
direst  necessity  will  make  au  unskilled  native  labourer  continue  several 
weeks  at  work  for  a wage  which  is  only  to  be  paid  when  due.  There 
is  scarcely  a single  agriculturist  who  has  not  the  burthen  of  having  ta 
sink  a share  of  his  capital  in  making  advances  to  his  labourers,  who, 
nevertheless,  are  in  no  way  legally  bound  thereby  to  serve  the  capitalist, 
or  whether  they  are  or  not,  the  fact  is,  that  a large  proportion  of  this 
capital  so  employed  must  be  considered  lost.  There  are  certain  lines 
of  business  which,  without  the  aid  of  Chinese,  would  have  to  be 
abandoned,  hence  it  would  be  an  unfortunate  day  for  the  Treasury,  and 
for  the  export  and  import  merchant  class,  when  the  Chinese  ceased  to 
co-operate  in  Philippine  trade. 

Taxes  were  first  levied  on  the  Mongol  traders  in  1828.  Iu  1852 
a general  reform  of  the  fiscal  laws  was  introduced,  and  the  classification 
of  Chinese  dealers  was  modified.  They  were  then  divided  into  four 
grades  or  classes,  each  paying  contributions  according  to  the  new  tariff. 

In  1886  the  universal  depression,  which  was  first  manifest  in  this 
Colony  in  1884,  still  continued.  Remedies  of  most  original  character 
were  suggested  in  the  public  organs  and  private  circles,  and  a renewed 
spasmodic  tirade  was  levied  against  the  Chinese.  A petition,  made 
and  signed  by  numbers  of  the  trading  class,  was  addressed  to  the 
Sovereign,  but  it  appears  to  have  found  its  last  resting-place  in  the 
Colonial  Secretary’s  waste-paper  basket.  The  Americans  in  the  United 
States  and  Mexico  were  in  open  rebellion  against  the  Celestials — the 
Governments  of  Australia  had  imposed  a capitation  tax  on  their 
entry1 — in  British  Columbia  there  was  a party  disposed  to  throw  off 
its  allegiance  to  Great  Britain  rather  than  forego  the  agitation  against 
the  Chinese.  Why  should  not  the  Chinese  be  expelled  from  the 


1 General  Wong  Yung  Ho,  accompanied  by  a Chinese  Justice  of  the  High 
Court,  visited  Australia  in  the  middle  of  the  year  1887.  In  a newspaper  of  that 
Colony,  it  was  reported  that  after  these  persons  had  been  courteously  entertained 
and  shown  the  local  institutions  and  industries,  they  had  the  bold  effrontery 
to  protest  against  the  State  Laws,  and  asked  for  a repeal  of  the  “ poll  tax  ” — 
considered  there  the  only  check  upon  a Chinese  coolie  inundation  ! 


CHINESE  AS  COLONISTS. 


121 


Philippines,  it  was  asked,  or  at  least  be  permitted  only  to  pursue 
agriculture  in  the  Islands  ? In  1638,  around  Calamba  and  along  the 
Laguna  shore,  they  tilled  the  land,  but  the  selfishness  and  jealousy  of 
the  natives  made  their  permanence  intolerable.  In  1850  the  Chinese 
were  invited  to  take  up  agriculture,  but  the  rancorous  feeling  of  the 
natives  forced  them  to  abandon  the  idea,  and  seek  greater  security  in 
the  towns. 

The  chief  accusation  levelled  against  the  Chinaman  is,  that  he  comes 
as  an  adventurer  and  makes  money,  which  he  carries  away,  without 
leaving  any  trace  of  civilization  behind  him.  The  Chinese  immigrant 
is  of  the  lowest  social  class.  Is  not  the  dream  of  the  European 
adventurer,  of  the  same  or  better  class,  to  make  his  pile  of  dollars  and 
be  off  to  the  land  of  his  birth  ? If  he  spends  more  money  in  the  Colony 
than  the  Chinaman  does,  it  is  because  he  lacks  the  Chinaman’s  self- 
abnegation  and  thriftiness.  Is  the  kind  of  civilization  taught  in  the 
colonies  by  low-class  European  settlers  worth  having  ? 

The  Chinaman  settled  in  the  Philippines  under  Spanish  rule  was 
quite  a different  being  to  his  obstinate,  self-willed,  riotous  countryman 
in  Hongkong  or  Singapore.  In  Manila  he  was  drilled  past  docility — 
in  six  months  he  became  even  fawning,  cringing,  and  servile,  until 
goaded  into  open  rebellion.  Whatever  position  he  might  attain  to,  he 
was  never  addressed  (as  in  the  British  Colonies)  as  “ Mr.”  or  “ Esqre,” 
but  always  “ Chinaman ” (“  Chino ”). 

The  total  expulsion  of  the  Chinese  wTould  have  been  highly 
prejudicial  to  trade.  If  it  suited  the  State  policy  to  check  the  ingress 
of  the  Chinese,  nothing  would  have  been  easier  than  the  imposition  of 
a $50  poll  tax.  To  compel  them  to  take  up  agriculture  was  out 
of  the  question  in  a Colony  where  there  was  so  little  guarantee  for 
their  personal  safety — so  long  as  the  native,  jealous  of  the  prosperity 
which  is  the  reward  of  their  industrial  habits,  bears  them  an  innate 
malice. 

The  frugality,  constant  activity  and  commendable  ambition  of  the 
Celestial  clashes  with  the  dissipation,  indolence  and  want  of  aim  in 
life  of  the  native.  There  is  absolutely  no  harmony  of  thought,  purpose 
or  habit  between  the  Philippine  Malay  native  and  the  Mongol  race, 
and  the  consequence  of  Chinese  coolies  working  on  coffee,  sugar  or 
other  plantations  would  be  frequent  assassinations  and  open  affray. 
Moreover,  a native  planter  could  never  manage,  to  his  own  satisfaction 


122 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


or  interest,  an  estate  worked  with  Chinese  labour.  The  Chinaman  is 
essentially  of  a commercial  bent,  and,  in  the  Philippines  at  least,  he 
prefers  taking  his  chance  as  to  the  profits,  in  the  bubble  and  risk  of 
independent  speculation,  rather  than  calmly  undertake  obligations  to 
labour  at  a fixed  wage  which  affords  no  stimulus  to  his  efforts. 

Plantations  worked  by  Chinese  owners  with  Chinese  labour  might 
have  succeeded,  but  those  who  arrived  in  the  Colony  brought  no 
capital,  and  the  Government  never  offered  to  overcome  this  difficulty 
by  gratuitous  allotment  of  property.  A law  relating  to  the  concession 
of  State  lands  existed,  but  it  was  enveloped  in  so  many  entanglements 
and  encompassed  by  so  many  intricate  conditions,  that  few  Orientals 
or  Europeans  took  advantage  of  it,  for  the  tardy  process  to  obtain 
Government  title  deeds  of  the  conceded  lands  compelled  the  needy 
colonist  to  follow  some  other  and  distinct  occupation  in  the  meantime 
in  order  not  to  starve. 

History  records  that  in  the  year  1603  two  Chinese  Mandarins 
came  to  Manila  as  Ambassadors  from  their  Emperor  to  the  Governor- 
General  of  the  Philippines.  They  represented  that  a countryman  of 
theirs  had  informed  His  Celestial  Majesty  of  the  existence  of  a 
mountain  of  gold  in  the  environs  of  Cavite,  and  they  desired  to  see  it. 
The  Governor-General  welcomed  them,  and  they  were  carried  ashore 
by  their  own  people  in  ivory  and  gilded  sedan  chairs.  They  wore 
the  insignia  of  High  Mandarins,  and  the  Governor  accorded  them  the 
reception  due  to  their  exalted  station.  He  assured  them  that  they 
were  entirely  misinformed  respecting  the  mountain  of  gold,  which 
could  only  be  imaginary,  but,  to  further  convince  them,  he  accompanied 
them  to  Cavite.  The  Mandarins  shortly  afterwards  returned  to  their 
country.  The  greatest  anxiety  prevailed  in  Manila.  Rumours  cir- 
culated that  a Chinese  invasion  was  in  preparation.  The  authorities 
held  frequent  councils,  in  which  the  opinions  were  very  divided.  A 
feverish  consternation  overcame  the  natives,  who  were  armed,  and 
ordered  to  carry  their  weapons  constantly.  The  armoury  was  over- 
hauled. A war  plan  was  discussed  and  adopted,  and  places  were 
signalled  out  for  each  division  of  troops.  The  natives  openly  avow'ed 
to  the  Chinese,  that  whenever  they  saw  the  first  signs  of  the  hostile 
fleet  arriving,  they  would  murder  them  all.  The  Chinese  were  accused 
of  having  arms  secreted  ; they  were  publicly  insulted  and  maltreated  ; 
the  cry  was  falsely  raised  that  the  Spaniards  had  fixed  the  day  for 


ST.  FRANCIS  RESCUES  MANILA  FROM  TIIE  CHINESE.  123 


their  extermination  ; they,  daily,  saw  weapons  being  cleaned  and  put 
in  order,  and  they  knew  that  there  could  be  no  immediate  enemy  but 
themselves.  There  was,  in  short,  every  circumstantial  evidence  that 
the  fight  for  their  existence  would  ere  long  be  forced  upon  them. 

In  this  terrible  position  they  were  constrained  to  act  on  the 
offensive,  simply  to  ensure  their  own  safety.  They  raised  fortifications 
in  several  places  outside  the  city,  and  many  an  unhappy  Chinaman 
had  to  reluctantly  shoulder  a weapon  with  tears  in  his  eyes.  They 
were  traders.  War  and  revolution  were  quite  foreign  to  their  wishes. 
The  Christian  despots  compelled  them  to  abandon  their  adopted  homes 
and  their  chattels,  regardless  of  the  future.  What  a strange  conception 
the  Chinese  must  have  formed  of  His  Most  Catholic  Majesty  ! In 
their  despair,  many  of  them  committed  suicide.  Finally,  on  the  eve 
of  St.  Francis’  Day,  the  Chinese  openly  declared  hostilities — beat  their 
war-gongs  — hoisted  their  flags  — assaulted  the  armed  natives,  and 
threatened  the  city.  Houses  were  burnt,  and  Binondo  was  besieged. 
They  fortified  Toudo  ; and  the  next  morning,  Luis  Perez  Dasmarinas, 
an  ex-Governor-General,  led  the  troops  against  them.  He  was  joined 
by  one  hundred  picked  Spanish  soldiers  under  Thomas  de  Acuna.  The 
nephew  of  the  Governor  and  the  nephew  of  the  Archbishop  rallied 
to  the  Spanish  standard  nearly  all  the  flower  of  Castilian  soldiery — and 
hardly  one  was  left  to  tell  the  tale  ! The  bloodshed  was  appalling. 
The  Chinese,  encouraged  by  this  first  victory,  besieged  the  city,  but 
after  a prolonged  struggle,  they  were  obliged  to  yield,  as  they  could 
not  provision  themselves. 

The  retreating  Chinese  were  pursued  far  from  Manila  along  the 
Laguna  de  Bay  shore,  thousands  of  them  being  overtaken  and 
slaughtered  or  disabled.  Reinforcements  met  them  on  the  way, 
and  drove  them  as  far  as  Batangas  Province  and  into  the  Morons' 
district.  The  natives  were  in  high  glee  at  this  licence  to  shed  blood 
unresisted  — so  in  harmony  with  their  natural  instincts.  It  is 
calculated  that  24,000  Chinese  were  slain  or  taken  prisoners  in  this 
revolt. 

The  priests  affirm  positively  that  during  the  defence  of  the  city 
Saint  Francis  appeared  in  person  on  the  walls  to  stimulate  the 
Christians — thus  the  victory  was  accorded  to  him. 

This  ruthless  treatment  of  a harmless  and  necessary  people — for 
up  to  this  event  they  had  proved  themselves  to  be  both — threatened 


124 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


to  briug  its  own  reward.  They  were  the  only  industrious,  thriving., 
skilful,  wealth-producing  portion  of  the  population.  There  were  no 
other  artificers  or  tradespeople  in  the  Colony.  Moreover,  the  Spaniards 
were  fearful  lest  their  supplies  from  China  of  food  for  consumption  in 
Manila,1  and  manufactured  articles  for  export  to  Mexico,  should  in 
future  be  discontinued.  Consequently,  they  hastened  to  despatch  an 
envoy  to  China  to  explain  matters,  and  to  reassure  the  Chinese  traders. 
Much  to  their  surprise,  they  found  the  Viceroy  of  Canton  little 
concerned  about  what  had  happened,  and  the  junks  of  merchandise 
again  arrived  as  heretofore. 

Notwithstanding  the  memorable  event  of  1603,  thirty-six  years 
afterwards  another  struggle  was  made  by  the  Chinese.  In  1639, 
exasperated  at  the  official  robbery  and  oppression  of  a certain  doctor, 
Luis  Arias  de  Mora,  and  the  Governor  of  the  Laguna  Province,  they 
rose  in  open  rebellion  and  killed  these  officials  in  the  town  of  Calamba. 
So  serious  was  the  revolt,  that  the  Governor-General  went  out  against 
them  in  person.  The  rebels  numbered  about  30,000,  and  sustained,  for 
nearly  a year,  a petty  warfare  all  around.  The  images  of  the  Saints 
were  promenaded  in  the  streets  of  Manila  ; it  was  a happy  thought,  for 
6,000  Chinese  consequently  surrendered.  During  this  conflict,  an  edict 
was  published  ordering  all  the  Chinese  in  the  provinces  to  be  slain. 

In  1660  there  was  another  rising  of  these  people,  which  terminated 
in  a great  massacre. 

The  Spaniards  now  began  to  reflect  that  they  had  made  rather  a 
bad  bargain  with  the  Mongol  traders  in  the  beginning,  and  that  the 
Government  would  have  done  better  had  they  encouraged  commerce 
with  the  Peninsula.  Up  to  this  time  the  Spaniards  had  vainly  reposed 
on  their  laurels  as  conquerors.  They  squandered  lives  and  fortunes 
on  innumerable  fruitless  expeditious  to  Gamboge,  Cochin  China,  Siam, 
Pegu,  Japan,  and  the  Moluccas,  in  quest  of  fresh  glories,  instead,  of 
concentrating  their  efforts  in  opening  up  this  Colony  and  fomenting 
a Philippine  export  trade,  as  yet  almost  unknown,  if  we  exclude 
merchandise  from  China,  etc.  in  transit  to  Mexico.  From  this  period 
restrictions  were,  little  by  little,  placed  on  the  intromission  of  Chinese  ; 
they  were  treated  with  arrogance  by  the  Europeans  and  Mexicans,  and 

1 Just  before  the  naval  engagement  of  Playa  Honda  between  Dutch  and  Spanish 
ships  ( vide  page  80)  the  Dutch  intercepted  Chinese  junks  on  the  way  to 
Manila,  bringing,  amongst  their  cargoes  of  food,  as  many  as  12,000  capons. 


THE  CHINESE  ON  THE  WAR  PATH. 


125 


the  jealous  hatred  which  the  native  at  this  day  feels 'for  the  Chinaman 
now  began  to  be  more  openly  manifested.  The  Chinaman  had,  for 
a long  time  past,  been  regarded  by  the  European  as  a necessity — and 
henceforth  an  unfortunate  one. 

Nevertheless,  the  lofty  Spaniard  who  by  favour  of  the  King  had 
arrived  in  Manila  to  occupy  an  official  post  without  an  escudo  too  much 
in  his  pocket,  did  not  disdain  to  accept  the  hospitality  of  the  Chinese. 
It  was  formerly  their  custom  to  secure  the  goodwill  and  personal 
protection  of  the  Spanish  officials  by  voluntarily  keeping  lodging-houses 
ready  for  their  reception.  It  is  chronicled  that  these  gratuitous 
residences  were  well  furnished  and  provided  with  all  the  requisites 
procurable  on  the  spot.  For  a whole  century  the  Spaniards  were 
lulled  with  this  easy-going  and  felicitous  state  of  things,  whilst  the 
insidious  Mongol,  whose  clear-sighted  sagacity  was  sufficient  to  pierce 
the  thin  veil  of  friendship  proffered  by  his  guest,  was  ever  prepared 
for  another  opportunity  of  rising  against  the  dominion  of  Castile,  of 
which  he  had  had  so  many  sorry  experiences  since  1603.  The  occasion 
at  last  arrived  during  the  British  occupation  of  Manila  in  1763.  The 
Chinese  voluntarily  joined  the  invaders,  but  were  unable  to  sustain 
the  struggle,  and  it  is  estimated  that  some  6,000  of  them  were 
murdered  in  the  provinces  by  order  of  the  notorious  Simon  de  Anda 
(vide  page  102).  They  menaced  the  town  of  Pasig — near  Manila — 
and  Fray  Juan  de  Torres,  the  parish  priest,  put  himself  at  the  head  of 
300  natives,  by  order  of  his  Prior,  Fray  Andres  Fuentes,  to  oppose 
them,  and  the  Chinese  were  forced  to  retire. 

On  the  9th  of  October,  1820,  a general  massacre  of  Chinese  and 
other  foreigners,  including  British,  took  place  in  Manila  and  Cavite. 
Epidemic  cholera  had  affected  the  capital  and  surrounding  districts  ; 
great  numbers  of  natives  succumbed  to  its  malignant  effects,  and  they 
accused  the  foreigners  of  having  poisoned  the  drinking  water  in  the 
streams.  Foreign  property  was  attacked  and  pillaged — even  ships 
lying  in  the  bay  had  to  sail  off  and  anchor  out  afar  for  safety.  The 
outbreak  attained  such  grave  proportions,  that  the  clergy  intervened  to 
dissuade  the  populace  from  their  hallucination.  The  High  Host  was 
carried  through  the  streets,  but  the  rioters  were  only  pacified  when  they 
could  find  no  more  victims. 

Amongst  other  reforms  concerning  the  Chinese  which  the  Spanish 
colonists  and  Manila  natives  called  for  in  1886,  through  the  public 


126 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


organs,  was,  that  they  should  be  forced  to  comply  with  the  law 
promulgated  in  1867,  which  provided  that  the  Chinese,  like  all  other 
merchants,  should  keep  their  irade-books  in  the  Spanish  language. 
The  demand  had  the  appearance  of  being  based  on  certain  justifiable 
grounds,  but  in  reality  it  was  a mere  ebullition  of  spite  intended  to 
augment  the  difficulties  of  the  Chinese. 

The  British  merchants  and  bankers  are,  by  far,  those  who  give 
most  credit  to  the  Chinese.  The  Spanish  and  native  creditors  of  the 
Chinese  are  but  a small  minority,  taking  the  aggregate  of  their  credits, 
and  instead  of  seeking  malevolently  to  impose  new  hardships  on  the 
Chinese,  they  could  have  abstained  from  entering  into  risky  transactions 
with  them.  All  merchants  are  aware  of  the  Chinese  trading  system, 
and  none  are  obliged  to  deal  with  them.  A foreign  house  gives  a 
Chinaman  credit  for  say  £300  to  £400  worth  of  European  manufactured 
goods,  knowing  full  well,  from  personal  experience,  or  from  that  of 
others,  that  the  whole  value  will  probably  never  be  recovered.  It 
remains  a standing  debt  on  the  books  of  the  firm.  The  Chinaman 
retails  these  goods,  and  brings  a small  sum  of  cash  to  the  firm,  on  the 
understanding  that  he  shall  get  another  parcel  of  goods,  and  so  he 
goes  on  for  years.1  Thus  the  foreign  merchants  practically  sink  an 
amount  of  capital  to  start  their  Chinese  constituents.  Sometimes  the 
acknowledged  owner  and  responsible  man  in  one  Chinese  retail 
establishment  will  have  a share  in,  or  own,  several  others.  If  matters 
go  wrong,  he  absconds  abroad,  and  only  the  one  shop  which  he  openly 
represented  can  be  embargoed,  whilst  his  goods  are  distributed  over 
several  shops  under  any  name  but  his.  It  is  always  difficult  to  bring 
legal  proof  of  this  ; the  books  are  in  Chinese,  and  the  whole  business 
is  in  a state  of  confusion  incomprehensible  to  any  European.  But 
these  risks  are  well  known  beforehand.  It  is  only  then  that  the 
primitive  credit  must  be  written  off  by  the  foreigner  as  a nett  loss — 
often  small  when  set  against  several  years  of  accumulated  profits  made 
in  successive  operations. 

The  Chinese  have  guilds  or  secret  societies  for  their  mutual 
protection,  and  it  is  a well-ascertained  fact  that  they  had  to  pay  the 
Spanish  authorities  very  dearly  for  the  liberty  of  living  at  peace  with 


1 Since  about  the  year  1885,  this  system,  which  has  entailed  severe  losses,  is 
gradually  falling  into  disuse,  and  business  on  cash  terms  has  become  more  general. 


THE  CHINESE  POPULATION. 


127 


their  fellow  men.  If  the  wind  blew  against  them  from  official  quarters 
the  affair  brought  on  the  tapis  was  hushed  up  by  a gift.  These 
peace-offeriDgs  were  at  times  of  considerable  value,  and  were  procured 
by  a tax  privately  levied  on  each  Chinaman  by  the  headmen  of  their 
guilds. 

In  1880-1883  the  Governor-General  and  other  high  functionaries 
used  to  accept  Chinese  hospitality, — etc. 

In  December,  1887,  the  Medal  of  Civil  Merit  was  awarded  to  a 
Chinaman  named  Sio-Sion-Tay,  resident  in  Binondo,  whilst  the 
Government  for  several  years  made  contracts  with  the  Chinese  for  the 
public  service.  Another  Chinaman  was  christened  in  the  name  of 
Carlos  Palauca,  and  later  on  was  awarded  the  Grand  Cross  of  Isabella 
the  Catholic  with  the  title  of  Excellency. 

Many  Chinese  have  adopted  Christianity,  either  to  improve  their 
social  standing,  or  to  be  enabled  thereby  to  contract  marriage  with 
native  women.  Their  intercessor  and  patron  is  Saint  Nicholas 
since  the  time,  it  is  said,  that  a Chinaman,  having  fallen  into  the 
Pasig  River,  was  in  danger  of  being  eaten  by  an  alligator,  and 
saved  himself  by  praying  to  that  saint,  who  caused  the  monster  to 
turn  into  stone.  The  legendary  stone  is  still  to  be  seen  near  the  left 
bank  of  the  river. 

There  appears  to  be  no  perfectly  reliable  data  respecting  the 
number  of  Chinese  residents  in  the  Archipelago.  In  1886  the  statistics 
differed  largely.  One  statistician  published  that  there  was  a total  of 
66,740  men  and  194  women,  of  which  51,348  men  and  191  women 
lived  in  Manila  and  suburbs,  1,154  men  and  3 women  in  Yloilo,  and 
983  men  in  Cebu,  the  remainder  being  dispersed  over  the  coast  villages 
and  the  interior.  The  most  competent  local  authorities  in  two 
provinces  proved  to  me  that  the  figures  relating  to  their  districts  were 
inexact,  and  all  other  information  on  the  subject  which  I have  been 
able  to  procure,  tends  to  show  that  the  number  of  resident  Chinese 
was  underrated.  I estimate  that  there  were  100,000  Chinese  in  the 
whole  colony  of  which  upwards  of  40,000  dwelt  in  the  capital  and 
its  environs. 

Crowds  of  Chinese  passed  to  these  islands  via  Sulu,  which,  as  a 
free  port,  they  could  enter  without  need  of  papers.  Pretending  to  be 
resident  colonists  there,  they  managed  to  obtain  passports  to  travel  on 


128 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


business  for  a limited  period  in  the  Philippines,  but  they  were  never 
seen  again  in  Sulu. 

In  Manila  and  the  wards,  and  in  several  provincial  towns  where 
the  Chinese  residents  were  numerous,  they  had  their  own  separate 
“ Tribunals  ” or  local  courts,  wherein  minor  affairs  were  managed  by 
petty-governors  of  their  own  nationality,  elected  bi-annually,  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  natives.  In  1888  the  question  of  establishing 
Chinese  Consulates  in  the  Philippines  was  talked  of  in  official  circles, 
which  proves  that  the  Government  was  far  from  seeing  the  “Chinese 
question”  in  the  same  light  as  the  Spanish  or  native  merchant  class. 
In  the  course  of  time  they  acquired  a certain  consideration  in  the  body 
politic,  and  deputations  of  Chinese  were  present  in  all  popular 
ceremonies  during  the  last  few  years  of  Spanish  rule. 

Wherever  the  Chinese  settle  they  exhibit  a disposition  to  hold  their 
footing,  if  not  to  strengthen  it,  at  all  hazards,  by  force  if  need  be.  In 
Sarawak,  their  secret  societies,  which  threatened  to  undermine  the 
prosperity  of  that  little  State,  had  to  be  suppressed  by  capital  punish- 
ment. Since  the  British  occupation  of  Hongkong  in  1841,  there  have 
been  two  serious  movements  against  the  Europeans.  In  Singapore,  the 
attempts  of  the  Chinese  to  defy  the  Government  have  met  with  only 
feeble  measures  of  repression. 

In  Australia  and  the  United  States  it  has  been  found  necessary  to 
enact  special  laws  regulating  the  ingress  of  Mongols.  Under  the 
Spanish-Philippine  Government  the  most  that  could  be  said  against 
them,  as  a class,  was  that,  through  their  thrift  aud  perseverance,  they 
outran  the  shopkeeping  class  in  the  race  of  life. 

Under  a native  Government  the  lot  of  the  Chiuese  is  not  likely  to 
be  a happy  one.  One  of  the  aims  of  the  Tagiilog  Revolutionists  is  to 
exclude  the  Chinese  from  the  islands. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


THE  VARIOUS  TRIBES  AND  RACES. 

It  is  estimated  that  about  one-fifth  of  the  population  of  Luzon 
Island,  and  one-fourth  of  that  of  the  Visayas  group,  are  independent. 

Space  will  not  permit  me  to  attempt  an  exhaustive  ethnographical 
treatise  on  the  various  tribes  and  races  dispersed  over  these  regions, 
and  for  fuller  information  on  the  subject  of  these  notes,  I would  refer 
my  readers  to  Wallace’s  “Malay  Archipelago.” 

The  chief  of  these  tribes  are  the  Aetas  or  Negritos,  a mountain 
tribe  to  be  found  here  and  there  over  the  whole  group  of  islands. 
The  Gaddanes,  Itavis,  Igorrotes,  half-caste  Igorrote-  Chinese,  the 
Tinguianes,  etc.  in  the  Northern  Islands,  and  the  various  branches 
of  Mussulmans  in  the  South. 

I have  used  only  the  generic  denominations,  for  whilst  these  tribes 
are  sub-divided  (for  instance,  the  Buquils  of  Zambales,  a section  of  the 
Negritos ; the  Guinaanes,  a sanguinary  people  inhabiting  the  mountains 
of  the  Igorrote  district,  etc.)  the  fractions  denote  no  material  physical 
or  moral  difference,  and  the  local  names  adopted  by  the  different  clans 
of  the  same  race  are  of  no  interest  to  the  general  reader. 

Aetas  or  Negritos  are  to  be  met  with  in  the  mountains  of  nearly 
every  peopled  island  of  the  Colony,  and  are  supposed  to  be  the 
aboriginal  inhabitants.  They  are  dark,  some  of  them  being  as  black 
as  African  Negroes.  Their  general  appearance  resembles  that  of  the 
Alfoor  Papuan  of  New  Guinea.  They  have  curly  matted  hair,  like 
Astrakhan  fur.  The  men  cover  only  their  loins,  and  the  women  dress 
from  the  waist  to  the  knees.  They  are  a spiritless  and  cowardly  race. 
They  would  not  deliberately  face  white  men  in  anything  nearly  equal 
numbers  with  warlike  intentions,  although  they  would  perhaps  spend 
a quiverful  of  arrows  from  behind  a tree  at  a retreating  foe. 

The  Acta  carries  a bamhoo  lance,  a palm-wood  bow  and  poisoned 
arrows  when  out  on  an  expedition.  He  is  wonderfully  light-footed, 

I 


130 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


and  runs  with  great  speed  after  the  deer,  or  climbs  a tree  like  a monkey. 
Groups  of  fifty  to  sixty  souls  live  iu  community.  Their  religion  seems 
to  be  a kind  of  cosmolatry  and  spirit-worship.  Anything  which  for 
the  time  being,  in  their  imagination,  has  a supernatural  appearance 
is  deified.  They  have  a profound  respect  for  old  age  and  for  their 
dead. 

They  are  of  extremely  low  intellect,  and,  although  some  of  them 
have  been  brought  up  by  civilized  families  living  iu  the  vicinity  of  the 
Negrito  mountainous  country,  they  offer  little  encouragement  to  those 
who  would  desire  to  train  them.  Even  when  more  or  less  domesticated, 
the  Negrito  cannot  be  trusted  to  do  anything  which  requires  an  effort 
of  judgment.  At  times,  his  mind  seems  to  wander  from  all  social 
order,  and  he  is  apparently  subject  to  an  occasional  overwhelming 
eagerness  to  return  to  his  native  haunts,  which  disconcerts  all  one’s 
plans. 

For  a long  time  they  were  the  sole  masters  of  Luzon  Island,  where 
they  exercised  seignorial  rights  over  the  Tagalogs  and  other  immi- 
grants, until  these  arrived  in  such  numbers,  that  the  Negritos  were 
forced  to  retire  to  the  high  lands.  The  taxes  imposed  upon  the 
primitive  Malay  settlers  by  the  Negritos  were  levied  in  kind,  and  when 
payment  was  refused,  they  swooped  down  in  a posse,  and  carried  off  the 
head  of  the  defaulter.  Since  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  the  terror 
of  the  white  man  has  made  them  take  definitely  to  the  mountains,  where 
they  appear  to  be  very  gradually  decreasing. 

The  Government  have  exhausted  all  their  laborious  endeavours  to 
implant  civilised  habits  among  this  weak-brained  race. 

In  1881  I visited  the  Capas  Missions  in  Upper  Pampanga.  The 
authorities  had  established  there  what  is  called  a real — a kind  of  model 
village  of  bamboo  and  palm-leaf  huts,  to  each  of  which  a family  was 
assigned.  They  were  supplied  with  food,  clothing  and  all  necessaries 
of  life  for  one  year,  which  would  give  them  an  opportunity  of  tilling 
the  land  and  providing  for  themselves  in  future.  But  they  followed 
their  old  habits  when  the  year  had  expired  and  the  subsidy  ceased. 
On  my  second  visit,  they  had  returned  to  their  mountain  homes,  and  I 
could  see  no  possible  inducement  for  them  to  do  otherwise.  The  only 
attraction  for  them  during  the  year,  was  the  fostering  of  their  inbred 
indolence,  and  as  soon  as  they  had  to  depend  on  their  own  resources,  it 
ought  to  have  been  evident  that  they  would  adopt  their  own  way  of 


A NEGRITO  FAMIIV. 


132 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  husbandry  of  the  Negritos  is  the  most  primitive  imaginable. 
It  consists  of  scraping  the  surface  of  the  earth — without  clearance  of 
forest — and  throwing  the  seed. 

They  never  “ take  up  ” a piece  of  land,  but  sow  in  the  manner 
described  wherever  they  may  happeu  to  temporarily  settle. 

The  Gaddanes  occupy  the  extreme  N.W.  part  of  Luzon  Island, 
and  are  entirely  out  of  the  pale  of  civilization.  I have  never  heard 
that  any  attempt  has  been  made  to  subdue  them.  They  have  a fine 
physical  bearing  ; wear  the  hair  down  to  the  shoulders  ; are  of  a very 
dark  colour,  and  feed  chiefly  on  roots,  mountain  rice,  game,  fruits  aud 
fish.  They  are  considered  the  only  really  warlike  and  aggressive 
nomades  of  the  north,  and  it  is  the  custom  of  the  young  men  about  to 
marry,  to  vie  with  each  other  in  presenting  to  the  sires  of  their  future 
brides,  all  the  scalps  they  are  able  to  take  from  their  enemies,  as  proof 
of  their  manliness  and  courage.  This  practice  prevails  at  the  season 
of  the  year  when  the  tree — popularly  called  by  the  Spaniards  “ the 
fire-tree  ” — is  in  bloom.  The  flowers  of  this  tree  are  of  a fire-red  hue, 
and  their  appearance  is  the  signal  for  this  race  to  collect  their  trophies 
of  war  and  celebrate  certain  religious  rites.  When  I was  in  the 
extreme  north,  in  the  country  of  the  Ibanacs,1  preparing  my  expedition 
to  the  Gaddanes  tribe,  I was  cautioned  not  to  remain  in  the  Gaddanes 
country  until  the  fire-tree  blossomed.  The  arms  used  by  the  Gaddanes 
are  frightful  weapons — long  lances  with  tridented  tips,  and  arrows 
carrying  at  the  point  two  rows  of  teeth,  made  out  of  flint  or  sea-shells. 
These  weapons  are  used  to  kill  both  fish  and  foe. 

The  Itavis  inhabit  the  district  to  the  south  of  that  territory 
occupied  by  the  Gaddanes , and  their  mode  of  liviug  and  food  are  very 
similar.  They  are,  however,  not  so  fierce  as  the  Gaddanes , and  if 
assaults  are  occasionally  made  on  other  tribes,  it  may  be  rather 
attributed  to  a desire  to  retaliate  than  to  a love  of  bloodshed.  Their 
skin  is  not  so  dark  as  that  of  their  northern  neighbours  — the  Gaddaiies 
or  the  partially  civilized  Ibanacs — and  their  hair  is  shorter. 

The  Igorrotes  are  spread  over  a considerable  portion  of  Luzon, 
principally  from  N.  lat.  16^°  to  18°.  They  are,  in  general,  a fine  race 
of  people,  physically  considered. 


1 The  Ibanacs  are  the  ordinary  domesticated  natives  inhabiting  the  extreme 
north  of  Luzon  and  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande  de  Cagayan  for  some  miles  up. 
Some  of  them  have  almost  black  skins. 


YOUNG  NEGRITO. 


EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  IGORROTES. 


133 


They  wear  their  hair  long.  At  the  back,  it  hangs  down  to  the 
shoulders,  whilst  it  is  cut  shorter  in  front,  and  is  allowed  to  nearly 
cover  the  forehead  like  a Jong  fringe.  Some  of  them,  settled  in  the 
districts  of  Lepauto  and  El  Abra,  have  a little  hair  on  the  chin  and 
upper  lip.  Their  skin  is  of  a dark  copper  tinge.  They  have  flat  noses, 
thick  lips,  high  cheek  bones,  and  their  broad  shoulders  and  limbs 
seem  to  denote  great  strength. 

Their  form  is  not  at  all  graceful,  however.  Like  all  the  races  of 
the  Philippines,  they  are  indolent  to  the  greatest  degree.  Their  huts 
are  built  bee-hive  fashion,  and  they  creep  into  them  like  quadrupeds. 
Fields  of  sweet  potatoes  and  sugar-cane  are  under  cultivation  by  them. 
They  cannot  be  forced  or  persuaded  to  embrace  the  Western  system  of 
civilization.  Adultery  is  little  known,  but  if  it  occurs,  the  dowry  is 
returned  and  the  divorce  settled.  Polygamy  seems  to  be  permitted,  but 
little  practised.  Murders  are  common,  and  if  a member  of  one  hut 
or  family  group  is  killed,  that  family  avenges  itself  on  one  of  the 
murderer’s  kinsmen,  hence  those  who  might  have  to  “ pay  the  piper  ” 
are  interested  in  maintaining  order.  In  the  Province  of  La  Isabela, 
the  Negrito  and  Igorrote  tribes  keep  a regular  Dr.  and  Cr.  account  of 
heads. 

Their  aggressions  on  the  coast  settlers  have  been  frequent  for 
centuries  past.  From  time  to  time  they  came  down  from  their 
mountain  retreat  to  steal  cattle  and  effects  belonging  to  the  domesti- 
cated population.  The  first  regular  attempt  to  chastise  them  for  these 
inroads,  and  afterwards  gain  their  submission,  was  in  the  time  of 
Governor  Arandia  (1754-1759),  when  a plan  was  concerted  to  attack 
them  simultaneously  from  all  sides  with  1,080  men.  Their  ranches  and 
crops  were  laid  waste,  and  many  Igorrotes  were  taken  prisoners, 
but  the  ultimate  idea  of  securing  their  allegiance  was  abandoned  as 
an  impossibility. 

In  1881  General  Primo  de  Rivera,  at  the  head  of  a large  armed 
force,  invaded  their  district  with  the  view  of  reducing  them  to  obedience, 
but  it  was  all  to  no  purpose,  and  the  result  of  the  expedition  was 
apparently  more  disadvantageous  than  otherwise  to  the  project  of 
bringing  this  tribe  under  Spanish  dominion  and  of  opening  up  their 
country  to  trade  and  enlightened  intercourse.  Whilst  the  expeditionary 
forces  were  not  sufficiently  large,  or  in  a condition  to  successfully  carry 
on  a war  a outrance,  to  be  immediately  followed  up  by  a military 


134 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


system  of  government  ; on  the  other  hand,  the  feeble  efforts  displayed 
to  conquer  them  served  only  to  demonstrate  the  impotence  of  the 
Europeans.  This  gave  the  tribes  courage  to  defend  their  liberty, 
whilst  the  licence  indulged  in  by  the  white  men  at  the  expense  of  the 
mountaineers — and  boasted  of  to  me  personally  by  many  Spanish 
officers — had  merely  the  effect  of  raising  the  veil  from  their  protesta- 
tions of  wishing  to  benefit  the  race  they  sought  to  subdue.  The 
enterprise  ignominiously  failed  ; the  costly  undertaking  was  an 
inglorious  and  fruitless  one,  except  to  the  General,  who — being  under 
Royal  favour  since  at  Sagunta  in  1875  he  “ pronounced  ” for  King 
Alphonso — secured  himself  the  title  of  Count  of  La  Union. 

Since  this  event,  the  Igorrotes  have  been  less  approachable  by 
Europeans,  whom  they  naturally  regard  with  every  feeling  of  distrust. 
Rightly  or  wrongly  (if  it  can  be  a matter  of  opinion),  they  fail  to  see 
any  manifestation  of  ultimate  advantage  to  themselves  in  the  arrival  of 
a troop  of  armed  strangers  who  demand  from  them  food  (even  though 
it  be  on  payment)  and  perturbate  their  most  intimate  family  ties.  They 
do  not  appreciate  being  civilized  to  exchange  their  usages,  independence 
and  comfort  for  even  the  highest  post  obtainable  by  a native  in  the 
provinces,  which  then  was  practically  that  of  local  head  servant  to  the 
district  authority,  under  the  name  of  Municipal  Captain. 

To  roam  at  large  in  their  mountain  home  is  far  more  enjoyable  to 
them  than  having  to  wear  clothes  ; presenting  themselves  often,  if 
not  to  habitually  reside,  in  villages  ; having  to  pay  taxes,  for  which 
they  would  get  little  return — not  even  the  boon  of  good  high-roads — and 
acting  as  unsalaried  tax-collectors  with  the  chance  of  fiue,  punishment 
and  ruin  if  they  did  not  succeed  in  bringing  funds  to  the  Public  Treasury. 

As  to  Christianity,  it  would  be  as  hard  a task  to  convince  them  of 
what  Roman  Catholicism  deems  indispensable  for  the  salvation  of  the 
soul  as  it  would  be  to  convert  all  England  to  the  teachings  of  Buddha — 
although  Buddhism  is  as  logical  a religion  as  Christianity. 

Being  in  Tuguegarao,  the  capital  of  Cagayan  Province,  about 
60  miles  up  the  Rio  Grande,  I went  to  visit  the  prisons,  where  I saw 
many  of  the  worst  types  of  Igorrotes.  I was  told  that  a priest  who 
had  endeavoured  to  teach  them  the  precepts  of  Christianity,  and  had 
explained  to  them  the  marvellous  life  of  Saint  Augustiue,  was  dismayed 
to  hear  an  Igorrote  exclaim  that  no  coloured  man  ever  became  a white 
man’s  saint.  Nothing  could  convince  him  that  an  exception  to  the 


IGOKROTE-CHINESE. — TINGUIANES. 


135 


rule  might  be  possible.  Could  experience  have  revealed  to  him  the 
established  fact — the  remarkable  anomaly,  that  the  grossest  forms  of 
immorality  were  only  to  be  found  in  the  trail  of  the  highest  order  of 
white  man’s  civilization  ? 

Specimens  of  the  different  tribes  and  races  of  these  Islands  were 
on  view  at  the  Philippine  Exhibition  held  in  Madrid  in  1887.  Some 
of  them  consented  to  receive  Christian  baptism  before  returning  home, 
but  it  was  publicly  stated  that  the  Igorrotes  were  among  those  who 
positively  refused  to  abandon  their  own  belief. 

The  Igorrote  Chinese  are  supposed  to  be  the  descendants  of  the 
Chinese  who  fled  to  the  hills  on  the  departure  of  the  Corsair  Li-ma-hong 
from  Pangasinan  Province  in  1571  (vide  page  49).  Their  inter- 
marriage with  the  Igorrote  tribe  has  generated  a species  of  people 
quite  unique  in  their  character.  Their  habits  are  much  the  same  as 
those  of  the  pure  Igorrotes , but  with  this  fierce  nature  is  blended  the 
cunning  and  astuteness  of  the  Mongol,  and  although  their  intelligence 
may  be  often  misapplied,  yet  it  is  superior  to  that  of  the  pure  Igorrote. 
In  the  Province  of  Pangasinan  there  are  numbers  of  natives  of  Chinese 
descent  included  in  the  domesticated  population,  and  their  origin  is 
evidently  due  to  the  circumstances  described. 

The  Tinguianes  inhabit  principally  the  district  of  El  Abra,  about 
17°  N.  lat.  by  120°  43'  E.  long.  (Greenwich  meridian).  They 
were  nominally  under  the  control  of  the  Spanish  Government,  who 
appointed  their  headmen  petty  governors  of  villages  or  ranches  on  the 
system  adopted  in  the  subdued  districts.  According  to  Father  Ferrando 
(58  years  ago),  the  form  of  oath  taken  in  his  presence  by  the  newly 
elected  headmen  on  receiving  the  staff  of  office  was  the  following, 
viz.  : — “ May  a pernicious  wind  touch  me  ; may  a flash  of  lightning 
“ kill  me,  and  may  the  alligator  catch  me  asleep  if  I fail  to  fulfil  my 
“ duty.”  The  headman  presented  himself  almost  when  he  chose  to 
the  nearest  Spanish  Governor,  who  gave  him  his  orders,  which  were 
only  fulfilled  according  to  the  traditional  custom  of  the  tribe.  Thus, 
the  headman  on  his  return  to  the  ranche,  delegated  his  powers  to  the 
council  of  elders,  and  according  to  their  decision  he  acted  as  the 
executive  only. 

Whenever  it  was  possible,  they  applied  their  own  laws  in  preference 
to  acting  upon  the  Spanish  Code. 

By  their  laws,  the  crime  of  adultery  is  punished  by  a fine  of 


136 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


30  dollars  value  and  divorce,  but  if  the  adultery  has  been  mutual,  the 
divorce  is  pronounced  absolute,  without  the  payment  of  a fine. 

When  a man  is  brought  to  justice  on  an  accusation  which  he  denies, 
a handful  of  straw  is  burnt  in  his  presence.  He  is  made  to  hold  up  an 
earthenware  pot  and  say  as  follows  : — “ May  my  belly  be  converted 
“ into  a pot  like  this,  if  I have  committed  the  deed  attributed  to  me.” 
If  the  transformation  does  not  take  place  at  once,  he  is  declared  to  be 
innocent. 

They  are  Pagans,  but  have  no  temples.  Their  gods  are  hidden  in 
the  mountain  cavities.  Like  many  other  religionists,  they  believe  in 
the  efficacy  of  prayer  for  the  supply  of  their  material  wants.  Hence, 
if  there  be  too  great  an  abundance  of  rain,  or  too  little  of  it,  or  an 
epidemic  disease  raging,  or  any  calamity  affecting  the  community  in 
general,  the  Anitos  are  carried  round  and  exhorted  (like  the  Saints  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church),  whilst  Nature  continues  her  uninter- 
rupted course.  The  Minister  of  Anito  is  also  appealed  to  when  a child 
is  to  be  named.  The  infant  is  carried  into  the  woods,  and  the  Pagan 
priest  pronounces  the  name,  whilst  he  raises  a bohie  knife  over  the  new- 
born creature’s  head.  Ou  lowering  the  knife,  he  strikes  at  a tree.  If 
the  tree  emits  sap,  the  first  name  uttered  stands  good  ; if  not,  the 
ceremony  is  repeated,  and  each  time  the  name  is  changed  until  the 
oozing  sap  denotes  the  will  of  the  deity. 

The  Tinguiaiies  are  monogamists,  and  generally  are  forced  by  the 
parents  to  marry  before  the  age  of  puberty,  but  the  bridegroom  or  his 
father  or  elder  has  to  purchase  the  bride  at  a price  mutually  agreed 
upon  by  the  relations.  These  people  live  in  cabins  on  posts  or  trees 
sixty  to  seventy  feet  from  the  ground,  and  defend  themselves  from  the 
attacks  of  their  traditional  enemies,  the  Guinaanes,  by  heaving  stones 
upon  them.  Nevertheless,  in  the  more  secure  neighbourhoods  of  the 
Christian  villages,  these  people  build  their  huts  similar  to  those  of  the 
domesticated  natives.  From  the  doors  and  window  openings,  skulls  of 
buffaloes  and  horses  are  hung  as  amulets. 

Physically,  they  are  of  fine  form,  and  the  nose  is  aquiline.  They 
wear  the  hair  in  a tuft  on  the  crown,  like  the  Japanese,  but  their 
features  are  similar  to  the  ordinary  low-land  native.  They  are  fond  of 
music  and  personal  ornaments.  They  tattoo  themselves  and  black  their 
teeth  ; and  for  these,  and  many  other  reasons,  it  is  conjectured  that 
they  descend  from  the  Japanese  shipwrecked  crews  who,  being  without 


HINDOOS. ALBINOS. 


137 


means  at  hand  with  which  to  return  to  their  country,  took  to  the 
mountains  inland  from  the  west  coast  of  Luzon. 

I have  never  seen  a Tinguian  with  a bow  and  arrow  ; they  carry 
the  lance  as  the  common  weapon,  and  for  hunting  and  spearing  fish. 

Their  conversion  to  Christianity  has  proved  to  be  an  impossible 
task.  A Royal  Decree  of  Ferdinand  VI.,  dated  in  Aranjuez,  18th  of 
June,  1758,  set  forth  that  the  infidels  called  Tinguianes , Igorrotes  and 
by  other  names  who  should  accept  Christian  baptism,  should  be  exempt 
all  their  lives  from  the  payment  of  tribute  and  forced  labour.  Their 
offspring,  however,  born  to  them  after  receiving  baptism,  would  lose 
these  privileges  as  well  as  the  independence  enjoyed  by  their  fore- 
fathers. This  penalty  to  future  generations  for  becoming  Christians 
was  afterwards  extended  to  all  the  undomesticated  races. 

Many  of  these  tribes  did  a little'  barter  traffic  with  the  Chinese, 
but — with  the  hope  that  necessity  would  bring  them  down  to  the 
Christian  villages  to  procure  commodities,  and  thus  become  socialized — 
the  Government  prohibited  this  trade  in  1886. 

The  Tinguianes  appear  to  be  as  intelligent  as  the  ordinary  subdued 
natives.  They  are  by  no  means  savages  — they  are  not  entirely 
strangers  to  domestic  life,  and  they  have  laws  of  their  own.  A great 
many  Christian  families  of  El  Abra  and  Ilocos  Sur  are  of  Tinguian 
origin,  and  I may  here  mention  that  the  Ilocos  dominated  natives  have 
the  just  reputation  of  being  the  only  Philippine  industrious  people. 
For  this  reason,  Ilocos  servants  and  workmen  are  sought  for  in  preference 
to  most  others. 

There  is  another  race  of  people  whose  source  is  not  distinctly 
known,  but,  according  to  tradition,  they  descend  from  Indian  Sepoys, 
who,  it  is  said,  formed  part  of  the  troops  under  British  command 
during  the  military  occupation  of  Manila  in  1763.  The  legend  is,  that 
these  Hindoos,  having  deserted  from  the  British  army,  migrated  up 
the  Pasig  River.  However  that  may  be,  the  sharp-featured,  black  skin 
settlers  in  the  Barrio  de  Dayap,  of  Cainta  Town  (Morong  district), 
are  decidedly  of  a different  stock  to  the  ordinary  native.  The  notable 
physical  differences  are  the  fine  aquiline  nose,  bright  expression  and 
regular  features.  They  are  Christians — are  far  more  laborious  than 
the  Philippine  natives,  and  are  a law-abiding  people.  I have  known 
many  of  them  personally  for  years.  They  are  the  only  class  who 
voluntarily  present  themselves  to  pay  the  taxes,  and  yet,  on  the  ground 


138 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


that  generations  ago  they  were  intruders  on  the  soil,  they  were  more 
heavily  ladeu  with  imposts  than  their  fellow  neighbours  until  the 
abolition  of  tribute  in  1884. 

There  are  also  to  be  seen  in  these  Islands  a few  types  of  that  class 
of  tropical  inhabitant,  preternaturally  possessed  of  a white  skin  and 
extremely  fair  hair — sometimes  red — known  as  Albinos.  I leave  it  to 
physiologists  to  elucidate  the  peculiarity  of  vital  phenomena  in  these 
unfortunate  abnormities  of  Nature.  Amongst  others,  I once  saw  in 
Negros  Island,  a hapless  young  Albino  girl,  with  marble-white  skin 
and  very  light  pink-white  hair,  who  was  totally  blind  in  the  sunny 
hours  of  the  day. 


CHAPTER  X. 


MOSLEMS  AND  SOUTHERN  TRIBES. 

Simultaneously  with  the  Spanish  conquest  of  the  Philippines, 
two  Borneo  chiefs,  who  were  brothers,  quarrelled  about  their  respective 
possessions,  and  one  of  them  had  to  flee.  His  partisans  joined  him, 
and  they  emigrated  to  the  Island  of  Basilan,1  situated  to  the  south 
of  Zamboanga  (Mindanao  Island).  The  Moros , as  they  are  called  in 
the  islands,  are  therefore  supposed  to  be  descended  from  the  Mussulman 
Dyaks  of  Borneo. 

They  were  a valiant,  warlike,  piratical  people,  who  admired  bravery 
in  others, — had  a deep-rooted  Contempt  for  poltroons,  and  lavished 
no  mercy  on  the  weak. 

In  the  suite  of  this  chief,  called  Paguian  Tindig,  came  his  cousin 
Adasaolan,  who  was  captivated  by  the  fertility  of  Basilan  Island 
and  wished  to  remain  there,  so  Tindig  left  him  in  possession  and 
withdrew  to  Sulu  Island,  where  he  easily  reduced  the  natives  to 
vassalage,  for  they  had  never  yet  had  to  encounter  so  powerful  a foe. 

So  famous  did  Paguian  Tindig  become,  that,  for  generations  after- 
wards, the  Sultans  of  Sulu  were  proud  of  their  descent  from  such  a 
celebrated  hero. 

After  the  Spaniards  had  pacified  the  great  Butuan  Chief  on  the 
north  coast  of  Mindanao,  Tindig  consented  to  acknowledge  the 
suzerainty  of  their  King,  in  exchange  for  undisturbed  possession  of  the 
realm  which  he  had  just  founded. 

Adasaolan  espoused  the  Princess  Paguian  Goan,  daughter  of 
Dimasangcay,  King  of  Mindanao,  by  his  wife  Imbog,  a Sulu  woman, 
and  with  this  relationship  he  embraced  the  Mahometan  faith. 


1 According  to  Father  Pedro  Murillo,  the  ancient  name  of  Basilan  was 
Taguima,  so  called  from  a river  there  of  that  name. 


140 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Adasaolan’s  ambition  increased  as  good  fortune  came  to  him,  and, 
stimulated  by  the  promised  support  of  i his  father-in-law,  he  invaded 
Sulu,  attacked  his  cousin  Tindig,  and  attempted  to  murder  him  to 
anuex  his  kingdom.  A short  but  fierce  contest  ensued.  Tindig’s 
fortified  dwelling  was  besieged  in  vain.  The  posts  which  supported 
the  upper  story  were  greased  with  oil,  and  an  entrauce  could  not  be 
effected. 

Adasaolan,  wearied  of  his  failures,  retired  from  the  enterprise,  and 
Tindig,  in  turn,  declared  war  on  the  Basilan  king  after  he  had  been 
to  Manila  to  solicit  assistance  from  his  Spanish  suzerain’s  representative, 
who  sent  two  armed  boats  to  support  him. 

When  Tindig,  ou  his  return  from  Manila,  arrived  within  sight  of 
Sulu,  his  anxious  subjects  rallied  round  him,  and  prepared  for  battle. 
The  two  armed  boats,  furnished  by  the  Spaniards,  were  on  the  way, 
but,  as  yet,  too  far  off  to  render  help,  so  Adasaolan  immediately  fell 
upon  Tindig’s  party  and  completely  routed  them. 

Tindig  himself  died  bravely,  fighting  to  the  last  moment. 

Adasaolan,  however,  did  not  annex  the  territory  of  his  defeated 
cousin.  Rajah  Bongso  succeeded  Tindig  in  the  Government  of  Sulu, 
and  when  old  age  enfeebled  him,  he  was  wont  to  show  with  pride  the 
scars  inflicted  on  him  during  the  war  of  independence. 

The  Spaniards,  having  no  one  to  fight  for  when  they  arrived, 
returned  to  Manila  with  their  armed  boats.  Adasaolan  then  made 
alliances  with  Mindanao  and  Borneo  people,  and  introduced  the 
Mahometan  religion  into  Sulu.  Since  then,  Sulu  (called  “Jolo,”by 
the  Spaniards)  has  become  the  Mecca  of  the  Southern  Archipelago.1 
******* 

The  earliest  records  relating  to  Mindanao  Island,  since  the  Spanish 
annexation  of  the  Philippines,  show  that  about  the  year  1595,  a rich 
Portuguese  cavalier  of  noble  birth,  named  Estevan  Rodriguez,  who  had 
acquired  a large  fortuue  in  the  Philippines,  and  who  had  a wealthy 
brother  in  Mexico,  proposed  to  the  Governor  Perez  Dasmarinas  the 
conquest  of  this  Island. 

For  this  purpose,  he  offered  his  person  and  all  his  means,  but 
having  waited  in  vain  for  four  years  to  obtain  the  Royal  sanction  to  his 

1 Mahomedanism  appears  to  have  been  introduced  into  the  Islands  of  Borneo 
and  Mindanao  by  Arabian  missionary  prophets. 


EARLY  HISTORY  OF  MINDANAO  ISLAND. 


141 


project,  lie  prepared  to  leave  for  Mexico,  disgusted  and  disappointed. 
He  was  on  the  point  of  starting  for. New  Spain  ; he  had  his  ship  laden 
aud  his  family  on  board,  when  the  Royal  confirmation  arrived  with  the 
new  Governor,  Dr.  Antonio  Morga.  Therefore  he  changed  his  plans, 
but  despatched  the  laden  ship  to  Mexico  with  the  cargo,  intending  to 
employ  the  profits  of  the  venture  in  the  prosecution  of  his  Mindanao 
enterprise. 

With  the  title  of  General,  he  and  his  family,  together  with  three 
chaplain  priests,  started  in  another  vessel  for  the  south.  They  put  in 
at  Otong  (Pauay  Island)  on  the  way,  and  left  there  in  April,  1596. 
Having  reached  the  great  Mindanao  River  (Rio  Grande),  the  ship 
Avent  up  it  as  far  as  Buhayen,  in  the  territory  of  the  chief  Silongan. 
A party  under  the  Maestre  de  Campo  was  sent  ashore  to  reconnoitre 
the  environs.  Their  delay  in  returning  caused  alarm,  so  the  General 
buckled  on  his  shield,  and,  Avith  sword  in  hand,  disembarked, 
accompanied  by  a Cebuano  servant  and  two  Spaniards,  carrying  lances. 
On  the  Avay  they  met  a native,  Avho  raised  his  campilan  to  deal  a blow, 
Avhich  the  General  received  on  his  shield,  and  cut  down  the  foe  at  the 
waist.  Then  they  encountered  another,  who  cleaATed  the  General’s  head 
almost  in  two,  causing  his  death  in  six  hours.  The  Cebuauo  at  once 
ran  the  native  through  Avith  a lance.  This  brave  was  discovered  to  be 
the  youngest  brother  of  the  chief  Silongan,  who  had  SAvorn  to  Mahomet 
to  sacrifice  his  life  to  take  that  of  the  Castillian  invader. 

The  General’s  corpse  was  sent  to  Manila  for  interment.  The 
expedition  led  by  the  Maestre  de  Campo  fared  badly,  one  of  the  party 
being  killed,  another  seriously  Avounded,  and  the  rest  fled  on  board. 
The  next  day  it  was  decided  to  construct  trenches  at  the  mouth  of  the 
riA'er,  where  the  camp  was  established.  The  command  was  taken  by 
Juan  de  la  Jara,  the  Maestre  de  Campo , whose  chief  exploit  seems  to 
have  been,  that  he  made  loA-e  to  the  deceased  General’s  widow  and 
proposed  marriage  to  her,  which  she  indignantly  rejected.  Nothing 
was  gained  by  the  expedition,  and  after  the  last  priest  died,  the  project 
was  abandoned,  and  the  vessel  returned  to  Cebu. 

The  alliances  effected  betAveen  tbe  Sulu  and  Mindanao  potentates 
gave  a great  stimulus  to  Piracy,  which  hitherto  had  been  confined 
to  the  waters  in  the  locality  of  those  islands.  It  now  spread  over  the 
Avhole  of  the  Philippine  Archipelago,  and  Avas  prosecuted  with  great 
vigour  by  regular  organised  fleets,  carrying  weapons  almost  equal  to 


142 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


those  of  the  Spaniards.  In  meddling  with  the  Mussulman  territories 
the  Spaniards  may  be  said  to  have  unconsciously  lighted  on  a hornet’s 
nest.  Their  eagerness  for  conquest  stirred  up  the  implacable  hatred 
of  the  Moslem  for  the  Christian,  and  they  unwittingly  brought  woe 
upon  their  own  heads  for  many  generations.  Indeed,  if  half  the 
consequences  could  have  been  foreseen,  they  surely  never  would  have 
attempted  to  gain  what,  up  to  the  present  day,  they  have  failed  to 
secure,  namely,  the  complete  conquest  of  Mindanao  and  the  Sulu 
Sultanate. 

For  over  two  centuries  and  a half  Mussulman  war  junks  ravaged 
every  coast  of  the  Colony.  Not  a single  peopled  island  was  spared. 
Thousands  of  the  inhabitants  were  murdered,  whilst  others  were  carried 
into  slavery  for  years.  Villages  were  sacked  ; the  churches  were 
looted  ; local  trade  was  intercepted  ; the  natives  subject  to  Spain  were 
driven  into  the  high  lands,  and  many  even  dared  not  risk  their  lives 
and  goods  near  the  coasts.  The  utmost  desolation  and  havoc  was 
perpetrated,  and  militated  vastly  against  the  welfare  and  development 
of  the  Colony. 

For  four  years  the  Government  had  to  remit  the  payment  of 
tribute  in  Negros  Island  and  the  others  lying  between  it  and  Luzon,  on 
account  of  the  abject  poverty  of  the  natives,  due  to  these  raids. 

From  the  time  the  Spauiards  first  interfered  with  the  Mussulmans 
there  was  continual  warfare.  Expeditions  against  the  pirates  were 
constantly  being  fitted  out  by  each  succeeding  Governor.  Piracy  was 
indeed  an  incessant  scourge  and  plague  on  the  Colony,  and  it  cost  the 

I 

Spaniards  rivers  of  blood  and  millions  of  dollars  only  to  keep  it  in 
check. 

In  the  present  century,  the  Mussulmans  appeared  even  in  the  Bay 
of  Manila.  There  are  persons  yet  living  who  have  been  in  Mussulman 
captivity.  There  are  hundreds  who  still  remember,  with  anguish,  the 
insecurity  to  which  their  lives  and  properties  were  exposed.  The 
Spaniards  were  quite  unable  to  cope  with  such  a prodigious  calamity. 
The  coast  villagers  built  forts  for  their  own  defence,  and  many  au  old 
stone  watch-tower  is  still  to  be  seen  on  the  islands  south  of  Luzon. 
On  several  occasions  the  Christian  natives  were  urged,  by  the 
inducement  of  spoil,  to  equip  corsairs,  with  which  to  retaliate  on  the 
indomitable  marauders.  The  Sulu  people  made  captive  the  Christian 
natives  and  Spaniards  alike,  whilst  a Spanish  priest  was  a choice  prize. 


MUSSULMAN  PIRATES. EPOCH  OF  TERROR. 


143 


And  whilst  Spaniards  in  Philippine  waters  were  straining  every 
nerve  to  extirpate  slavery,  their  countrymen  were  diligently  pursuing  a 
profitable  trade  in  it  between  the  West  Coast  of  Africa  and  Cuba  ! 

“ It  is  an  ill  wind  which  blows  no  one  any  good” ; and  the  Moslem 
attacks  certainly  had  the  good  political  effect  of  forcing  hundreds  of 
Christians  up  from  the  coast  to  people  and  cultivate  the  interior  of 
these  islands. 

Due  to  the  enterprise  of  a few  Spanish  and  foreign  merchants, 
steamers  at  length  began  to  navigate  in  the  waters  of  the  Archipelago, 
and  piracy  by  Mussulmans  beyond  their  own  locality  was  doomed.  In 
the  time  of  Governor-General  Norzagaray,  18  steam  gun-boats  were 
ordered  out,  and  arrived  in  1860,  putting  a close  for  ever  to  this  epoch 
of  misery,  bloodshed,  and  material  loss.  The  end  of  piracy  brought 
repose  to  the  Colony,  and  in  no  small  degree  aided  the  progress  of  its 
social  advancement. 

During  the  protracted  struggle  with  the  Moslems,  Zamboanga 
(Mindanao  Is.)  was  fortified,  and  became  the  headquarters  of  the 
Spaniards  in  the  south.  After  Cavite,  it  was  the  chief  naval  station, 
and  a penitentiary  was  also  established  there.  Its  maintenance  was  a 
great  burden  to  the  Treasury — its  existence  a great  eyesore  to  the 
enemy,  whose  hostility  was  much  inflamed  thereby.  About  the  year 
1635  its  abandonment  was  proposed  by  the  military  party,  who 
described  it  as  only  a sepulchre  for  Spaniards.  The  Jesuits,  however, 
urged  its  continuance,  as  it  suited  their  interests  to  have  material 
support  close  at  hand,  and  their  influence  prevailed  in  Manila 
bureaucratic  centres. 

In  the  year  1738  the  fixed  annual  expenses  of  Zamboanga  fort  and 
equipment  were  §17,500,  and  the  incidental  disbursements  Avere 
estimated  at  §7,500.  These  sums  did  not  include  the  cost  of  scores  of 
armed  fleets  which,  at  enormous  expense,  were  [sent  out  against  the 
Mussulmans  to  little  purpose.  Each  new  (Zamboanga)  Governor  of  a 
martial  spirit,  and  desiring  to  do  something  to  establish  or  confirm  his 
fame  for  prowess,  seemed  to  regard  it  as  a kind  of  duty  to  pretext  the 
quelling  of  imaginary  troubles  in  Sulu  and  Mindanao.  Some,  with  less 
patriotism  than  selfishness,  found  a ready  excuse  for  filling  their  own 
pockets  by  the  proceeds  of  warfare,  in  making  feigned  efforts  to 
rescue  captives.  It  may  be  observed  in  extenuation,  that,  in  those 
days,  the  Spaniards  believed  from  their  birth  that  none  but  a Christian 


144 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


had  rights,  whilst  some  were  deluded  by  a conscientious  impression 
that  they  were  executing  a high  mission  ; myth  as  it  was,  it  at  least 
served  to  give  them  courage  in  their  perilous  undertakings.  Peace  was 
made  and  broken  over  and  over  again.  Spanish  forts  were  at  times 
established  in  Sulu,  and  afterwards  demolished.  Every  decade  brought 
new  devices  to  control  the  desperate  foe.  Several  Goveruors-General 
headed  the  troops  in  person  against  the  Mussulmans  with  temporary 
success,  but  without  any  lasting  effect,  and  almost  every  new  Governor 
made  a solemn  treaty  with  one  powerful  chief  or  another,  which  was 
respected  only  as  long  as  it  suited  both  parties. 

This  continued  campaign,  the  details  of  which  are  too  prolix  for 
insertion  here,  may  be  qualified  as  a religious  war,  for  Roman  Catholic 
priests  took  an  active  part  in  the  operations  with  the  same  fiendish 
passion  as  the  Moslems  themselves.  A mong  these  tonsured  warriors 
may  be  mentioned  Father  Ducos,  the  son  of  a Colonel,  Jose  Villanueva 
aud  Pedro  de  San  Agustin.  They  all  acquired  great  fame  out  of  their 
profession  ; the  last  being  known,  with  dread,  by  the  Moslems  in  the 
beginning  of  the  17th  century,  under  the  title  of  the  Captain-priest. 
One  of  the  most  renowned  Kings  in  Mindanao  was  Cachil  Corralat, 
an  astute,  far-seeing  chieftain,  who  ably  defended  the  independence  of 
his  territory,  and  kept  the  Spaniards  at  bay  during  the  whole  of  his 
manhood. 

An  interesting  event  in  the  Spanish-Sulu  history  is  the  visit  of 
the  Sultan  Mahamad  Alimudin  to  the  Governor-General  in  1750,  and  his 
subsequent  vicissitudes  of  fortune.  The  first  Royal  despatch  addressed 
by  the  King  of  Spain  to  the  Sultan  of  Sulu,  was  dated  in  Buen  Retiro, 
12th  of  July,  1744,  and  everything,  for  the  time  being,  seemed  to  augur 
a period  of  peace.  In  1 749,  however,  the  Sultan  -was  violently  deposed 
by  an  ambitious  brother,  Prince  Bantilan,  and  the  Sultan  forthwith 
went  to  Manila  to  seek  the  aid  of  his  Suzerain’s  delegate,  the  Governor- 
General  of  the  Philippines  who  chanced  to  be  the  Bishop  of  Nueva 
Segovia.  In  Manila,  the  Priest-Governor  cajoled  his  guest  with 
presents,  and  accompanied  him  ou  horseback  and  on  foot,  with 
the  design  of  persuading  him  to  renounce  his  religion  in  favour  of 
Christianity. 

At  length  the  Sultan  yielded,  and  avowed  his  intention  to  receive 
baptism.  Among  the  Friars  an  animated  discussion  ensued  as  to  the 
propriety  of  this  act,  especial  opposition  being  raised  by  the  Jesuits, 


VICISSITUDES  OF  SULTAN  MAHAMAD  ALIMUDIN.  145 


but  in  the  end  the  SultaD,  with  a,  number  of  his  suite,  outwardly 
embraced  the  Christian  faith.  The  Sultan  at  his  baptism  received  the 
name  of  Ferdinand  I.  of  Sulu  ; at  the  same  time  he  was  invested  with 
the  insignia  and  grade  of  a Spanish  Lieutenant-General. 

Great  ceremonies  and  magnificent  feasts  followed  this  unprecedented 
incident.  He  was  visited  and  congratulated  by  all  the  elite  of  the 
capital.  By  proclamation,  the  festivities  included  four  days’  illumina- 
tion, three  days’  procession  of  the  giants,  three  days  of  bull-fighting, 
four  nights  of  fireworks,  and  three  nights  of  comedy,  to  terminate  with 
High  Mass,  a Te  Deum  and  special  sermon  for  the  occasion. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Sultan  had  requested  the  Governor  to  have 
the  Crown  Prince,  Princesses  and  retainers  escorted  to  Manila,  to  learn 
Spanish  manners  and  customs.  Thus  the  Sultan  with  his  male  and 
female  accompaniment  numbered  60  persons.  The  Governor-Bishop 
defrayed  the  cost  of  their  maintenance  out  of  his  private  purse. 
After  the  baptism,  the  Government  supported  them  in  Manila  for  two 
years. 

At  length  it  was  resolved,  according  to  appearances,  to  restore  the 
Sultan  Ferdinand  I.  to  his  throne.  With  that  idea,  he  and  his  retinue 
quitted  Manila  in  the  Spanish  frigate  “San  Fernando,”  which  was 
convoyed  by  another  frigate  and  a galley,  until  the  “ San  Fernando” 
fell  in  with  bad  weather  off  Mindoro  Island,  and  had  to  make  the 
Port  of  Calapan.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  Yloilo,  where  he  changed 
vessel  and  set  sail  for  Zamboanga,  but  contrary  winds  carried  him  to 
Dapitan  (N.W.  coast  of  Mindanao  Island),  where  he  landed  and  put 
off  again  in  a small  Visayan  craft  for  Zamboanga,  arriving  there 
on  the  12th  of  July,  1751. 

Thirteen  days  afterwards,  the  “ San  Fernando,”  which  had  been 
repaired,  reached  Zamboanga  also. 

Before  Ferdinand  I.  left  Manila,  he  had  addressed  a letter  to  Sultan 
Muhamad  Amirubdin,  of  Mindanao,  at  the  instance  of  the  Spanish 
Governor-General.  The  original  was  written  by  Ferdinand  I.  in 
Arabic  ; a version  in  Spanish  was  dictated  by  him,  and  both  were 
signed  by  him.  These  documents  reached  the  Governor  of  Zamboanga 
by  the  “ San  Fernando,”  but  he  had  the  original  in  Arabic  re- 
translated, and  found  that  it  did  not  at  all  agree  with  the  Sultan’s 
Spanish  rendering.  The  translation  of  the  Arabic  runs  thus  : — 

“ I shall  be  glad  to  know  that  the  Sultan  Muhamad  Amirubdin 
“ and  all  his  chiefs,  male  and  female,  are  well.  I do  not  write  a 

K 


146 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


“ lengthy  letter,  as  I intended,  because  I simply  wish  to  give  you  to 
“ understand,  in  case  the  Sultan  or  his  chiefs  and  others  should  feel 
“ aggrieved  at  my  writing  this  letter  in  this  manner,  that  I do  so 
“ under  pressure,  being  under  foreign  dominion,  and  I am  compelled 
“ to  obey  whatever  they  tell  me  to  do,  and  I have  to  say  what  they 
“ tell  me  to  say.  Thus  the  Governor  has  ordered  me  to  write  to  you 
“ in  our  style  and  language  ; therefore,  do  not  understand  that  I am 
4i  writing  you  on  my  own  behalf,  but  because  I am  ordered  to  do  so, 
“ and  I have  nothing  more  to  add.  Written  in  the  year  1164  on  the 
“ ninth  day  of  the  Rabilajer  Moon,  Ferdinand  T.,  King  of  Sulu,  who 
“ seals  with  his  own  seal.” 

This  letter  was  pronounced  treasonable.  Impressed  with,  or 
feigning,  this  idea,  the  Spaniards  saw  real  or  imaginary  indications 
of  a design  on  the  part  of  the  Sultan  to  throw  off  the  foreign  yoke  at 
the  first  opportunity.  All  his  acts  were  thus  interpreted,  although 
no  positive  proof  was  manifest,  and  the  Governor  communicated  his 
suspicions  to  Manila. 

There  is  no  explanation  why  the  Spaniards  detained  the  Sultan  at 
all  in  Zamboanga,  unless  with  the  intention  of  trumping  up  accusations 
against  him.  The  Sultan  arrived  there  on  the  12tli  of  July,  and 
nothing  was  known  of  the  disagreement  in  the  letter  until  after  the 
25th  of  July.  Why  he  was  detained  in  Zamboanga  during  these  13 
days  can  only  be  conjectured.  To  suppose  that  the  Sultan  could  ever 
return  to  reign  peacefully  as  a Christian  over  Mussulman  subjects  was 
utterly  absurd  to  any  sane  mind. 

On  the  3rd  of  August,  the  Sultan,  his  sons,  vassals  and  chiefs  were 
all  cast  into  prison,  without  opposition,  and  a letter  was  despatched, 
dated  6tli  of  August,  1751,  to  the  Governor  in  Manila,  stating  the 
cause. 

The  Sultan  was  the  first  individual  arrested,  and  he  made  no 
difficulty  about  going  to  the  fort.  Even  the  Prince  Asiu,  the  Sultan’s 
brother,  who  had  voluntarily  come  from  Sulu  in  apparent  good  faith 
with  friendly  overtures  to  the  Spaniards,  was  included  among  the 
prisoners.  The  reason  assigned  was,  that  he  had  failed  to  surrender 
Christian  captives  as  provided. 

The  prisoners,  besides  the  Sultan,  were  the  following,  viz. : — 


Four  sons  of  the  Sultan. 
Prince  Asin  (brother). 

Prince  Mustafa  (son-in-law). 


Princess  Panguian  Banquiling 
(sister). 

Four  Princesses  (daughters). 


ACCUSATIONS  AGAINST  SULTAN  AND  SUITE.  147 


160  ordiuary  male  aud  female 


Dato  Yamudin  (a  noble). 

Seven  Mussulman  priests. 
Concubines  with  32  female 


retainers. 

Five  brothers-in-law. 
One  Mussulman  Cherif. 


servants. 


The  political  or  other  crime  (if  any)  attributed  to  these  last  is  not 
stated,  nor  why  they  were  imprisoned. 

The  few  arms  brought,  according  to  custom,  by  the  followers  of  the 
Sultan  who  had  come  from  Sulu  to  receive  their  liege-lord  and  escort 
him  back  to  his  country,  were  also  seized. 

A Decree  of  the  Governor-General  set  forth  the  following 
accusations  against  the  prisoners,  viz.  : — 

1°.  That  Prince  Asia  had  not  surrendered  captives.  2°.  That 
whilst  the  Sultau  was  in  Manila,  new  captives  were  made  by  the  party 
who  expelled  him  from  the  throne.  3°.  That  the  number  of  arms 
brought  to  Zamboanga  by  Sulu  chiefs  was  excessive.  4°.  That  the 
letter  to  Sultan  Muhamad  Amirubdiu  insinuated  help  wanted  against 
the  Spaniards.  5°.  That  several  Mahomedan,  but  no  Christian  books, 
were  found  in  the  Sultan’s  baggage.  6°.  That  during  the  journey  to 
Zamboanga  he  had  refused  to  pray  in  Christian  form.  7°.  That  he  had 
only  attended  Mass  twice.  8°.  That  he  had  celebrated  Mahomedan 
rites,  sacrificing  a goat ; and  had  given  evidence  in  a hundred  ways 
of  being  a Mahomedan.  9°.  That  his  conversation  generally  denoted 
a want  of  attachment  to  the  Spaniards,  and  a contempt  for  their 
treatment  of  him  in  Manila,1  and  10°.  That  he  still  cohabited  with  his 
concubines. 

The  greatest  stress  was  laid  on  the  recovery  of  the  captive 
Christians,  and  the  Governor  added,  that  although  the  mission  of  the 
fleet  was  to  restore  the  Sultan  to  the  throne  (which,  by  the  way,  he 
does  not  appear  to  have  attempted),  the  principal  object  was  the  rescue 
of  Christian  slaves.  He,  therefore,  proposed  that  the  liberty  of  the 
imprisoned  nobles  and  chiefs  should  be  bartered  at  the  rate  of  500 
Christian  slaves  for  each  one  of  the  chiefs  and  nobles,  and  the  balance 
of  the  captives  for  Prince  Asin  and  the  clergy. 

A subsequent  Decree,  dated  in  Manila  21st  December,  1751,  ordered 
the  extermination  of  the  Mussulmans  with  fire  and  sword  ; the  fitting 

1 The  Sultan  complained  that  he  had  not  been  treated  in  Manila  with  dignity 
equal  to  his  rank  and  quality,  and  that  he  had  constantly  been  under  guard  of 
soldiers  in  his  residence  (this  was  explained  to  be  a guard-of-honour). 


K 2 


148 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


out  of  Visayan  corsairs,  with  authority  to  extinguish  the  foe,  burn  all 
that  was  combustible,  destroy  the  crops,  desolate  their  cultivated  land, 
make  captives,  and  recover  Christian  slaves.  One-fifth  of  the  spoil 
(the  Real  quinto)  was  to  belong  to  the  King,  and  the  natives  were  to 
be  exempt  from  the  payment  of  tribute  whilst  so  engaged. 

Before  giving  effect  to  such  a terrible,  but  impracticable  resolution, 
it  was  thought  expedient  to  publish  a brochure,  styled  a “ Historical 
Manifest,”  in  which  the  Governor-General  professed  to  justify  his  acts 
for  public  satisfaction. 

However,  public  opinion  in  Manila  was  averse  to  the  intended 
warfare,  so  to  make  it  more  popular,  the  Governor  abolished  the 
payment  of  one-fifth  of  the  booty  to  the  King.  An  appeal  was  made 
to  the  citizens  of  Manila  for  arms  and  provisions  to  carry  on  the 
campaign  ; they  therefore  lent  or  gave  the  following,  viz.  : — 

26  guns,  13  bayonets,  3 sporting  guns,  15  carbines,  5 blunderbusses, 
7 brace  of  pistols,  23  swords,  15  lances,  900  cannon  balls,  and  $150 
from  Spaniards,  and  a few  lances  and  $188  from  natives. 

Meanwhile  Prince  Asin  died  of  grief  at  his  position. 

Under  the  leadership  of  the  Maestre  de  Campo  1 of  Zamboanga, 
hostilities  commenced.  With  several  ships  he  proceeded  to  Sulu, 
carrying  a large  armament  and  1,900  men.  When  the  squadron 
anchored  off  Sulu,  a white  and  a red  flag  were  hoisted  from  the 
principal  fort,  for  the  Spaniards  to  elect  either  peace  or  war.  Several 
Sulus  approached  the  Fleet  with  white  flags,  to  enquire  for  the  Sultan. 
Evasive  answers  were  given,  followed  by  a sudden  cannonade. 

No  good  resulted  to  the  Spaniards  from  the  attack,  for  the  Sulus 
defended  themselves  admirably.  Tawi  Tawi  Island  was  next  assaulted. 
The  Captain  and  his  men  went  ashore,  but  their  retreat  was  cut  off 
and  they  were  all  slain.  The  Commander  of  the  expedition  was  so 
discouraged,  that  he  returned  to  Zamboanga  and  resigned.  Pedro 
Gastambide  then  took  command,  but  after  having  attacked  Basilan 
Island  fruitlessly,  he  retired  to  Zamboanga.  The  whole  campaign  was 
an  entire  fiasco.  It  was  a great  mistake  to  have  declared  a war  of 
extermination  without  having  the  means  to  carry  it  out.  The  result 
was,  that  the  irate  Sulus  organized  a guerilla  warfare,  by  sea  and  by 


1 Maestre  de  Campo  (obsolete  grade),  about  equivalent  to  the  modern  General 
of  Brigade. 


MUSSULMAN  REPRISALS  ON  THE*  SPANIARDS.  149 


land,  against  all  Christians,  to  which  the  Spaniards  but  feebly 
responded.  The  “ tables  were  turned.”  In  fact,  they  were  in  great 
Btraits,  and,  wearied  at  the  little  success  of  their  arms,  endless  councils 
and  discussions  were  held  in  the  capital. 

Meanwhile,  almost  every  coast  of  the  Archipelago  was  energetically 
ravaged.  Hitherto  the  Spaniards  had  only  had  the  Sul  us  to  contend 
with,  but  the  licence  given  by  the  Governor-General  to  reprisal  and 
pillage  excited  the  cupidity  of  unscrupulous  officials.  Without 
apparent  right  or  reason,  the  Maestre  de  Campo  of  Zamboanga  caused 
a Chinese  junk  from  Amoy,  carrying  goods  to  a friendly  Sultan  of 
Mindanao,  to  be  seized.  After  tedious  delay,  vexation,  and  privation, 
the  master  and  his  crew  were  released,  and  a part  of  the  cargo  restored, 
but  the  Maestre  dc  Campo  insisted  upon  retaining  what  was  convenient 
for  his  own  use.  This  treachery  to  an  amicable  Power  exasperated 
and  undeceived  the  Mindanao  Sultan  to  such  a degree,  that  he  at  once 
took  his  just  revenge  by  making  war  on  the  Spaniards.  Fresh  fleets  of 
armed  canoes  replenished  the  Sulu  armadillas,  ravaged  the  coasts, 
hunted  down  Spanish  priests,  and  made  captives. 

On  the  north  coast  of  Mindanao  several  battles  took  place. 
There  is  a legend  that  over  600  Mussulmans  advanced  to  the  village 
of  Lubungan,  but  were  repulsed  by  the  villagers,  who  affirmed  that 
their  patron,  Saint  James,  appeared  on  horseback  to  help  them. 

Fray  Roque  de  Santa  Monica  was  chased  from  place  to  place, 
hiding  in  caves  and  rocks.  Being  again  met  by  four  Mussulmans,  he 
threatened  them  with  a blunderbuss  and  was  left  unmolested. 
Eventually,  he  was  found  by  friendly  natives,  and  taken  by  them  to  a 
wood,  where  he  lived  on  roots.  Thence  he  journeyed  to  Linao, — 
became  raving  mad,  and  was  sent  to  Manila,  where  he  died  quite 
frantic,  in  the  convent  of  his  order. 

The  Sultan  and  his  fellow  prisoners  had  been  conveyed  to  Manila, 
and  lodged  in  the  Fortress  of  Santiago.  In  17d3,  he  petitioned  the 
Governor  to  allow  his  daughter,  the  Princess  Faatima,  and  two  slaves 
to  go  to  Sulu  about  his  private  affairs.  A permit  was  granted  on 
condition  of  her  returning,  or,  in  exchange  for  her  liberty  and  that  of 
her  two  slaves,  to  remit  50  captives,  and,  failing  to  do  either,  the 
Sultan  and  his  suite  were  to  be  deprived  of  their  dignities  and  treated 
as  common  slaves,  to  work  in  the  galleys,  and  to  be  undistinguished 
among  the  ordinary  prisoners.  On  these  conditions,  the  Princess 


150 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


left,  and  forwarded  50  slaves  and  one  more — a Spaniard,  Jos6  de 
Montesinos — as  a present. 

The  Princess  Faatima,  nevertheless,  did  return  to  Manila,  bringing 
with  her  an  ambassador  from  Prince  Bantilan,  her  uncle  ana  Governor 
of  Sulu,  who,  in  the  meantime,  had  assumed  the  title  of  Sultan 
Mahamad  Miududin. 

The  ambassador  was  Prince  Mahamad  Ismael  Dato  Marayalayla. 
After  an  audience  with  the  Governor,  he  went  to  the  fort  to  consult 
with  the  captive  Sultan,  and  they  proposed  a treaty  with  the  Governor, 
of  which  the  main  points  were  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

An  offensive  and  defensive  alliance. 

All  captives  within  the  Kingdom  of  Sulu  to  be  surrendered  within 
one  year. 

All  objects  looted  from  the  churches  to  be  restored  within  one 
year. 

On  the  fulfilment  of  these  conditions,  the  Sultan  aud  his  people 
were  to  be  set  at  liberty. 

The  treaty  was  dated  in  Manila,  3rd  of  March,  1754.  The  terms 
were  quite  impossible  of  accomplishment,  for  the  Sultan,  being  still  in 
prison,  had  no  power  to  enforce  commands  on  his  subjects. 

The  war  was  continued  at  great  sacrifice  to  the  State  and  with 
little  benefit  to  the  Spaniards,  whilst  their  operations  were  greatly 
retarded  by  discordance  between  the  officials  of  the  expedition,  the 
authorities  on  shore,  and  the  priests.  At  the  same  time,  dilatory 
proceedings  were  being  taken  against  the  llaestrc  de  Campo  of 
Zamboanga,  who  was  charged  with  having  appropriated  to  himself 
others’  share  of  the  war  booty.  Siargao  Island  had  been  completely 
overrun  by  the  Mussulmans  ; the  villages  and  cultivated  land  were  laid 
waste,  aud  the  Spanish  priest  was  killed. 

When  the  Governor  Pedro  de  Arandia  arrived  in  1754,  the  Sultan 
took  advantage  of  the  occasion  to  put  his  case  before  him.  He  had, 
indeed,  experienced  some  of  the  strangest  mutations  of  fortune,  and 
Arandia  had  compassion  on  him.  By  Arandia’s  persuasion,  the 
Archbishop  visited  and  spiritually  examined  him,  aud  then  the  Sultau 
confessed  and  took  the  Commuuiou.  In  the  College  of  Santa 
l’otenciana  there  was  a Moslem  womau  who  had  been  a concubiue  of 
the  Sultan,  but  who  now  professed  Christianity,  and  had  taken  the  name 
of  Rita  Calderon.  The  Sultan’s  wife  having  died,  he  asked  for  this 


MORE  MUSSULMAN  REPRISALS. 


151 


ex-concubiue  in  marriage,  and  the  favour  was  conceded  to  him.  The 
nuptials  were  celebrated  in  the  Governor’s  Palace  on  the  27th  of  April, 
1755,  and  the  espoused  couple  returned  to  their  prison  with  an  allowance 
of  $50  per  mouth  for  their  maintenance. 

In  1755  all  the  Sultan’s  relations  and  suite  who  had  been 
incarcerated  in  Manila,  except  his  son  Ismael  and  a few  chiefs,  were 
sent  back  to  Sulu.  The  Sultan  and  his  chiefs  were  then  allowed  to 
live  freely  within  tbe  city  of  Manila,  after  having  sworn  before  the 
Governor,  on  bended  knee,  to  pay  homage  to  him,  and  to  remain  peaceful 
during  the  king’s  pleasure.  Indeed,  Arandia  was  so  favourably  disposed 
towards  the  Sultan  Mahamad  Alimudin  (Fernando  I.),  that  personally 
he  was  willing  to  restore  him  to  his  throne,  but  his  wish  only  brought 
him  in  collision  with  the  clergy,  and  he  desisted. 

The  British,  after  the  military  occupation  of  Manila  in  1763, 
took  up  the  cause  of  the  Sultan,  and  reinstated  him  in  Sulu.  Then 
he  avenged  himself  of  the  Spaniards,  by  fomenting  incursions  against 
them  in  Mindanao,  which  the  Governor-General,  Jose  Kaon,  was  unable 
to  oppose  for  want  of  resources. 

The  Mussulmans,  however,  soon  proved  their  untrustworthiness 
to  friend  and  foe  alike.  Their  friendship  lasted  on  the  one  side  so 
long  as  danger  could  thereby  be  averted  from  the  other,  and  a certain 
Datto  Teng-teng  attacked  the  British  garrison  at  Batambangan  one 
night,  and  slaughtered  all  but  six  of  the  troops. 

The  town  of  Sulu  was  formerly  the  residence  of  the  Sultan’s 
Court.  This  Sovereign  had  arrogantly  refused  to  check  the  piratical 
crnisings  made  by  his  people  against  the  Spanish  subjects  in  the 
locality  and  about  the  Islands  of  Calamianes  ; therefore,  on  the  1 1th 
of  February,  1851,  General  Urbiztondo  (an  ex-Carlist  chief),  who  had 
been  appointed  Governor- General  of  the  Philippines  in  the  previous 
year,  undertook  to  redress  his  nation’s  grievances  by  force.  The 
Spanish  flag  was  hoisted  in  several  places.  Sulu  Town,  which  was 
shelled  by  the  gunboats,  was  captured  and  held  by  the  invaders,  and 
the  Sultan  Muhamed  Pulalou  fled  to  Maybun  on  the  south  coast,  to 
which  place  the  Court  was  removed.  Still  the  Moslems  paid  the 
Spaniards  an  occasional  visit  and  massacred  the  garrison,  which  was 
as  often  renewed  by  fresh  levies. 

In  1876  the  incursions  of  the  Mussulmans  and  the  temerity  of  the 
chiefs  had  again  attained  such  proportions,  that  European  dominion  over 


152 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  Siilu  Sultanate  and  Mindanao,  even  in  the  nominal  form  in  which 
it  existed,  was  sorely  menaced.  Consequent  on  this,  an  expedition, 
headed  by  Vice-Admiral  Malcampo,  arrived  in  the  waters  of  the 
Sultanate,  carrying  troops,  with  the  design  of  enforcing  submission. 

The  chief  of  the  land  forces  appears  to  have  had  no  topographical 
plan  formed.  The  expedition  turned  out  to  be  one  of  discovery. 
The  troops  were  marched  into  the  interior,  without  their  officers 
knowing  where  they  were  going,  and  they  even  had  to  depend  on  Sulu 
guides.  Naturally,  they  were  often  deceived,  and  led  to  precisely 
where  the  Mussulmans  were  awaiting  them  in  ambush,  the  result, 
being  that  great  havoc  was  made  iu  the  advance  column  by  frequent 
surprises.  Now  and  again  would  appear  a few  juramentados,  or  sworn 
Moslems,  who  sought  their  way  to  Allah  by  the  sacrifice  of  their  own 
blood,  but  causing  considerable  destruction  to  the  invading  party. 
With  a kris  at  the  waist,  a javelin  iu  one  hand,  and  a shield  supported 
by  the  other,  they  would  advance  before  the  enemy,  dart  forward 
and  backwards,  make  zigzag  movements,  and  then,  with  a war-whoop, 
rush  in  three  or  four  at  a time  upon  a body  of  Christians  twenty 
times  their  number,  giving  no  quarter,  expecting  none — to  die,  or  to 
conquer  ! The  expedition  was  not  a failure,  but  it  gained  little.  The 
Spanish  flag  was  hoisted  iu  several  places,  in  some  of  which  it  remained 
until  the  Spanish  evacuation  of  the  islands. 

* # * s#  « * # 

The  Mussulmans  (called  by  the  Spaniards  Moros ) now  extern!  over 
the  whole  of  Mindanao  Island,  and  the  Sultanate  of  Sulu,  which 
comprises  Sulu  Island  (34  miles  long  from  E.  to  W.,  and  12  miles  in 
the  broadest  part  from  N.  to  S.)  and  about  140  others,  80  to  90  of 
which  are  uninhabited. 

The  population  of  the  Sulu  Sultanate  alone  would  be  about  110,000, 
including  free  people,  slaves  and  some  20,000  men-at-arms  under  orders 
of  the  Dattos.  The  domains  of  His  Highness  reach  westward  as  far  as 
Borneo,  where,  until  recently,  the  Sultanate  of  Brunei  was  more  or  less 
nominally  subservient  to  that  of  Sulu.  The  Sultan  of  Sulu  is  also 
feudal  lord  of  two  vassal  Sultanates  in  Mindanao  Island. 

There  is,  moreover,  a half-caste  branch  of  these  people  in  the 
southern  half  of  Palauan  Island  (Paragua)  of  a very  subdued  and 
peaceful  nature,  nominally  under  the  Sulu  Sultan’s  rule. 


SULU  SULTANATE. COLONIZING  COMPANY. 


153 


In  Mindanao,  only  a small  coast  district  here  and  there  was  really 
under  Spanish  empire,  although  Spain  claimed  suzerainty  over  all  the 
territory  subject  to  the  Sultan  of  Sulu,  by  virtue  of  an  old  treaty,  which 
never  was  respected  to  the  letter.  After  the  Sulu  war  of  1876,  the 
Sultan  admitted  the  claim  more  formally,  and  on  the  11th  of  March, 
1877,  a protocol  was  signed  by  England  and  Germany  recognizing 
Spain’s  rights  to  the  Tawi  Tawi  group  and  the  chain  of  islands  stretching 
from  Sulu  to  Borneo.  At  the  same  time,  it  was  understood  that 
Spain  would  give  visible  proof  of  annexation  by  establishing  military 
posts,  or  occupying  these  islands  in  some  way,  but  nothing  was  done 
until  1880,  when  they  were  scared  by  a report  that  the  Germans 
projected  a settlement  there.  A convict  corps  at  once  took  possession, 
military  posts  were  established,  and  in  1882  the  6th  regiment  of  regular 
troops  was  quartered  in  the  group  at  Bongao  and  Siassi. 

Meanwhile  in  1880,  a foreign  colonizing  company  was  formed  in 
the  Sultanate  of  Brunei,  under  the  title  of  “ British  North  Borneo  Co.” 
(Royal  Charter  7th  November,  1881).  The  company  recognized 
the  suzerain  rights  of  the  Sultan  of  Sulu,  and  agreed  to  pay  him 
£5,000  a year  as  feudal  lord.  Spain  protested  that  the  territory  was 
hers,  but  could  show  nothing  to  confirm  the  possession.  There  was 
neither  a flag,  nor  a detachment  of  troops,  nor  anything  whatsoever  to 
indicate  that  the  coast  was  under  European  protection  or  dominion. 
Notes  were  exchanged  between  the  Cabinets  of  Madrid  and  London, 
and  the  former  relinquished  for  ever  their  claim  to  the  Borneo  fief  of 
Brunei. 

The  experiences  of  the  unfortunate  Sultan  Alimudin  (Ferdinand  I.) 
taught  the  Sulu  people  such  a sad  lesson  that  subsequent  Sultans  have 
not  cared  to  risk  their  persons  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  There 
was,  moreover,  a National  Party  which  repudiated  dependence  on 
Spain,  and  hoped  to  be  able  eventually  to  drive  out  the  Spaniards. 
Therefore,  in  1885,  when  the  heir  to  the  throne  was  cited  to  Manila  to 
receive  his  investiture  at  the  hands  of  the  Governor-General,  he  refused 
to  comply,  and  the  Government  at  once  offered  the  Sultanate  to  another 
chief.  The  dignity  having  been  accepted  by  him,  he  presented  himself 
to  the  Governor-General  in  the  capital. 

The  ceremony  of  investiture  took  place  in  the  Government  House 
at  Malacanan  near  Manila  on  the  24th  of  September,  1886,  when  Datto 
Harun  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  King  of  Spain  as  hie  sovereign 


154 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


lord,  and  received  from  the  Governor-General  Emilio  Terrero  the  title 
of  his  Excellency  Paduca  Majasari  Maulana  Amiril  Mauminin  Sultan 
Muhamad  Harun  JYarrasid,  with  the  rank  and  grade  of  a Spanish 
Lieutenant-General. 

The  Governor-General  was  attended  by  his  Secretary,  the  Official 
Interpreter,  and  several  officers  of  high  local  rank.  Iu  the  suite  of  the 
Sultan-elect  were  his  Secretary  Tuan  Hagi  Omar , a priest  Pandita 
Tua?i  Sik  Mustafa , and  several  dattos. 

For  the  occasion, the  Sultan-elect  was  dressed  in  European  costume, 
and  wore  a Turkish  fez  with  a heavy  tassel  of  black  silk.  IIis  Secretary 
and  Chaplain  appeared  in  long  black  tunics,  white  trousers,  light  shoes 
and  turbans.  Two  of  the  remainder  of  his  suite  adopted  the  European 
fashion,  but  the  others  wore  rich  typical  Moorish  vestments. 

The  Sultan  returned  to  his  country,  and  in  the  course  of  three 
months  the  chiefs  of  the  National  Party  openly  took  up  arms  against 
the  nominee  of  the  King  of  Spain,  the  movement  spreading  to  the 
adjacent  islands  of  Siassi  and  Bongao,  which  form  part  of  the 
Sultanate. 

The  Mussulmans  on  the  Great  Mindanao  River,  from  Cottobatto 
upwards,  openly  defied  Spanish  authority  ; and  in  the  spring  of  1886, 
the  Government  were  under  the  necessity  of  organizing  an  expedition 
against  them. 

The  Spaniards  had  ordered  that  native  craft  should  carry  the 
Spanish  flag,  otherwise  they  would  be  treated  as  pirates  or  rebels.  In 
March,  1887,  the  cacique  of  the  Simonor  ranche  (Bongao  Island), 
named  Pandau,  refused  any  longer  to  hoist  the  Christian  ensign,  and 
he  was  pursued  and  taken  prisoner.  He  was  conveyed  on  the  gunboat 
“ Panay  ” to  Sulu,  and  on  being  asked  by  the  Governor  why  he  had 
ceased  to  use  the  Spanish  flag,  he  haughtily  replied  that  “ he  would 
only  answer  such  a question  to  the  Captain-General,”  and  refused  to 
give  any  further  explanation.  Within  a month  after  his  arrest,  the 
garrison  of  Sulu  was  strengthened  by  an  increase  of  377  men,  in 
expectation  of  an  immediate  general  rising. 

The  forces  were  led  by  Majors  Mattos  and  Villa  Abrille,  under  the 
command  of  Brigadier  Serina.  They  were  stoutly  opposed  by  a cruel 
and  despotic  chief,  named  Utto,  who  advanced  at  the  head  of  his 
subjects  and  slaves.  With  the  co-operation  of  the  gunboats  up  the 
river,  the  Mussulmans  were  repulsed  with  great  loss. 


H.  HARUN  NARRASID,  A MINDANAO  “ DATTO  ” AN  D SUITE. 

SULTAN  OF  SULU. 


HOSTILITIES  ON  THE  RIO  GRANDE,  MINDANAO.  155 


Probably  this  would  have  sufficed  for  a long  time  to  convince  the 
Mussulmans  that  when  they  show  front,  the  modern  means  of  warfare 
are  more  effective  than  theirs.  Scores  of  expeditions  have  been  led 
against  the  Mindanao  natives,  and  temporary  submission  has  been 
usually  obtained  by  the  Spaniards,  but  on  their  retirement,  the  natives 
have  always  reverted  to  their  old  customs,  and  have  taken  their  revenge 
on  the  settlers.  The  history  of  the  Colony  would  have  proved  this  to 
the  Governor-General,  but  there  were  petty  jealousies  existing  between 
his  highest  officers  in  the  south,  which  his  presence,  without  warfare, 
would  have  sufficed  to  tranquillize.  What  reason  was  there  for  further 
hostilities  ? 

The  cry  was  raised  that  Datto  ditto  had  avowed  that  no  Spaniard 
had,  or  ever  should,  enter  his  territory  ! 

It  was  a small  plea  for  an  armed  expedition,  but  from  the  example 
of  his  predecessor  in  1880,  the  General  perchance  foresaw  in  a little 
war  the  vision  of  titles  and  more  material  reward,  besides  counter- 
balancing his  increasing  unpopularity  in  Manila,  due  to  the  influence  of 
the  Government  Secretary  Don  Felipe  Canga-Argiielles.  Following  in 
the  wake  of  those  who  had  successfully  checked  the  Mussulmans 
in  the  previous  spring,  he  took  the  chief  command  in  person  in  the 
beginning  of  January,  1887,  to  force  a recantation  of  the  Chief  Utto’s 
independence. 

The  petty  Sultans  of  Bacat,  Buhayen  and  Kudarangan  in  vain 
united  their  fortunes  with  that  of  Utto.  The  stockades  of  cocoanut 
trunks,  palma-bravas  and  earth  (called  cottas)  were  easily  destroyed  by 
the  Spanish  artillery,  and  their  defenders  fled  under  a desultory  fire. 
There  was  very  little  slaughter  on  either  side.  A few  of  the  Christian 
native  infantry  soldiers  suffered  from  the  bamboo  spikes  set  in  the 
ground  around  the  stockades  (called  by  the  Spaniards  puas),  but 
the  enemy  had  not  had  time  to  cover  with  brushwood  the  pits 
dug  for  the  attacking  party  to  fall  into. 

In  about  two  months,  the  operations  ended  by  the  submission  of 
some  petty  chiefs  of  minor  importance  and  influence  ; and  after 
spending  so  much  powder  and  shot  and  Christian  blood,  the  General 
had  not  even  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  either  the  man  he  was  fighting 
against  or  his  enemy’s  ally,  the  Sultan  of  Kudarangan. 

This  latter  sent  a priest,  Pandita  Kalibaudang,  and  Datto  Andig  to 
sue  for  peace,  and  cajole  the  General  with  the  fairest  promises. 


156 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Afterwards  the  son  and  heir  of  this  chief,  Rajah  Muda  Tambilanang, 
presented  himself,  and  he  and  his  suite  of  30  followers  were  conducted 
to  the  camp  in  the  steam  launch  “ Carriedo.” 

Utto,  whose  residence  had  been  demolished,  had  not  deigned  to 
submit  in  person.  He  sent,  as  emissaries,  Datto  Siruugang  and  the 
chiefs  Buat  and  Dalandung,  who  excused  only  the  absence  of  Utto’s 
prime  minister.  Capitulations  of  peace  were  drawn  up  and  handed 
to  Utto’s  servants,  who  were  told  to  bring  them  back  signed  without 
delay,  for  despatches  from  the  Home  Government,  received  four  or  five 
weeks  previously,  were  urging  the  General  to  conclude  this  affair  as 
speedily  as  possible.  They  were  returned  signed  by  Utto — or  by 
somebody  else — and  the  same  signature  and  another,  supposed  to  be 
that  of  his  wife,  the  Ranee  Pudtli  (a  woman  of  great  sway  amongst  her 
people)  were  also  attached  to  a letter,  offering  complete  submission. 

The  Spaniards  destroyed  a large  quantity  of  rice  paddy,  and  they 
stipulated  for  the  payment  of  a war  indemnity  in  the  form  of  cannons, 
buffaloes  and  horses,  to  be  delivered  at  a period  later  on. 

The  General  gave  them  some  trifling  presents,  and  they  went  their 
way  and  he  his, — to  Manila,  where  he  entered  in  state  on  the  21st  of 
March,  with  flags  flying,  music  playing,  and  the  streets  decorated  with 
bunting  of  the  national  colours,  to  give  wrelcome  to  the  conqueror  of 
the  Mussulman  chief — whom  he  had  never  seen — the  bearer  of  peace 
capitulations  signed — by  whom  ? 1 

As  usual,  a Te  Deum  was  celebrated  in  the  Cathedral  for  the 
victories  gained  over  the  iufidels  ; the  officers  and  troops  who  had 
returned  were  invited  by  the  Municipality  to  a theatrical  performance, 
and  the  Governor-General  held  a reception.  Some  of  the  troops  were 
left  in  Mindanao,  it  having  been  resolved  to  establish  armed  outposts 
still  farther  up  the  river  for  the  better  protection  of  the  port  and 
settlement  of  Cottobatto. 

Whilst  the  Governor-General  headed  the  military  parade  in  the 
Cottobatto  district,  the  ill-feeling  of  the  Sulu  natives  towards  the 
Spaniards  was  gradually  maturing.  An  impending  struggle  was 
evident,  and  Colonel  Juan  Arolas,  the  Governor  of  Sulu,  concentrated 
his  forces  in  expectation. 

The  Sulus,  always  armed,  prepared  for  events  in  their  cottas ; 
Arolas  demanded  their  surrender,  which  was  refused,  and  they  were 


1 Datto  Utto  afterwards  visited  the  Brigadier  of  Mindanao  in  October,  1887. 


COLONEL  AROLAS’  VICTORIES  IN  SULU  ISLAND.  157 


attacked.  Two  cottas , well  defended,  were  ultimately  taken,  not 
without  serious  loss  to  the  Spaniards.  It  was  reported  that  amongst 
the  slain  was  a captain.  Arolas  then  twice  asked  for  authority  to 
attack  the  Mussulmans  at  Maybun  and  was  each  time  refused.  At 
length,  acting  on  his  own  responsibility,  on  the  15th  of  April,  1887,  he 
ordered  a gunboat  tc  steam  round  to  Maybun  and  open  fire  at  day- 
break on  the  Sultan’s  capital,  which  was  in  possession  of  the  party 
opposed  to  the  Spanish  nominee  (Harun  Narrasid).  At  11  o’clock 
the  same  night  he  started  with  his  troops  towards  Maybun,  and  the 
next  morning,  whilst  the  enemy  was  engaged  with  the  gunboat,  he 
led  the  attack  on  the  land  side.  The  Mussulmans,  quite  surprised, 
fought  like  lions,  but  were  completely  routed,  and  the  seat  of  the 
Sultanate  was  razed  to  the  ground.  It  was  the  most  crushing  defeat 
ever  iuflicted  on  the  Sulu  National  Party.  The  news  reached  Manila 
on  the  29th  of  April,  and  great  praise  was  justly  accorded  to  Colonel 
Arolas,  whose  energetic  operations  contrasted  so  favourably  with  the 
Cottobatto  expedition.  It  was  thought  that  Arolas  would  have  come 
to  the  capital  to  receive  the  congratulations  of  his  companions-in-arms, 
and  all  manner  of  festivities  in  his  honour  were  projected  ; but  he 
elected  to  continue  the  work  of  maintaining  his  country’s  prestige  in 
all  the  islands  of  the  group.  Notwithstanding  his  well-known 
republican  tendencies,  on  the  20th  of  September,  1887,  the  Queen- 
Regent  cabled  through  her  Ministry  her  acknowledgment  of  Colonel 
Arolas’  valuable  services,  and  the  pleasure  it  gave  her  to  reward  him 
with  a Brigadier’s  commission.1 

In  1895  an  expedition  against  the  Mussulmans  was  organised  under 
the  supreme  command  of  Governor-General  Ramon  Blanco.  It  was 
known  as  the  Marauit  Campaign.  The  tribes  around  Lake  Malanao 
and  the  Marauit  district  had,  for  some  time  past,  made  serious  raids 
on  the  Spanish  settlement  at  Yligan,  which  is  connected  with  Lake 
Malanao  by  a river  navigable  only  by  canoes.  Indeed,  the  lives  and 
property  of  Christians  in  all  the  territory  adjoining  Yligan  were  in 
great  jeopardy,  and  the  Spanish  authorities  were  set  at  defiance.  It 
was,  therefore,  resolved,  for  the  first  time,  to  attack  the  tribes  and 
destroy  their  cottas  around  the  lake  for  the  permanent  tranquillity  of 


1 By  Royal  Order  of  June,  1890,  Brigadier  Arolas  was  appointed  Governor  of 
Mindanao. 


158 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Yligau.  The  Spanish  and  native  troops  alike  suffered  great  hardships 
and  privations.  Steam  launches  in  sections  (constructed  in  Hong- 
kong), small  guns  and  war  material  were  carried  up  from  Yligan  to 
the  lake  by  natives  over  very  rugged  ground.  On  the  lake  shore  the 
launches  were  fitted  up  and  operated  on  the  lake,  to  the  immense 
surprise  of  the  tribes.  From  the  land  side  their  cottas  were  attacked 
and  destroyed,  under  the  command  of  my  old  friend  Brigadier-General 
Gonzalez  Parrado.  The  operations,  which  lasted  about  three  mouths, 
were  a complete  success,  and  General  Gonzalez  Parrado  was  rewarded 
with  promotion  to  General  of  Division.  Lake  Malanao,  with  the 
surrounding  district  and  the  route  down  to  Yligan,  were  in 
possession  of  the  Spaniards,  and  in  order  to  retain  that  possession 
without  the  expense  of  maintaining  a large  military  establishment, 
it  was  determined  to  people  the  conquered  territory  with  Christian 
families  from  Luzon  and  the  other  islands  situated  north  of 
Mindanao.  It  was  the  attempt  to  carry  out  this  colonizing  scheme 
which  gave  significance  to  the  Marauit  Expedition  and  contributed  to 
that  movement  which,  in  1896,  led  to  the  downfall  of  Spanish  rule 
in  the  Archipelago. 

The  last  Spanish  punitive  expedition  against  the  Mindanao 
Mussulmans  was  sent  in  February,  1898,  under  the  command  of 
General  Buille.  The  operations  lasted  only  a few  days.  The 
enemy  was  driven  into  the  interior  with  great  loss  and  one  chief 
was  slain.  The  small  gunboats  built  in  Hongkong  for  the  Marauit 
Campaign — the  General  Blanco , Corcuero,  and  Lanao — again  did 
good  service. 

A few  years  ago,  we  were  all  alarmed  on  Corpus  Christi  Day, 
during  the  solemn  procession  of  that  feast  in  Cottobatto,  by  the  sudden 
attack  of  a few  Mussulmans  on  the  crowd  of  Christians  assembled.  Of 
course  the  former  were  overwhelmed  and  killed,  as  they  quite  expected 
to  be.  They  were  of  that  class  known  as  juranxentados , or  sworn 
Mussulmans,  who  believe  that  if  they  make  a solemn  vow,  in  a form 
binding  on  their  consciences,  to  die  taking  the  blood  of  a Christian, 
their  souls  will  immediately  migrate  to  the  happy  hunting-ground,  where 
they  will  ever  live  in  bliss,  in  the  presence  of  the  Great  Prophet.  This 
is  the  most  dangerous  sect  of  Mussulmans,  for  no  exhibition  of  force 
can  suffice  to  stay  their  ravages,  and  they  can  only  be  treated  like  mad 
dog6,  or  like  a Malay  who  has  run  artxok. 


SULU  ARCHIPELAGO. NATIVE  COSTUMES. 


159 


The  Spaniards  (in  1898)  left  nearly  half  the  Philippine  Archipelago 
to  be  conquered,  but  only  its  Mussulman  inhabitants  ever  took  the 
aggressive  against  them  in  regular  warfare.  The  attempts  of  the 
Jesuit  missionaries  to  convert  them  to  Christianity  were  entirely  futile, 
for  the  Panditas  and  the  Romish  priests  were  equally  fanatical  in 
their  respective  religious  beliefs.  The  last  treaty  made  between  Spain 
and  Sulu  especially  stipulated  that  the  Mussulmans  should  not  be 
persecuted  for  their  religion. 

To  overturn  a dynasty,  to  suppress  an  organised  system  of  feudal 
laws,  and  to  eradicate  an  ancient  belief,  the  principles  of  which  had 
solidly  insinuated  themselves  among  the  populace  in  the  course  of 
centuries,  was  a harder  task  than  that  of  bringing  under  the  Spanish 
yoke  detached  groups  of  Malay  emigrants.  The  pliant,  credulous  nature 
of  the  Luzon  settlers — the  fact  that  they  professed  no  deeply-rooted 
religion,  and — although  advanced  from  the  nomad  to  the  municipal 
condition — were  mere  nominal  lieges  of  their  puppet  kinglings,  were 
facilities  for  the  achievement  of  conquest. 

True  it  is,  that  the  dynasties  of  the  Aztecs  of  Mexico  and  the 
Incas  of  Peru  yielded  to  Spanish  valour,  but  there  was  the  incentive  of 
untold  wealth  ; here,  only  of  military  glory,  and  the  former  outweighed 
the  latter. 

The  Sulu  Islanders,  male  and  female,  dress  with  far  greater  taste 
and  ascetic  originality  than  the  Christian  natives.  The  women  are 
fond  of  gay  colours,  the  predominant  ones  being  scarlet  and  green. 
Their  nether  bifurcated  garment  is  very  baggy — the  bodice  is 
extremely  tight — and,  with  equally  close-fitting  sleeves,  exhibits  every 
contour  of  the  bust  and  arms.  They  use  also  a strip  of  stuff  sewn 
together  at  the  ends  called  the  jabul,  which  serves  to  protect  the  head 
from  the  sun-rays.  The  end  of  th q jabul  would  reach  nearly  down  to  the 
feet,  but  is  usually  held  retrousse  under  the  arm.  They  have  a passion 
for  jewellery,  and  wear  many  finger-rings  of  metal  and  sometimes  of 
sea-shells,  whilst  their  earrings  are  gaudy  and  of  large  dimensions. 
The  hair  is  gracefully  tied  with  a coil  ou  the  top  of  the  head,  and 
their  features  are  more  attractive  than  those  of  the  generality  of 
Philippine  Christian  women. 

The  men  wear  breeches  of  bright  colours,  as  tight  as  gymnasts’ 
pantaloons,  with  a large  number  of  buttons  up  the  sides — a kind  of 


160 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


waistcoat  buttoning  up  to  the  throat — a jacket  reaching  to  the  hips 
with  close  sleeves,  and  a turban.  A chief’s  dress  has  many  adornments 
of  trinkets,  and  is  quite  elegant. 

They  are  robust,  of  medium  height,  often  of  superb  physical 
development,  of  a dusky  bronze  colour,  piercing  eyes,  low  forehead, 
lank  hair  which  is  dressed  as  a chignon  and  hangs  down  the  back  of 
the  neck.  The  body  is  agile,  the  whole  movement  is  rapid,  and  they 
have  a wonderful  power  of  holding  the  breath  under  water.  They  are 
of  quick  perception,  audacious,  extremely  sober,  ready  to  promise 
everything  and  do  nothing,  vindictive  and  highly  suspicious  of  a 
stranger’s  intentions.  They  are  very  long-suffering  in  adversity, 
hesitating  in  attack,  and  the  bravest  of  the  brave  in  defence.  They 
disdain  work  as  degrading  and  only  a fit  occupation  for  slaves,  whilst 
warfare  is,  to  their  minds,  an  honourable  calling.  Every  male  over 
16  years  of  age  has  to  carry  at  least  one  fighting  weapon  at  all  times 
and  consider  himself  enrolled  in  military  service. 

They  have  a certain  knowledge  of  the  Arts.  They  manufacture 
on  the  anvil  very  fine  kris-daggers,  knives,  lance  heads,  etc.  Many 
of  their  fighting  weapons  are  inlaid  with  silver  and  set  in  polished 
hard  wood  or  ivory  handles  artistically  carved. 

In  warfare  they  carry  shields,  and  their  usual  arms  on  land  are  the 
campilan,  a kind  of  short  two-handled  sword,  wide  at  the  tip  and 
narrowing  down  to  the  hilt — the  barony  for  close  combat — the  straight 
kris  for  thrusting  and  cutting,  and  the  waved  serpent-like  /iris  for 
thrusting  only.  They  are  dexterous  in  the  use  of  arms,  and  can  most 
skilfully  decapitate  a foe  at  a single  stroke.  At  sea  they  use  a sort 
of  assegai,  called  bagsacay  or  simbiliii,  about  half  an  inch  in  diameter, 
with  a sharp  point.  Some  can  throw  as  many  as  four  at  a time,  and 
make  them  spread  in  the  flight ; they  use  these  for  boarding  vessels. 
They  make  many  of  their  own  domestic  utensils  of  metal,  also  coats  of 
mail  of  metal  wire  and  buffalo  horn  which  resist  hand  weapons,  but 
not  bullets.  The  wire  probably  comes  from  Singapore. 

The  local  trade  is  chiefly  in  pearls,  mother-of-pearl,  shells,  shark 
fins,  etc.1  The  Sultan  has  a sovereign  right  to  all  pearls  found  which 

1 According  to  Sonnerat,  Sulu  Island  produced  elephants  i vide  Voyages  aux 
Indes  et  a la  Chine,”  Vol.  III.,  Chap.  10.  I have  not  seen  the  above  statement 
confirmed  in  any  writing.  Certainly  there  is  no  such  animal  in  these  islands  at 
the  present  day. 


RELIGIOUS  RITES. — PANDITAS. 


161 


exceed  a certain  size  fixed  by  law,  hence  it  is  very  difficult  to  secure  an 
extraordinary  specimen.  The  Mussulmans  trade  at  great  distances  in 
their  small  craft,  for  they  are  wonderfully  expert  navigators.  Their 
largest  vessels  do  not  exceed  seven  tons,  and  they  go  as  far  as  Borneo, 
and  even  down  to  Singapore  on  rare  occasions.  However,  without 
going  that  distance,  they  are  well  supplied  with  arms,  for  a foreign 
ship  occasionally  puts  in  at  Sulu  with  rifles,  &c.,  which  are  exchanged 
for  mother-of-pearl,  gum,  pearls,  and  edible  birds’  nests. 

I found  that  almost  any  coinage  was  useful  for  purchasing  in  the 
market-places.  I need  hardly  add  that  the  Chinese  small  traders 
have  found  their  way  to  these  regions,  and  it  would  be  au  unfavourable 
sign  if  a Chinaman  were  not  to  be  seen  there,  for  where  the  frugal 
Celestial  cannot  earn  a living  it  is  a bad  look-out.  Small  Chinese 
coins  (known  as  cash  in  the  China  Treaty  Ports)  are  current  money 
here,  and  I think  the  most  convenient  of  all  copper  coins,  for,  having 
a hole  in  the  centre,  they  can  be  strung  together.  Chinese  began  to 
trade  with  this  island  in  1751 

The  root  of  their  language  is  Sanscrit,  mixed  with  Arabic.  Each 
Friday  is  dedicated  to  public  worship,  and  the  faithful  are  called  to 
the  temple  by  the  beating  of  a box  or  hollow  piece  of  wood.  All 
recite  the  Iman  with  a plaintive  voice  in  honour  of  the  Great 
Prophet ; a slight  gesticulation  is  then  made  whilst  the  Pandita 
reads  a passage  from  the  Mustali.  It  seemed  to  me  strange  that  no 
young  women  put  in  an  appearance  at  the  temple  on  the  occasion  of 
my  visit. 

At  the  beginning  of  each  year,  there  is  a very  solemn  ceremonial, 
and,  in  the  event  of  the  birth  or  death  of  a child,  or  the  safe  return 
from  some  expedition,  it  is  repeated.  It  is  a sort  of  Te  Dcum  in 
conformity  with  their  rites.  During  a number  of  days  in  a certain 
month  of  the  year  they  abstain  from  eating,  drinking  and  pleasure 
of  all  kinds,  and  suffer  many  forms  of  self  imposed  misery.  Strangers 
are  never  allowed,  I was  told,  inside  the  Mosque  of  the  Sultan,  but 
it  is  a rare  thing  for  strangers  to  find  themselves  anywhere  in  the 
Sultan’s  capital.  The  higher  clergy  are  represented  by  the  Cherif,  who 
has  temporal  power  also,  and  this  post  is  hereditary.  The  title  of 
Pandita  means  simply  priest,  and  is  the  common  word  used  in 
Mindauao  as  well  as  in  Palauan  Island.  He  seems  to  be  almost  the 
chief  in  his  district — not  in  a warlike  sense  like  the  Datto — but  his 

L 


162 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


word  has  great  influence.  He  performs  all  the  functions  of  a priest, 
receives  the  vow  of  the  juramentados , and  expounds  the  mysteries  and 
the  glories  of  that  better  world  whither  they  will  go  without  delay  if 
they  die  taking  the  blood  of  a Christian. 

The  Panditas  are  doctors  also.  If  a Datto  or  chief  dies,  they 
intone  a dolorous  chant — the  family  bursts  into  lamentations,  which 
are  finally  drowned  in  the  din  of  the  clashing  of  cymbals  and  beating 
of  gongs,  whilst  sometimes  a gun  is  fired.  In  rush  the  neighbours, 
and  join  in  the  shouting,  uutil  all  settle  down  quietly  to  a feast.  The 
body  is  then  sprinkled  with  salt  and  camphor,  and  dressed  in  white 
with  the  kris  attached  to  the  waist.  There  is  little  ceremony  about 
placing  the  body  in  the  coffin  and  burying  it.  The  mortuary  is  marked 
by  a wooden  tablet — sometimes  by  a stone,  on  which  is  an  inscription 
in  Arabic.  A slip  of  board,  or  bamboo,  is  placed  around  the  spot, 
and  a piece  of  wood,  carved  like  the  bows  of  a canoe,  is  stuck 
in  the  earth  ; in  front  of  this  is  placed  a cocoa-nut  shell  full  of 
water. 

The  old  native  town  or  cotta  of  Sulu  was  a collection  of  bamboo 

♦ . 

houses  built  upon  piles  and  extended  a few  hundred  yards  into  the 
sea.  This  is  now  all  demolished,  only  the  Military  Hospital  being  so 
re-constructed. 

The  site  is  a small  bay  formed  by  the  points  Dangapic  and  Candea, 
and  the  modern  town  is  situated  on  the  plain  a couple  of  yards  above 
sea-level.  The  sea-beach  is  cleared,  and  the  native  village  put  back 
inland. 

There  is  a short  stone  and  brick  pier — a very  simple  edifice 
for  a Church — splendid  barracks,  equal  to  those  iu  Manila,  and  said  to 
be  more  commodious.  Some  of  the  houses  are  of  stone  or  brick,  others 
of  wood,  and  all  have  corrugated  iron  roofs.  The  streets  are  marked 
out  at  rectangles,  well  drained — boulevards,  squares  and  tasteful 
gardens  formed,  and  the  market-place  is  clean  and  orderly. 

The  neighbourhood  is  well  provided  with  water  from  natural 
streams.  The  town  is  supplied  with  drinking  water  conducted  iu 
pipes,  laid  for  the  purpose  from  a spring  about  a mile  aud  a quarter 
distant,  whilst  other  piping  carries  water  to  the  end  of  the  pier  for  the 
requirements  of  shipping.  This  improvement,  the  present  salubrity 
of  the  town  (once  a fever  focus),  aud  its  recent  embellishment,  are 
mainly  due  to  the  intelligent  activity  of  its  late  Governors,  Colonel 


HIS  HIGHNESS  THE  SULTAN  OF  SULU. 


163 


(now  General)  Gouzalez  Parrado  and  Colonel  (now  General)  Juan 
Arolas. 

The  town  is  encircled  on  the  land  side  by  a brick  loop-holed  wall. 
The  outside  defences  consist  of  two  forts,  viz.  : — The  “ Princesa 
de  Asturias  ” and  “ Torre  dt  la  Reina ,”  and  within  the  town  those 
of  the  “ Puerta  Blockaus “ Puerta  Espana,"  and  the  redoubt 
“ Alfonso  XII." — this  last  has  a Nordenfeldt  gun. 

The  general  aspect  of  Sulu  is  lively  and  attractive  ; the  quaint 
attire  and  energetic  features  of  the  native  population  adding  to  the 
general  picturesqueness. 

The  Spanish  Government  of  Sulu  was  entirely  under  martial  law, 
and  the  Europeans  (mostly  military  men)  were  constantly  on  the  alert 
for  the  ever-recurring  attacks  of  the  natives. 

By  a Decree  dated  24th  of  September,  1877,  all  the  natives,  and 
other  races  or  nationalities  settled  there,  were  exempted  from  all  kinds 
of  contributions  or  taxes  for  10  years.  In  1887  the  term  was  extended 
for  another  10  years,  hence,  no  imposts  being  levied,  all  the  Spaniards 
had  to  do  was  to  maintain  their  prestige  with  peace. 

In  his  relations  with  the  Spaniards,  the  Sultan  held  the  title  of 
Excellency,  and  he,  as  well  as  several  chiefs,  received  pensions  from  the 
Government  at  the  following  rates  : — 

$ per  annum. 


Sultan  of  Sulu  ------  2,400 

Do.  of  Mindanao  ------  1,000 

Datto  Beraduren,  heir  to  the  Sulu  Sultanate  - 700 

Paduca  Datto  Alimbdin,  of  Sulu  - 600 

Datto  Amiral,  of  Mindanao  -----  800 

Other  minor  pensions  - 600 


$6,100 


and  an  allowance  of  $2  for  each  captive  rescued,  and  $3  for  each 
pirate  caught,  whether  in  Sulu  or  Mindanao  waters. 

The  Sultan  is  the  Majasari  (the  stainless,  the  spotless) — the 
Pontiff-king — the  chief  of  the  State  and  the  Church  ; but  it  is  said 
that  he  acknowledges  the  Sultan  of  Turkey  as  the  Padishah.  He  is 
the  irresponsible  lord  and  master  of  all  life  and  property  among  his 
subjects,  although  in  his  decrees  he  is  advised  by  a Council  of  Elders. 

L 2 


164 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  his  absolute  authority,  he  does  not  seem 
to  have  perfect  control  over  the  acts  of  his  nobles  or  chiefs,  who  are  a 
privileged  class,  and  are  constantly  waging  some  petty  war  among 
themselves,  or  organising  a marauding  expedition  along  the  coast. 
The  Sultan  is  compelled,  to  a certain  extent,  to  tolerate  their  excesses, 
as  his  own  dignity,  or  at  least  his  own  tranquillity,  is  in  a great  measure 
dependent  on  their  common  goodwill  towards  him.  The  chiefs  collect 
tribute  iu  the  name  of  the  Sultan,  but  they  probably  furnish  their  own 
wants  first  and  pay  differences  into  the  Royal  Treasury,  seeing  that  it 
all  comes  from  their  own  feudal  dependents. 

The  Sultanate  is  hereditary  under  the  Salic  Law.  The  Sultan  is 
supported  by  three  ministers,  one  of  whom  acts  as  Regent  iu  his 
absence  (for  he  might  have  to  go  to  Mecca,  if  he  had  not  previously 
done  so),  the  other  is  Minister  of  War,  and  the  third  is  Minister  of 
Justice  and  Master  of  the  Ceremonies. 

Slavery  exists  in  a most  ample  sense.  There  are  slaves  by  birth 
and  others  by  conquest,  such  as  prisoners  of  war,  insolvent  debtors, 
and  those  seized  by  piratical  expeditious  to  other  islands.  A creole 
friend  of  mine,  Don  A.  M.,  was  one  of  these  last.  He  had  commenced 
clearing  an  estate  for  cane-growing  on  the  Negros  coast  some  years 
a^o.  when  he  was  seized  and  carried  off  to  Sulu  Island.  Iu  a few 
years  he  was  ransomed  and  returned  to  Negros,  where  he  formed  one 
of  the  finest  sugar  haciendas  and  factories  iu  the  Colony. 

In  1884  a Mussulman  was  found  on  a desolate  isle  lying  off  the 
Antique  coast  (Panay  Island),  and  of  course  had  no  document  of 
identitv,  so  he  was  arrested  and  confined  in  the  jail  of  San  Jose  de 
Buenavista.  From  prison  he  was  eventually  taken  to  the  residence  of 
the  Spanish  Governor,  Don  Manuel  Castellon,  a very  humane  gentleman 
and  a personal  friend  of  mine.  There  he  worked  for  some  little  time 
with  the  other  domestics.  Iu  Don  Manuel’s  study  there  was  a 
collection  of  native  arms  which  took  the  fancy  of  the  Mussulman  ; one 
morning  he  seized  a kris  and  lance,  and,  bounding  into  the  breakfast- 
room,  cap'  red  about,  gesticulated,  and  braudislied  the  lance  in  the  air, 
much  to  the  amusement  of  the  Governor  and  his  guests.  But  in  an 
iustaut  the  fellow  (hitherto  a mystery,  but  undoubtedly  a jaramentado ) 
hurled  the  lance  with  great  force  towards  the  Public  Prosecutor,  and 
the  missile,  after  severing  his  watch-chain,  lodged  in  the  side  of  the 
table.  The  Governor  and  the  Public  Prosecutor  at  once  closed  with 


A VISIT  TO  THE  SULTAN. 


165 


the  would-be  assassin,  whilst  the  Governor’s  wife,  with  great  presence 
of  mind,  thrust  a table-knife  into  the  culprit’s  body  between  the  shoulder- 
blade  and  the  collar-bone.  The  mau  fell  as  if  dead,  and,  when  all 
supposed  that  he  was  so,  he  suddenly  jumped  up.  No  one  had 
thought  of  taking  the  kris  out  of  his  grasp,  and  he  rushed  around 
the  apartment,  severely  cut  two  of  the  servants,  but  was  ultimately 
despatched  by  the  bayonets  of  the  guards  who  arrived  on  hearing 
the  scuffle.  The  Governor  showed  me  his  wounds,  which  were  slight, 
but  his  life  was  saved  by  the  valour  of  his  wife — Dona  Justa. 

It  has  often  been  remarked  by  old  residents,  that  if  free  licence 
were  granted  to  the  domesticated  natives,  their  barbarous  instincts 
would  recur  to  them  in  all  vigour.  Here  was  an  instance.  The  body 
was  carried  off  by  an  excited  populace,  who  tied  a rope  to  it,  beat  it, 
and  dragged  it  through  the  town  to  a few  miles  up  the  coast,  where  it 
was  thrown  on  the  sea-shore.  The  priests  did  not  interfere  ; like  the 
Egyptian  mummies  cast  on  the  Stygian  shores,  the  culprit  was  unworthy 
of  sepulture — besides,  who  would  pay  the  fees  ? 

During  my  first  visit  to  Sulu  in  1881,  I was  dining  with  the 
Governor,  when  the  conversation  rau  on  the  details  of  an  expedition 
which  was  to  be  sent  out  in  a day  or  so  to  Maybun,  to  carry  despatches 
received  from  the  Governor-General  for  the  Sultan,  and  to  transact 
business  anent  the  Protectorate.  The  Governor  seemed  rather  surprised 
when  I expressed  my  Avish  to  join  the  party,  for  the  journey  is  not 
unattended  -with  risk  for  one’s  life.  [I  may  here  mention,  that  only 
a few  days  before  I arrived,  a young  officer  Avas  sent  on  some  mission 
a short  distance  outside  the  tOAvn  of  Sulu,  accompanied  by  a patrol 
of  two  guards.  He  was  met  by  armed  Moslems,  and  sent  back  with 
one  of  his  hands  cut  off.  I remember  also  the  neAvs  reaching  us,  that 
seA-eral  military  officers  Avere  sitting  outside  a cafe  in  Sulu  Town, 
Avhen  a number  of  juramentados  came  behind  them  and  cut  their 
throats.]  HoAvever,  the  Governor  did  not  oppose  my  Avish — on  the 
contrary,  he  jocosely  replied  that  he  could  not  extend  my  passport 
so  far,  because  he  could  say  nothing  about  my  safety,  yet  the  more 
Europeans  the  better. 

Officials  usually  went  by  sea  to  Maybun,  and  a gunboat  was  now 
and  again  sent  round  the  coast  Avith  messages  to  the  Sultan,  but  there 
was  none  here  at  the  time. 


166 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Our  party,  all  told,  including  the  native  attendants,  numbered 
about  thirty  Christians,  and  we  started  early  in  the  morning  on 
horseback.  I carried  my  ordinary  weapon — a revolver — hoping  there 
would  be  no  need  to  use  it  on  the  journey.  And  so  it  resulted  ; we 
arrived,  without  beiug  molested  in  any  way,  in  about  three  hours, 
across  a beautiful  country. 

We  passed  two  low  ranges  of  hills,  which  appeared  to  run  from 
S.W  . to  N.E.,  and  several  small  streams,  whilst  here  and  there  was 
a ranche  of  the  Sultan’s  subjects.  Each  ranche  was  formed  of  a 
group  of  ten  to  twenty  huts,  controlled  by  the  Cacique. 

Agriculture  seemed  to  he  pursued  in  a very  pristine  fashion, 
but  doubtless  owing  to  the  exuberant  fertility  of  the  soil,  we  saw  some 
very  nice  crops  of  llice,  Indian  corn,  Sugar  cane,  and  Indigo  and  Coffee 
plantations  on  a small  scale.  In  the  forest  which  we  traversed  there 
were  some  of  the  largest  Bamboos  I have  ever  seen,  and  fine  building 
timber,  such  as  Teak,  Narra,  Molave,  Mangachapuy  and  Camagon  ( vide 
Woods,  page  367).  I was  assured  that  Cedars  also  flourished  on 
the  island.  We  saw  a great  number  of  Monkeys,  wild  Pigeons, 
Cranes,  and  Parrots,  whilst  Deer,  Buffaloes  and  Wild  Goats  are  said  to 
abound  in  these  parts. 

On  our  arrival  at  Maybun,  we  went  first  to  the  bungalow  of  a 
Chinaman — the  Sultan’s  brother-in-law — where  we  refreshed  ourselves 
with  our  own  provisions,  and  learnt  the  gossip  of  the  place.  On 
inquiry,  we  were  told  that  the  Sultan  was  sleeping,  so  we  waited  at 
the  Chinaman’s.  I understood  this  man  was  a trader,  but  there  were 
no  visible  signs  of  his  doing  any  business.  Most  of  our  party  slept 
the  siesta , and  at  about  four  o’clock  we  called  at  the  Palace.  It  was  a 
very  large  building,  well  constructed,  and  appeared  to  be  built  almost 
entirely  of  materials  of  the  country.  A deal  of  bamboo  and  wood 
were  used  in  it,  and  even  the  roof  was  made  of  split  bamboo,  although 
I am  told  that  this  was  replaced  by  sheet  iron  when  the  young  Sultan 
came  to  the  throue.  The  vestibule  was  very  spacious,  and  all  around 
was  pleasantly  decorated  with  lovely  shrubs  and  plants  peculiar  to 
most  mid-tropical  regions.  The  entrance  to  the  Palace  was  always 
open,  and  we  were  received  by  three  Dattos , who  saluted  us  in  a 
formal  way,  and  without  waiting  to  ask  us  any  question,  invited  us, 
with  a waive  of  the  hand,  to  follow  into  the  throne  room. 


A VISIT  TO  THE  SULTAN THE  SULTANAS. 


167 


The  Sultan  was  seated  on  our  entering,  but  when  the  bearer  of 
the  despatches  approached  with  the  official  interpreter  by  his  side,  and 
we  following,  he  rose  in  his  place  to  greet  us. 

His  Excellency  was  dressed  in  very  tight  silk  trousers,  fastened 
partly  up  the  sides  with  showy  chased  gold  or  gilt  buttons — a short 
Eton-cut  olive -green  jacket  with  an  infinity  of  buttons,  white  socks, 
ornamcuted  slippers,  a red  sash  around  his  waist,  a kiud  of  turban,  aud 
a kris  at  his  side.  One  could  almost  have  imagined  him  to  be  a 
Spanish  bull-fighter  with  an  Oriental  finish  off. 

We  all  bowed  low,  and  the  Sultan,  surrounded  by  his  Sultanas,  put 
his  hands  to  his  temples,  aud  on  lowering  them,  he  bowed  at  the  same 
time.  We  remained  standing  whilst  some  papers  were  handed  to  him. 
He  looked  at  them — a few  words  were  said  in  Spanish,  to  the  effect 
that  the  bearer  saluted  His  Excellency  in  the  name  of  the  Governor  of 
Sulu.  The  Sultan  passed  the  documents  to  the  official  interpreter,  who 
read  or  explained  them  in  Sulu  language  ; then  a brief  conversation 
ensued,  through  the  interpreter,  aud  the  business  was  really  over. 
After  a short  pause,  the  Sultan  motioned  to  us  to  be  seated  on  floor 
cushions,  and  we  complied.  The  cushions,  covered  with  rich  silk,  were 
very  comfortable.  Servants,  in  fantastic  costumes,  were  constantly  in 
attendance,  serving  betel-nut  to  those  who  cared  to  chew  it. 

One  Sultana  was  fairly  pretty,  or  had  been  so,  but  the  remainder 
were  heavy,  languid  aud  lazy  in  their  movements  ; aud  their  teeth,  dyed 
black,  did  not  embellish  their  personal  appearance.  The  Sultan  made 
various  inquiries,  and  passed  many  compliments  on  us,  the  Governor, 
Governor-General  and  others,  which  were  conveyed  to  us  through  the 
interpreter.  Meanwhile,  the  Sultanas  chatted  among  themselves,  and 
were  apparently  as  much  interested  in  our  external  appearance  as  we 
were  in  their  style,  features  and  attire.  They  all  wore  light-coloured 
“ dual  garments  ” of  great  width  and  tight  bodices.  Their  coiffure 
was  carefully  finished,  but  a part  of  the  forehead  was  hidden  by  an 
ungraceful  fringe  of  hair. 

We  had  so  little  in  common  to  converse  on,  and  that  little  had  to 
be  said  through  the  interpreter,  that  we  were  rather  glad  when  we 
were  asked  to  take  refreshments.  It  at  least  served  to  relieve  the 
awkward  feeling  of  looking  at  each  other  in  silence.  Chocolate  and 
ornamental  sweetmeats  were  brought  to  us,  but  what  frightful  mixture 
the  supposed  chocolate  was  I could  not  tell.  I believe  it  was  made 


168 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


with  cocoanut  oil,  and  to  avoid  a scene  consequent  on  an  indisposition, 
I decided  to  leave  it. 

We  were  about  to  take  our  departure,  when  the  Sultan  invited  us 
to  remain  all  night  in  the  Palace.  The  leader  of  our  party  caused  to 
be  explained  to  him  that  we  were  thankful  for  his  gracious  offer,  but 
that,  being  so  numerous,  we  feared  to  disturb  His  Excellency  by 
intruding  so  far  on  his  hospitality.  Still  the  Sultan  politely  insisted, 
and  whilst  the  interpretation  was  being  transmitted,  I found  an 
opportunity  to  let  our  chief  know  that  I had  a burning  anxiety  to  stay 
at  the  Palace  for  curiosity.  In  any  case,  we  were  a large  number  to 
go  anywhere,  so  our  leader,  in  reply  to  the  Sultan,  said,  that  he  and 
four  Europeans  of  his.  suite  would  take  advantage  of  His  Excellency’s 
kindness. 

We  withdrew  from  the  Sultan’s  presence,  and  walked  through  the 
town  in  company  with  some  functionaries  of  the  Royal  household. 
There  was  nothing  very  striking  in  the  town  ; it  was  like  most  others. 
There  were  some  good  bungalows  of  bamboo  and  thatching.  I noticed 
that  men,  women,  and  children  were  smoking  tobacco  or  chewing, 
and  had  no  visible  occupation.  Many  of  the  smaller  dwellings  were 
built  on  piles  out  to  the  sea.  We  saw  a number  of  divers  preparing  to 
go  off  to  get  pearls,  mother-of-pearl,  etc.  They  are  very  expert  in 
this  occupation,  and  dive  as  deep  as  100  feet.  Prior  to  the  plunge, 
they  go  through  a grotesque  performance  of  waiving  then-  arms  in 
the  air  and  twisting  their  bodies,  in  order — as  they  say — to  frighten 
away  the  sharks  ; then  with  a whoop,  they  leap  over  the  edge  of 
the  praliu,  and  continue  to  throw  their  arms  and  legs  about  for  the 
purpose  mentioned.  They  often  dive  for  the  shark  and  rip  it  up  with 
a kris. 

Five  of  us  retired  to  the  Palace  that  night,  and  were  at  once 
conducted  to  our  rooms.  There  was  no  door  to  my  room  ; it  was, 
strictly  speaking,  an  alcove.  During  the  night,  at  intervals  of  about 
every  hour,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  a Palace  servant  or  guard  came 
to  inquire  how  the  Seiior  was  sleeping,  and  if  I were  comfortable. 
“ Duerme  el  Senor  ? ” (does  the  gentleman  sleep  ?)  was  apparently  the 
limit  of  his  knowledge  of  Spanish.  I did  not  clearly  understand  more 
than  the  fact  that  the  man  was  a nuisance,  and  I regretted  there  was  no 
door  with  which  to  shut  him  out.  The  next  morning  we  paid  our 
respects  to  His  Highness,  who  furnished  us  with  an  escort — more  as 


IN  A SUBUANO  SETTLEMENT,  MINDANAO  ISLAND.  169 


a compliment  than  a necessity — anil  we  reached  Sulu  town  again,  after 
a very  enjoyable  ride  through  a superb  country. 

The  Sultan’s  subjects  are  so  far  spread  from  the  centre  of 
Government — Maybun — that  in  some  places  their  allegiance  is  but 
nominal.  Many  of  them  residing  near  the  Spanish  settlements  are 
quick  at  learning  Castillian  sufficiently  well  to  be  understood,  but  the 
Spanish  authorities  have  tried  in  vain  to  subject  them  to  an  European 
order  of  things. 

About  20  miles  up  the  coast,  going  north  from  Zamboanga,  the 
Jesuits  sent  a missionary  in  1885  to  convert  the  Subuanos , said  to 
be  of  the  same  caste  as  the  Manobos  of  Caraga,  the  Guimbanos  of 
Sulu  and  the  Samecas  of  Basilau.  He  endeavoured  to  persuade  the 
people  to  form  a village.  They  cleared  a way  through  the  forest  from 
the  beach,  and  at  the  end  of  this  opening,  about  three  quarters  of  a 
mile  long,  I found  a church  half  built  of  wood,  bamboo  and  palm- 
leaves.  I had  ridden  to  the  place  ou  horseback  along  the  beach,  and 
my  food  and  baggage  followed  in  a canoe.  The  opening  was  so 
roughly  cleared  that  I thought  it  better  to  dismount  when  I got  half 
way.  As  the  church  was  only  in  course  of  construction,  and  not 
consecrated,  I took  up  my  quarters  there.  I was  followed  by  a Subuano , 
who  was  curious  to  know  the  object  of  my  visit.  I told  him  I 
wished  to  see  the  headman,  so  this  personage  arrived  with  one  of  his 
wives  and  a young  girl.  They  sat  on  the  floor  with  me  and  tasted 
some  of  my  food,  and  as  the  Cacique  could  make  himself  understood 
in  Spanish,  we  chatted  about  the  affairs  of  the  town  in  posse.  The 
visiting  priest  had  gone  to  the  useless  trouble  of  baptizing  a few  of 
these  people.  They  appeared  to  be  as  much  Christian  as  I was 
Mussulman.  The  Cacique  had  more  than  one  wife — the  word  of  the 
Pandita  of  the  settlement  was  the  local  law,  and  the  Pandita  himself 
of  course  had  his  seraglio.  I got  the  first  mau,  who  had  followed  me, 
to  direct  me  to  the  Pandita' s house.  My  guide  was  gaily  attired  in 
bright  red  tight  acrobat  breeches,  with  buttons  up  the  side,  and  a 
jacket  like  a waistcoat,  with  sleeves  so  close-fitting  that  I suppose  he 
seldom  took  the  trouble  to  undress  himself.  I left  the  Cacique, 
promising  to  visit  his  bungalow  that  day,  and  then  my  guide  led  me 
through  winding  paths,  in  a wood,  to  the  hut  of  the  Pandita.  On  the 
way,  I met  a man  of  the  tribe,  carrying  spring-water  in  a bamboo,  which 


170 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


lie  tilted,  to  give  me  a driuk.  To  my  inquiries  if  lie  were  a Christian, 
and  if  he  knew  the  Castillian  Pandita  (Spanish  priest),  he  replied  in 
the  affirmative  ; continuing  the  interrogation,  I asked  him  how  many 
Gods  there  were,  and  when  he  answered  “ four,”  I closed  my  investiga- 
tion of  his  Christianity.  My  guide  was  too  cunning  to  take  me  by 
the  direct  path  to  the  Pandita's  bungalow.  He  led  me  into  a half- 
cleared  plot  of  land  facing  the  bungalow,  whence  the  iumates  could 
see  us  for  at  least  ten  minutes  making  our  approach.  When  we 
arrived,  and  after  scrambling  up  the  staircase,  which  was  simply  a 
notched  trunk  of  a tree  about  nine  inches  diameter,  I found  that  the 
Pandita,  forewarned,  had  fled  to  the  mountain  close  by,  leaving  his 
wives  to  entertain  the  visitor.  It  was  perhaps  censurable  to  have 
brought  Dutch  gin  with  me,  when  visiting  a people  of  rightly  famed 
sobriety  in  their  natural  habits,  yet  it  was  highly  efficacious  in  arousing 
their  loquacity  when  I found  them  all  lounging  and  chewing  betel- 
nut:  squatted  on  the  floor  amongst  them,  with  the  big  black  square 
bottle  passing  round,  they  became  remarkably  chatty.  Then  I picked 
up  my  bottle  and  went  to  the  Cacique’s  bungalow.  In  the  rear  of 
this  dwelling  there  was  a small  forge,  and  the  most  effective  bellows 
of  primitive  make  which  I have  ever  seen  in  any  country.  It  was  a 
double-action  apparatus,  made  entirely  of  bamboo,  except  the  pistons, 
which  were  of  feathers.  These  pistons,  working  up  and  down  alter- 
nately by  a bamboo  rod  iu  each  hand,  sustained  perfectly  a constant 
draught  of  air.  One  man  was  squatting  on  a bamboo  bench  the  height 
of  the  bellows’  rods,  whilst  the  smith  crouched  on  the  ground  to  forge 
his  kris  on  the  anvil. 

The  headman’s  bungalow  was  built  the  same  as  the  others,  but 
with  greater  care.  It  was  rather  high  up,  and  had  the  usual  notched 
log-of-wood  staircase,  which  is  perhaps  easy  to  ascend  with  naked  feet. 
The  Cacique  and  one  of  his  wives  were  seated  on  mats  on  the  floor. 
After  mutual  salutations,  the  wife  threw  me  three  cushions,  on  which 
I reclined — doing  the  dolce  far  niente  whilst  we  talked  about  the 
affairs  of  the  Settlement.  The  conversation  was  growing  rather 
wearisome  anent  the  Spanish  priest  having  ordered  huts  to  be  built 
without  giving  materials — about  the  scarcity  of  palm  leaves  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  so  forth,  so  I bade  them  farewell  and  went  on  to 
another  hut.  Here  the  inmates  were  numerous — four  women,  three 
or  four  men,  and  two  rather  pretty  male  children,  with  their  heads 


ACROSS  TALAUAN  ISLAND  (PARAGUA). 


171 


shaven  so  as  to  leave  only  a tuft  of  hair  towards  the  forehead  about 
the  size  of  a crown  piece.  They  were  all  drowsy,  but  here  the  gin 
bottle  had  a grand  effect.  Six  copper  tom-toms  were  brought  out,  and 
placed  in  a row  on  pillows,  whilst  another  large  one,  for  the  bass 
accompaniment,  was  suspended  from  a wooden  frame.  A man  beat 
the  bass  with  a stick,  whilst  the  women  took  it  in  turns  to  kneel  on 
the  floor,  with  a stick  in  each  hand,  to  play  a tune  on  the  series  of  six. 
A few  words  were  passed  between  the  three  men,  when  suddenly  one 
of  them  arose  and  performed  a Avar  dance,  quaintly  twisting  his 
arms  and  legs  in  attitudes  of  advance,  recoil  and  exultation.  There 
I left  the  bottle  Avhich  had  done  so  much  service,  and  mounted  my 
horse  to  leave  the  Settlement  in  embryo,  called  by  the  missionaries 
Reus,  Avhich  is  the  name  of  a town  in  Catalunia. 

The  Island  of  Palauan  (Paragua)  formerly  belonged  to  the  Sultan 
of  Borneo  (Brunei  ?),  but  at  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century 
Spaniards  had  already  settled  in  the  north  of  it. 

A movement  was  set  on  foot  to  reduce  the  natives  to  submission, 
and  in  order  to  protect  the  Spanish  settlers  from  Mussulman  attacks 
a fort  Avas  established  at  Labo.  HoAvever,  the  supplies  were  not 
kept  up,  and  many  of  the  garrison  died  of  misery,  hunger  and 
nakedness,  until  1720,  Avlien  it  was  abandoned. 

Some  years  afterwards,  the  island  was  gratuitously  ceded  to  the 
Spaniards  by  the  Sultan,  at  their  request.  Captain  Antonio  Fabeau 
was  sent  there  with  troops  to  take  formal  possession,  being  awarded 
the  handsome  salary  of  §50  per  month  for  this  service.  On  the  arrival 
of  the  ships,  an  officer  Avas  sent  ashore  ; the  people  fled  inland,  and  the 
formalities  of  annexation  Avere  proceeded  Avith  uuAvituessed.  But  the 
only  signs  of  possession  left  there  were  the  corpses  of  the  troops 
and  sailors  Avho  died  from  eating  rotten  food,  or  were  murdered  by 
Mussulmans  who  attacked  the  expedition. 

Subsequently,  a fortress  was  established  at  Taytay,  where  a number 
of  priests  and  laymen,  in  a few  years,  succeeded  in  forming  a small 
colony,  Avhich  at  length  shared  the  fate  of  Labo.  The  only  Spanish 
settlement  in  the  island,  at  the  date  of  the  evacuation,  was  the  colony 
of  Puerta  Princesa,  on  the  east  coast.1 


1 A few  outposts  had  recently  been  established  by  Royal  decree.  They-  Were 
all  under  the  command  of  a Captain,  vide  Chap.  XIII, 


172 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Before  I started  on  my  peregrination  in  Palauan  Island,  I sought  in 
vain  for  information  respecting  the  habits  and  nature  of  the  Tagbanuas , 
a half-caste  Malay- Aeta  tribe,  disseminated  over  a little  more  than  the 
southern  half  of  the  island.  It  was  only  on  my  arrival  at  Puerta 
Princesa  that  I was  able  to  procure  a vague  insight  into  the 
peculiarities  of  the  people  whom  I intended  to  visit.  The  Governor, 
Don  Felipe  Canga-Argiielles,  was  highly  pleased  to  find  a traveller 
who  could  sympathize  with  his  efforts,  and  help  to  make  known,  if  only 
to  the  rest  of  the  Archipelago,  this  island  almost  unexplored  in  the 
interior.  He  constantly  wrote  articles  to  one  of  the  leading  journals  of 
Manila,  under  the  title  of  “ Echos  from  Paragua  ” (Palauan),  partly 
with  the  view  of  attracting  the  attention  of  the  Government  Depart- 
ments to  the  requirements  of  the  Colony,  but  also  to  stimulate  a spirit 
of  enterprise  in  favour  of  this  fertile  island  among  those  trading 
capitalists  who  might  feel  inclined  to  cultivate  its  vast  resources. 

Puerta  Princesa  is  a good  harbour,  situated  on  a gulf.  The  soil  has 
been  levelled,  trees  have  been  planted,  and  a slip  for  repairing  vessels 
has  been  constructed.  There  was  a fixed  white  light  visible  eleven 
miles  off.  It  was  a naval  station  for  two  gunboats — the  Commander 
of  the  station  was  ex-officio  Governor  of  the  Colony.  It  was  also  a 
Penal  Settlement  for  convicts,  and  those  suspected  by  the  civil  or 
religious  authorities.  To  give  employment  to  the  convicts  and 
suspects,  a model  sugar  estate  was  established  by  the  Government. 
The  locality  supplied  nearly  all  the  raw  material  for  Avorkiug  and 
preserving  the  establishment,  such  as  lime,  stone,  bricks,  timber,  sand, 
firewood,  straw  for  bags,  rattans,  etc. 

The  aspect  of  the  town  is  agreeable,  and  the  environs  are  pretty, 
but  there  is  a great  drawback  in  the  want  of  drinking-water,  which,  in 
the  dry  season,  has  to  be  procured  from  a great  distance. 

The  Governor  showed  me  great  attention,  and  personally  took 
command  of  a gunboat,  which  conducted  me  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Iguajit  River.  This  is  the  great  river  of  the  district,  and  is  navigable 
for  about  three  miles.  I put  off  in  a boat  manned  by  marines,  aud  was 
rowed  about  two  miles  up,  as  far  as  the  mission  station.  The  missionary 
received  me  well,  and  I stayed  there  that  night,  with  five  men,  whom 
I had  engaged  to  carry  my  luggage,  for  we  had  a journey  before  us 
of  some  days  on  foot  to  the  opposite  coast. 

My  luggage,  besides  the  ordinary  travelling  requisites  and 
provisions,  included  about  ninety  yards  of  priuted  stuffs  of  bright 


PALAUAN  ISLAND  (rARAGUA). 


173 


colours,  six  dozen  common  handkerchiefs,  and  some  twelve  pounds 
weight  of  beads  on  strings,  with  a few  odds  and  ends  of  trinkets  ; 
whilst  my  native  bearers  were  provided  with  rice,  dried  fish,  betel-nut, 
tobacco,  etc.  for  a week  or  more.  We  set  out  on  foot  the  next  day, 
and  in  three  days  and  a half  we  reached  the  western  shore. 

The  greatest  height  above  the  sea-level  on  our  route  was  about 
900  metres,  according  to  my  aneroid  reading,  and  the  maximum  heat 
at  mid-day  in  the  shade  (month  of  January)  was  82°  Fahr.  The 
nights  were  cold,  comparatively  speaking,  and  at  midnight  the 
thermometer  once  descended  to  59°  Fahr. 

The  natives  proved  to  be  a very  pacific  people.  We  found  some 
engaged  in  collecting  gum  from  the  trees  in  the  forest,  and  others 
cutting  and  making  up  bundles  of  rattans.  They  took  these  products 
down  to  the  Iguajit  River  mission  station,  where  Chinese  traders 
bartered  for  them  stuffs  and  other  commodities.  The  value  of  coin  was 
not  altogether  unknown  in  the  mission  village,  although  the  relative 
value  between  copper  and  silver  coinage  was  not  understood.  In  the 
iuterior  they  lived  in  great  misery,  their  cabins  being  wretched  hovels. 
They  planted  their  rice  without  ploughing  at  all,  and  all  their 
agricultural  implements  were  made  of  wood  or  bamboo. 

The  island  produces  many  marketable  articles,  such  as  beeswax, 
edible  birds’  nests,  fine  shells,  dried  shell-fish,  a few  pearls,  bush- 
rope  or  palasan  of  enormous  length,  wild  nutmegs,  logwood,  etc., 
which  the  Chinese  obtain  in  barter  for  knives  and  other  small 
manufactures. 

The  native  dress  is  made  of  bark  of  trees,  smashed  with  stones,  to 
take  out  the  ligneous  parts.  In  the  cool  weather  they  make  tunics  of 
bark,  and  the  women  wear  drawers  of  the  same  material.  They  adorn 
their  waists  with  sea-shell  and  cocoa-nut  shell  ornaments,  whilst  the 
fibre  of  the  palm  serves  for  a waistband.  They  pierce  very  large  holes 
in  their  ears,  in  which  they  place  shells,  wood,  etc.  They  never  bathe 
intentionally.  Their  arms  are  bows  and  arrows,  and  darts  blown 
through  a kind  of  pea-shooter.  They  are  a very  dirty  people,  and  they 
eat  their  fish  or  flesh  raw. 

I had  no  difficulty  whatever  in  getting  guides  from  place  to  place 
on  payment  in  goods,  and  my  instructions  were  always  to  lead  me 
straight  to  the  coast,  the  nearest  point  of  which  I knew  was  due  west 
or  a few  points  to  the  north. 

We  passed  through  a most  fertile  country  the  whole  way.  There 


174 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


were  no  rivers  of  any  importance,  but  we  were  well  supplied  with 
drinking-water  from  the  numerous  springs  and  rivulets.  The  forests 
are  very  rich  in  good  timber,  chiefly  Ipil  ( Eperma  dcnandria ),  a very 
useful  hardwood  (vide  “ Woods,”  page  367).  I estimated  that  many  of 
these  trees,  if  felled,  would  have  given  clean  logs  of  seventy  to  eighty 
feet  long.  Also  ebony  and  logwood  are  found  here.  I presume  the 
felling  of  timber  is  abandoned  by  these  natives  on  account  of  the 
difficulties,  or  rather,  total  want  of  transport  means.  From  a plateau, 
within  half  a day’s  journey  of  the  opposite  coast,  the  scenery  was 
remarkably  beautiful,  with  the  sea  to  the  west  and  an  interminable 
graudeur  of  forest  to  the  east.  There  were  a few  fishermen  on  the 
west  coast,  but  further  than  that,  there  was  not  a sign  of  anything 
beyond  the  gifts  of  nature. 

With  an  abundance  of  fish,  we  were  able  to  economize  our 
provisions.  One  of  my  men  fell  ill  with  fever,  so  that  we  had  to  wait 
two  days  on  the  west  coast,  whilst  I dosed  him  with  Eno’s  fruit  salt 
and  Howard’s  quinine.  Such  a thing  as  a horse  I suppose  had  never 
been  seen  here,  although  I would  gladly  have  bought  or  hired  one,  for 
I was  very  weary  of  our  delay.  We  all  went  on  the  march  again,  on 
foot  nearly  all  the  way,  by  the  same  passes  to  thelguajit  River,  where 
we  found  a canoe,  which  carried  us  back  to  Puerta  Princesa. 

The  first  survey  of  the  Palauan  Island  coast  is  said  to  have  been 
made  by  the  British.  A British  map  of  Puerta  Princesa,  with  a few 
miles  of  adjoining  coast,  was  shown  to  me  in  the  Government  House 
of  this  place.  It  appears  that  the  west  coast  is  not  navigable  for  ships 
within  at  least  two  miles  of  the  shore,  although  there  are  a few 
channels  leading  to  creeks.  Vessels  coming  from  the  west  usually 
pass  through  the  Straits  of  Baldbac,  between  the  island  of  that  name 
and  the  islets  off  the  Borneo  Island  coast.  The  north  of  Palauan 
Island  is  very  sparsely  peopled. 

In  recent  years,  the  Home  Government  have  made  efforts  to  colonize 
Palauan  Island,  by  offering  certain  advantages  to  emigrants.  By  Royal 
Order,  dated  25th  of  February,  1885,  the  islands  of  Palauan  and 
Mindanao  were  to  be  occupied  in  an  effectual  mauuer,  and  outposts 
established,  wherever  necessary,  to  guarantee  the  secure  possession  of 
these  islands.  The  points  mentioned  for  such  occupation  in  Palauan 
Island,  were  Tagbusao  and  Malihut  on  the  east  coast,  and  Colasiau  and 
Malanut  on  the  west  coast.  It  also  confirmed  the  Royal  Decree  of  the 
30th  of  July,  1860,  granting  to  all  families  emigrating  to  these  newly 


ROYAL  DECREE  ON  EMIGRATION. 


175 


established  military  posts,  and  all  peaceful  tribes  of  the  Islands  who 
might  choose  to  settle  there,  exemption  from  the  payment  of  tribute 
for  six  years.  The  families  would  be  furnished  with  a free  passage 
to  these  places,  and  each  group  would  be  supplied  with  seed  and 
implements. 

A subsequent  Royal  Order,  dated  19th  of  January,  1886,  was 
issued,  to  the  effect  : — That  the  Provincial  Governors  of  the  Provinces 
of  2sorthand  South  Ilocos  were  to  stimulate  voluntary  emigration  of  the 
natives  to  Palauan  Island,  to  the  extent  of  25  families  from  each  of 
the  two  provinces  per  annum.  That  any  payments  due  by  them  to 
the  Public  Treasury  were  to  be  condoned.  That  such  families  and 
any  persons  of  good  character  who  might  establish  themselves  in 
Palauan  should  be  exempt  from  the  payment  of  taxes  for  ten  years,  and 
receive  free  passage  there  for  themselves  and  their  cattle,  and  three 
hectares  of  land  gratis,  to  be  under  cultivation  within  a stated  period. 
That  two  chupas  of  rice  (for  rice  measure,  vide ■ page  318)  and  ten 
cents  of  a dollar  should  be  given  to  each  adult,  and  one  chupa  of  rice 
to  each  minor  each  day  during  the  first  six  months  from  the  date  of 
their  embarking.  That  the  Governor  of  Palauan  should  be  instructed 
respecting  the  highways  to  be  constructed,  and  the  convenience  of 
opening  free  ports  in  that  island.  That  the  land  and  sea  forces  should 
be  increased  ; and  of  the  latter,  a third-rate  man-o’-war  should  be 
stationed  on  the  west  coast.  That  convicts  should  continue  to  be 
sent  to  Palauan,  and  the  Governor  should  be  authorized  to  employ  all 
those  of  bad  conduct  in  public  works.  That  schools  of  primary 
instruction  should  be  established  in  the  island  wherever  such  might 
be  considered  convenient,  etc.,  etc.1 


1 By  Royal  Order  of  August  20th,  1S8S,  a concession  of  12,000  to  14,000  hectares 
of  land  in  Palauan  was  granted, to  Felipe  Canga-Argiielles  y Villalba,  ex-Governor 
of  Puerta  Princesa,  for  the  term  of  20  years. 

He  could  work  mines,  cut  timber,  and  till  the  land  so  conceded  under  the  law 
called  “ Ley  de  Colonias  Agricolas,”  of  the  4th  September,  1884,  which  was  little 
more  than  an  extension  to  the  Philippines  of  the  Peninsula  forest  and  agricultural 
law  of  June  3rd,  1868,  vide  “ Gaceta  de  Madrid”  of  September  29th,  1888.  It 
appears,  however,  from  the  Colonial  Minister’s  despatch  No.  615,  to  the  Governor- 
General  of  the  Colony,  dated  May  24th,  1890,  that  the  eoncessionnaire  had 
endeavoured  to  associate  himself  with  foreigners  for  the  working  of  the  concession. 
The  wording  of  the  despatch  shows  that  suspicion  was  entertained  of  an  intention 
to  eventually  declare  territorial  independence  in  Palauan.  The  Government, 
wishing  to  avoid  the  possibility  of  embroilment  with  a foreign  nation,  unfortunately 
thought  it  necessary  to  impose  such  restrictions  upon  the  eoncessionnaire  as  to 
render  his  enterprise  valueless. 


176 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


In  the  Island  of  Balabac  there  is  absolutely  nothing  remarkable  to 
be  seen,  unless  it  he  a little  animal  about  the  size  of  a big  cat,  but  in 
shape  a perfect  model  of  a doe.1  I took  one  to  Manila,  but  it  died  the 
day  we  arrived.  No  part  of  the  island  (which  is  very  mountainous  and 
fertile)  appears  to  be  cultivated,  and  even  the  officials  at  the  station 
had  to  get  supplies  from  Manila,  whilst  cattle  were  brought  from  the 
Island  of  Cuyo,  one  of  the  Calamianes  group.  A few  weeks  before  I 
arrived  in  Balabac,  an  American  three-masted  ship  had  stranded  in 
the  dangerous  Balabac  Straits,  but  the  Captain  with  his  wife  and 
daughter  managed  to  reach  the  naval  station  of  Balabac,  where  they 
were  treated  with  every  kindness  by  the  Governor  and  officials. 


1 Alfred  Marche  calls  this  the  Tragnlus  Ranchil,  and  says  it  is  also  to  be  found 
in  Malacca,  Cochin  China,  and  Pulo  Condor,  ride  “ Luqon  et  Palaouan,”  par 
A.  Marche,  Paris,  1887. 


CHAPTER  XI. 


DOMESTICATED  NATIVES.— ORIGIN— CHAR  A.CTER. 

The  generally  accepted  theory  regarding  the  origin  of  the  race 
which  I will  term  “ domesticated  natives,”  is,  that  they  first  migrated 
from  Madagascar  to  the  Malay  Peninsula.  But  so  many  learned 
dissertations  have  emanated  from  distinguished  men,  propounding 
conflicting  opinions  on  the  descent  of  the  Malays  and  the  inhabitants 
of  Malesia,  that  we  are  still  left  on  the  field  of  conjecture.  There 
is  not  room  in  this  work  to  enter  the  lists  against  many  strange 
assertions  which  have  been  made  on  the  subject. 

Some  have  gone  as  far  as  Patagonia  to  trace  the  primitive  source 
of  these  people.1  “ I dare  affirm,”  says  Zuniga,2  “ that  the  Indians 
“ of  the  Philippines  are  descended  from  the  aborigines  of  Chili  and 
<l  Peru,  and  that  the  language  of  these  islands  derives  immediately 
“ from  the  parent  source.”  Father  Zuniga,  at  least,  uses  the  potent 
and  feasible  argument  in  favour  of  his  conclusions,  that  natives  have 
been  frequently  carried  Westward  by  East  winds  and  currents, 
whilst  no  case  is  on  record  of  their  having  drifted  in  the  contrary 
direction  towards  this  Archipelago. 

However,  the  popular  supposition  is,  that  they  passed  from 
Malesia  to  these  Islands.  In  the  course  of  time — perhaps  after  many 
generations — they  virtually  supplanted  the  aboriginal  population  in 
the  dominion  of  the  coasts  and  lowlands,  where  they  became  as 
thoroughly  radicated  as  if  they  had  been  proper  autochthons  of  the 
soil. 

The  descendants  of  these  emigrants,  therefore,  were  those  whom 
the  Spanish  invaders  had  to  subdue  to  maintain  a footing.  To  the 


1 Zuniga’s  Hist,  de  Phil.,  tom.  i. 


2 Ibid. 


M 


178 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


present  day  they  are  the  only  race,  among  the  several  in  these 
islands,  subjected,  in  fact,  to  civilized  methods. 

The  light  of  Christianity  fell  upon  them,  but,  to  them,  it  was  as 
burning  embers,  under  which  their  cherished  freedom  would  smoulder 
and  decay.  The  die  was  cast  against  their  liberties,  where  the  pale 
face  from  the  Far  West  trod,  backed  by  the  Inquisition. 

In  treating  of  the  domesticated  natives  I wish  it  to  be  understood, 
that  my  observations  apply  solely  to  the  very  large  majority  of  the 
more  or  less  five  millions  of  them  who  inhabit  these  islands. 

In  the  Capital  and  the  ports  open  to  foreign  trade,  where 
cosmopolitan  vices  and  virtues  prevail,  and  in  large  towns,  where 
there  is  constantly  a number  of  domiciled  Europeans,  the  native 
has  become  a modified  being.  It  is  not  here  that  a just  estimate 
of  character  can  be  arrived  at,  even  during  many  years  sojourn. 
The  native  must  be  studied  by  often-repeated  casual  residence 
in  localities  where  his,  or  her,  domestication  is  only  “by  law 
established,”  imposing  little  restraint  upon  natural  inclinations,  and 
where  exotic  notions  in  no  way  obtain. 

Several  writers  have  essayed  to  correctly  depict  the  Philippine 
native  character,  but  with  only  partial  success.  Dealing  with  such  an 
auomalism,  the  most  emiueut  physiognomists  would  surely  differ  in 
their  speculations  regarding  the  Philippine  native  of  the  present  day. 
That  Catoniau  figure,  with  placid  countenance  and  solemn  gravity  of 
feature,  would  readily  deceive  any  one  as  to  the  true  mental  organism 
within.  The  late  parish  priest  of  Alaminos,  in  Bataugas  Province — a 
Spanish  Franciscan  friar,  who  spent  half  his  life  in  the  Colony — left 
a brief  manuscript  essay  on  the  native  character.  I have  read  it. 
In  his  opinion,  the  native  is  an  incomprehensible  phenomenon,  the 
mainspring  of  whose  line  of  thought  and  the  guiding  motive  of  whose 
actions  have  never  yet  been,  and  perhaps  never  will  be,  discovered. 
A native  will  serve  a master  satisfactorily  for  years,  and  then  suddenly 
abscond,  or  commit  some  such  hideous  crime  as  conniving  with  a 
brigand  band  to  murder  the  family  and  pillage  the  house. 

A friend  of  mine — a Frenchman — who  has  lived  in  the  Colony 
about  half  a century,  had  a servant  with  him  for  nearly  forty  years. 
The  son  came  back  from  a journey,  bringing  with  him  a portmanteau 
containing  $1,000.  The  old  servant  cut  it  open  and  extracted  there- 
from about  20  or  30  dollars.  He  did  not  deny  it.  So  my  old 


TAGALOG  MILKWOMAN.  TAGALOG  TOWNSMAN 


TRAITS  OF  NATIVE  CHARACTER. 


179 


friend,  aged  about  70,  gave  his  domestic — aged  about  50,  and  still 
called  “boy  ” — as  sound  a thrashing  as  his  years  would  permit  for  the 
want  of  smartness,  he  said,  in  not  taking  the  whole  sum. 

When  the  hitherto  faithful  servant  is  remonstrated  with  for  having 
committed  a crime,  he  not  unfrequeutly  accounts  for  the  fact  by  saying, 
“ Senor,  my  head  was  hot.”  When  caught  in  the  act  on  his  first  start 
on  highway  robbery  or  murder,  his  invariable  excuse  is,  that  he  is 
not  a scoundrel  himself,  but  that  he  was  “invited”  by  a relation  or 
compadre  to  join  the  company. 

He  is  fond  of  gambling,  profligate,  lavish  in  his  promises,  but 
lache  in  the  extreme  as  to  their  fulfilment.  He  will  never  come 
frankly  and  openly  forward  to  make  a clean  breast  of  a fault  committed 
or  even  a pardonable  accident,  but  will  hide  it,  until  it  is  found  out. 
In  common  with  many  other  non-European  races,  an  act  of 
generosity  or  a voluntary  concession  of  justice  is  regarded  as  a sign 
of  weakness.  Hence  it  is,  that  the  experienced  European  is  often 
compelled  to  be  more  harsh  than  his  own  nature  dictates.  In  1887, 
the  Director-General  of  Civil  Administration  visited  the  provinces, 
and  lent  his  ear  to  the  native  complaints,  with  the  intention  of 
remedying  certain  inconvenient  practices  prejudicial  to  the  people. 
The  result  was,  that  on  the  1st  of  March  in  the  following  year,  a 
body  of  headmen  had  the  boldness  to  present  themselves  in  Manila 
with  a manifesto  demanding  reforms  which  implied  nothing  less  than 
a complete  revolution  in  the  governmental  system,  consequently  a 
large  number  of  the  parties  to  the  manifesto  were  imprisoned. 

If  one  pays  a native  20  cents  for  a service  performed,  and  that 
be  exactly  the  customary  remuneration,  he  will  say  nothing,  but  if  a 
feeling  of  compassion  impels  one  to  pay  30  cents,  the  recipient  will 
loudly  protest  that  he  ought  to  be  paid  more.  In  Luzon,  the 
native  is  able  to  say  “ Thank  you  ” ( salamat-po ) in  his  mother  tongue, 
but  in  the  South  (Visayas)  there  is  no  way  of  expressing  thanks  in 
native  dialect  to  a donor,  and  although  this  may,  at  first  sight,  appear 
to  be  an  insignificant  fact,  I think,  nevertheless,  a great  deal  may  be 
deduced  from  it,  for  the  deficiency  of  the  word  in  the  Visaya  vernacular 
denotes  a deficiency  of  the  idea  which  that  word  should  express. 

If  the  native  be  in  want  of  a trivial  thing,  which  by  plain  asking 
he  could  readily  obtain,  he  will  come  with  a long  tale,  often  begin  by 
telling  a lie,  aud  whilst  he  invariably  scratches  his  head,  he  will  beat 

M 2 


180 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


about  the  bush  until  he  comes  to  the  point,  with  a supplicating  tone 
and  a saintly  countenance  hiding  a mass  of  falsity.  But  if  he  has 
nothing  to  gain  for  himself,  his  reticence  is  astonishingly  inconvenient, 
for  he  may  let  your  horse  die  and  tell  you  afterwards  it  was  for  want 
of  rice  paddy,  or,  just  at  the  very  moment  you  want  to  use  something, 
he  will  tell  you  “ Uala-po  ” — there  is  not  any. 

I have  known  natives  whose  mothers,  according  to  their  account, 
have  died  several  times,  and  each  time  they  have  tried  to  beg  the  loan 
of  the  burial  expenses. 

Even  the  best  class  of  natives  neither  appreciate,  nor  feel  grateful 
for,  nor  even  seem  to  understand  a spontaneous  gift.  Apparently, 
they  only  comprehend  the  favour  when  one  yields  to  their  asking.  The 
lowest  classes  never  give  to  each  other,  unsolicited,  a cent’s  worth. 
If  an  European  makes  voluntary  gratuities  to  the  natives,  he  is 
considered  a fool — they  entertain  a contempt  for  him,  which  developes 
into  intolerable  impertinence.  Therefore,  to  avoid  this,  if  a native 
wants  anything,  never  offer  it  voluntarily  ; if  he  comes  to  borrow 
lend  him  a little  less  than  he  asks  for,  after  a verbose  preamble.  If 
one  at  once  lent,  or  gave,  the  full  value  asked  for,  the  native  would 
continue  to  invent  a host  of  pressing  necessities,  until  one’s  patience 
was  exhausted.  The  saying,  “ Give  him  an  inch  and  he  will  take  an 
“ ell,”  can  truly  be  applied  to  the  Filipinos.  They  are  void  of  all 
feeling  of  magnanimity,  and  do  not  understand  chivalry  towards  the 
weak  or  the  fallen  foe. 

A native  seldom  restores  the  loan  of  anything  voluntarily.  On 
being  remonstrated  with  for  his  remissness,  after  the  date  of  repayment 
or  return  of  the  article  has  expired,  he  will  coolly  reply  “ You  did  not 
“ ask  me  for  it.”  A native  considers  it  no  degradation  to  borrow 
money  ; it  gives  him  no  recurrent  feeling  of  humiliation  or  poignant 
distress  of  mind.  Thus,  he  will  often  give  a costly  feast  to  impress  his 
neighbours  with  his  wealth  and  maintain  his  local  prestige,  whilst  on 
all  sides  he  has  debts  innumerable.  At  most,  he  regards  debt  as  an 
inconvenience,  not  as  a calamity,  and  perchance  this  looseness  of 
morality  is  the  cause  of  his  inability  to  resist  evil  in  many  forms. 
Were  it  not  for  the  fear  of  a fine,  no  well-to-do  native  would  willingly 
contribute  his  legal  quota  to  the  expenses  of  the  State. 

Before  entering  another  native’s  house,  he  is  very  complimentary, 
and  sometimes  three  minutes’  dialogue  is  exchanged  between  the  visitor 


TRAITS  OF  NATIVE  CHARACTER. 


181 


and  the  native  visited  before  the  former  passes  the  threshold.  When 
a native  enters  an  European’s  house,  he  generally  satisfies  his  curiosity 
by  looking  all  around,  and  often  puts  his  head  into  a private  room, 
asking  permission  to  do  so  afterwards. 

The  lower  class  of  native  never  comes  at  first  call  ; among 
themselves,  it  is  usual  to  call  five  or  six  times,  raising  the  voice  each 
time.  If  a native  is  told  to  tell  another  to  come,  he  seldom  goes  to 
him  to  deliver  the  message,  but  calls  him  from  a distance.  The 
rule  of  the  road  for  horsemen  and  canoemen  is  (among  themselves), 
that  he  who  comes  along  behind  must  steer  clear — the  one  in  front,  on 
either  side,  does  not  make  way.  When  a native  steals  (and  I must  say 
they  are  fairly  honest),  he  steals  only  what  he  wants.  One  of  the 
rudest  acts,  according  to  their  social  code,  is  to  step  over  a person  asleep 
on  the  floor.  Sleeping  is,  with  them,  a very  solemu  matter  ; they  are 
very  averse  to  awaking  any  one,  the  idea  being,  that  during  sleep  the 
soul  is  absent  from  the  body,  and  that  if  slumber  be  suddenly  arrested, 
the  soul  might  not  have  time  to  return.  A person  knowing  the  habits 
of  the  native,  when  he  calls  upon  him  and  is  told  “ He  is  asleep,”  does 
not  inquire  further — the  rest  is  understood:  that  he  may  have  to  wait 
an  indefinite  time  until  the  sleeper  wakes  up — so  he  may  as  well 
depart.  To  get  a servant  to  rouse  you,  you  have  to  give  him  very 
imperative  orders  to  that  effect:  then  he  stands  by  your  side,  and  calls 
“ Senor,  Senor  ” repeatedly,  and  each  time  louder,  until  you  are  half 
awake,  then  he  returns  to  the  low  note,  and  gradually  raises  his  voice 
again  until  you  are  quite  conscious. 

The  reasoning  of  a native  and  an  European  differs  so  largely,  that 
the  mental  impulse  of  the  two  races  is  ever  clashing.  Sometimes  a 
newly  arrived  generously  disposed  Provincial  Governor  will  start  a 
reform  solely  for  their  benefit,  and  find  his  subjects  quite  indifferent 
about  it. 

With  the  majority,  no  number  of  years  of  genial  intercourse, 
without  material  profit,  will  arouse  in  the  native  breast  a perceptible 
sympathy  for  the  white  race.  Exceptions  to  this  rule  are  always 
appreciated.  The  Visaya  native,  in  particular,  exhibits  a frigid 
stoicism.  He  bears  his  own  misfortunes  unmoved,  and  would  look  on 
at  another  in  imminent  danger  with  solemn  indifference. 

Wherever  I have  been  in  the  whole  Archipelago — near  the  Capital, 
or  five  hundred  miles  from  it — I have  found  mothers  teaching  their 


182 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


offspring  to  regard  the  European  as  a demoniacal  being  ! an  evil  spirit ! 
or,  at  least,  as  an  enemy  to  be  feared.  If  a child  cries,  it  is  bushed  by 
the  exclamation  “ Castila  ! ” (European).  If  a white  man  approaches 
a poor  hut  or  a fine  native  residence,  the  cry  of  caution,  the  watchword 
for  defence  is  always  heard — Castila  ! and  the  children  hasten  their 
retreat  from  the  dreaded  object. 

The  Filipino,  like  most  Orientals,  is  a good  imitator,  but  having 
no  initiative  genius,  he  is  not  efficient  in  anything.  If  you  give 
him  a model,  he  will  copy  it  any  number  of  times,  but  you  cannot 
get  him  to  make  two  copies  so  much  alike  that  the  one  is 
undistinguishable  from  the  other.  He  has  no  attachment  for  any 
occupation  in  particular.  To-day  he  will  be  at  the  plough  ; to-morrow 
a coachman,  a collector  of  accounts,  a valet,  a sailor,  and  so  on  ; or 
he  will  suddenly  renounce  social  trammels  in  pursuit  of  lawless 
vagabondage.  I once  travelled  with  a Colonel  Marques,  acting 
Governor  of  Cebu,  whose  valet  was  an  ex-law  student. 

The  native  is  indolent  in  the  extreme,  and  never  tired  of  sitting 
still,  gazing  at  nothing  in  particular.  He  will  do  no  regular  work 
without  an  advance — his  word  cannot  be  depended  upon — he  is  fertile 
in  exculpatory  devices — he  is  momentarily  obedient,  but  is  averse  to 
subjection.  He  feigns  friendship,  but  has  no  loyalty — he  is  calm  and 
silent,  but  can  keep  no  secret — he  is  daring  on  the  spur  of  the  moment, 
but  fails  in  resolution,  if  he  reflects — he  is  wantonly  unfeeling  towards 
animals,  cruel  to  a fallen  foe,  but  fond  of  his  children.  If  familiarity 
be  permitted  with  a native,  there  is  no  limit  to  his  audacity.  The 
Tagalog  is  docile,  but  keenly  resents  an  injustice. 

Native  superstition  and  facile  credulity  are  easily  imposed  upon. 
A report  emitted  in  jest,  or  in  earnest,  travels  with  alarming  rapidity, 
and  the  consequences  have  not  unfrequently  been  serious.  He  rarely 
sees  a joke,  and  still  more  rarely  makes  one.  He  never  reveals  anger, 
but  he  will,  with  the  most  profound  calmness,  avenge  himself,  awaiting 
patiently  the  opportunity  to  use  his  bohie  knife  with  effect.  Mutila- 
tion of  a vanquished  enemy  is  common  among  these  Islanders.  If 
he  recognizes  a fault  by  his  own  conscience,  he  will  receive  a flogging 
without  resentment  or  complaint  ; if  he  is  not  so  convinced  of  the 
misdeed,  he  will  await  his  chance  to  give  vent  to  his  rancour. 

He  has  a profound  respect  only  for  the  elders  of  his  household,  and 
the  lash  justly  administered.  He  rarely  refers  to  past  generations  in 


TRAITS  OF  NATIVE  CHARACTER. 


183 


his  lineage,  and  the  lowest  class  do  not  know  their  own  ages.  Families 
are  very  united,  and  claims  for  help  and  protection  are  admitted  how- 
ever distant  the  relationship  may  be.  Sometimes  the  connection  of  a 
“hanger  on”  with  his  host’s  family  will  be  so  remote  and  doubtful, 
that  he  can  only  be  recognized  as  “ un  poco  pariente  nada  mas  ” (a 
sort  of  kinsman).  But  the  house  is  open  to  all. 

The  native  is  a good  father  and  a good  husband,  unreasonably 
jealous  of  his  wife,  careless  of  the  honour  of  his  daughter,  and  will  take 
no  heed  of  the  indiscretions  of  his  spouse  committed  before  marriage. 

Cases  have  been  known  of  natives  having  fled  from  their  burning 
huts,  taking  care  to  save  their  fighting  cocks,  but  leaving  their  wives 
and  children  to  look  after  themselves. 

In  February,  1885,  I was  present  in  the  Town  Hall  of  Mariquina, 
a village  six  miles  from  Manila,  when  the  petty  Governor  was  hearing 
a remarkable  case  of  callousness.  A native  had  handed  over  the 
corpse  of  his  late  wife  to  his  brother-in-law  for  interment,  and  refused 
to  pay  any  of  the  expenses.  During  the  investigation,  the  husband 
put  forward  the  fantastic  plea  that  his  consort  had  been  useful  to  him 
in  life,  but  now  she  was  no  longer  of  any  service,  and  he  did  not  think 
he  ought  to  be  compelled  to  incur  any  expense  over  a dead  body.  He 
was  condemned  to  pay  the  costs  of  the  burial,  but  alleging  that  he  had 
no  money,  he  had  to  go  to  work  in  the  village,  husking  rice,  until  the 
sum  was  raised.  I made  him  an  offer  on  the  spot  to  buy  off"  his  debt, 
he  to  pay  me  by  receiving  lashes  in  the  Town  Hall  at  the  rate  of  three 
cents  a stroke,  but  he  would  not  accept  the  bargain. 

If  a question  be  suddenly  put  to  a native,  he  apparently  loses  his 
presence  of  mind,  and  gives  a reply  most  convenient  to  himself,  to  save 
himself  from  trouble,  punishment  or  reproach.  It  is  a matter  of 
perfect  indifference  to  him  whether  the  reply  be  true  or  not.  Then, 
as  the  investigation  proceeds,  he  will  amend  one  statement  after 
another,  until,  finally,  he  has  practically  admitted  his  first  explanation 
to  be  quite  false.  One  who  knows  the  native  character,  so  far  as  its 
mysteries  are  penetrable,  would  never  attempt  to  get  at  the  truth  of  a 
question  by  a direct  inquiry — he  would  “ beat  about  the  bush,”  and 
extract  the  truth  bit  by  bit.  Kor  do  the  natives,  rich  or  poor,  of  any 
class  in  life,  and  with  very  few  exceptions  in  the  whole  population, 
appear  to  regard  lying  as  a sin,  but  rather  as  a legitimate,  though 
cunning,  convenience,  which  should  be  resorted  to  whenever  it  will 


184 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


serve  a purpose.  It  is  my  frank  opinion  that  they  do  not,  in  their 
consciences,  hold  lying  to  be  a fault  in  any  degree.  If  the  liar  be 
discovered  and  faced,  he  rarely  appears  disconcerted — his  countenance 
rather  denotes  surprise  at  the  discovery  or  disappointment  at  his 
being  foiled  in  the  object  for  which  he  lied.  As  this  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  characteristics  of  the  natives  of  both  sexes  in  all  spheres  of 
life,  I have  repeatedly  discussed  it  with  the  priests,  several  of  whom 
have  assured  me  that  the  habit  prevails  even  in  the  Confessional.1 

The  native  is  so  contumacious  to  all  bidding — so  averse  to  social 
order,  that  he  can  only  be  ruled  by  coercion  or  by  the  demonstration 
of  force.  Men  and  women  alike  find  exaggerated  enjoyment  in 
litigation,  which  many  keep  up  for  years.  Among  themselves  they 
are  tyrannical.  They  have  no  real  sentiment,  honour  or  magnanimity, 
and,  apart  from  their  hospitality,  in  which  they  (especially  the  Tagalogs) 
far  excel  the  European,  all  their  actions  appear  to  be  only  guided  by 
fear,  or  interest,  or  both. 

The  domesticated  Tagalog  natives  of  the  North  have  made  greater 
progress  in  civilization  and  good  manners  than  the  Visayos  of  the 
South.  It  is,  perhaps,  in  a measure,  due  to  the  proximity  of  the 
Capital,  whence  Western  influence  and  comely  breeding  are  more 
easily  spread,  but  not  altogether  so.  The  Tagalog  differs  vastly  from 
his  southern  brother  in  his  true  nature,  and  that  nature  is  more  pliant ; 
he  is  by  instinct  cheerfully  and  less  interestedly  hospitable.  Invariably 
an  European  wayfarer  who  takes  asylum  in  the  Town  Hall  of  a Tagalog 
village — which  at  the  same  time  serves  as  a casual  ward — is  invited  bv 
one  or  the  other  of  the  principal  residents  or  headmen  to  lodge  at  his 
house.  If  he  stayed  there  several  days  no  charge  would  be  made  for 
this  accommodation,  and  to  offer  payment  would  give  offence.  A 
present  of  some  European  article  might  be  made,  but  it  is  not  at  all 
looked  for.  Your  Tagalog  host  lends  you  horses  or  vehicles  to  go 
about  the  neighbourhood,  takes  you  round  to  the  houses  of  his  friends, 
accompanies  you  to  any  feast  which  may  be  celebrated  at  the  time  of 
your  visit,  and  lends  you  his  sporting  gun,  if  he  has  one. 

1 With  regard  to  this  characteristic  among  the  Chinese,  Sir  John  Bowring 
affirms  that  the  Chinese  respect  their  writings  and  traditions,  whilst  they  do  not 
believe  a lie  to  be  a fault,  and  in  some  of  their  classical  works  it  is  especially 
recommended,  in  order  to  cheat  and  confuse  foreign  intruders.  Vide  “A  Visit 
to  the  Philippine  Islands,”  by  Sir  John  Bowring,  ll.d.,  f.R.S.  Manila,  1S76, 
Spanish  edition,  page  I7t5. 


MANNERS  OF  THE  VISAYOS. 


185 


The  whole  time  he  treats  you  with  the  deference  due  to  the 
superiority  which  he  recognizes.  He  is  remarkably  inquisitive,  and 
will  ask  all  sorts  of  questions  about  >your  private  affairs,  but  that  is  of 
no  consequeuce — he  is  not  intrusive,  he  never  hints  at  corresponding 
favours,  and  if  he  be  invited  to  visit  you  in  the  capital,  or  wherever 
you  may  reside,  he  accepts  the  invitation  reluctantly,  but  seldom  pays 
the  visit.  If,  however,  an  intimacy  should  subsequently  result  from 
this  casual  acquaintanceship,  then  the  native  is  quite  .likely  to  be 
constantly  begging  your  assistance. 

The  Yisaya  native’s  cold  hospitality  is  much  tempered  with  avarice 
or  the  prospect  of  personal  gain — quite  a contrast  to  the  Tagalog. 

On  the  first  visit,  he  might  admit  you  into  his  house  out  of  mere 
curiosity  to  know  all  about  you — whence  you  come — why  you  travel — 
how  much  you  possess — and  where  you  are  going.  The  basis  of  his 
estimation  of  a visitor  is  his  worldly  means,  or,  if  the  visitor  be  engaged 
in  trade,  his  power  to  facilitate  his  host’s  schemes  would  bring  him 
a certain  measure  of  civility  and  complaisance.  He  is  fond  of,  and 
seeks,  the  patronage  of  Europeans  of  position.  In  manners,  the  Visayo 
is  uncouth  and  brusque , and  more  conceited,  arrogant,  self-reliant, 
ostentatious  and  unpolished  than  his  northern  neighbour.  If  remon- 
strated with  for  any  fault,  he  is  quite  disposed  to  assume  an  air  of 
impertinent  retort  or  sullen  defiance. 

The  women  too  are  less  compliant  in  the  South  than  in  the  North, 
and  evince  an  almost  incredible  avarice.  They  are  excessively  fond 
of  ornament,  and  at  feasts  they  appear  adorned  with  an  amount  of 
gaudy  French  jewellery,  which,  compared  with  their  means,  has  cost 
them  a lot  of  money  to  purchase  from  the  swarm  of  Jew  pedlars  who 
invade  the  villages. 

If  au  European  calls  on  a well-to-do  Visayo,  the  women  of  the 
family  saunter  off  in  one  direction  and  another,  to  hide  themselves  in 
other  rooms,  unless  the  visitor  be  well  know'n  to  the  family. 

If  met  by  chance,  perhaps  they  will  return  a salutation,  perhaps 
not.  They  seldom  indulge  in  a smile  before  a stranger  ; have  no  con- 
versation ; no  tuition  beyond  music  and  the  lives  of  the  Saints,  and 
altogether  impress  the  traveller  with  their  insipidity  of  character, 
which  chimes  badly  with  the  air  of  disdain  which  they  exhibit. 

I stayed  for  some  months  in  an  important  Yisaya  town,  in  the 
house  of  an  European  who  was  married  to  a native  woman,  and  was 


186 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


much  edified  by  observing  the  visitors  from  the  locality.  The  “ Senora,” 
who  was  somewhat  pretentious  in  her  social  aspirations  amongst  her 
own  class,  occasionally  came  to  the  table  to  join  us  at  meals,  but  more 
often  preferred  to  eat  on  the  floor  in  her  bedroom,  where  she  could 
follow  her  native  custom,  at  ease,  of  eating  with  her  fingers. 

The  women  of  the  North  are  less  reserved,  a trifle  better  educated, 
and  decidedly  more  courteous  and  sociable.  Their  manners  are  more 
lively,  void  of  arrogance,  cheerful  and  buoyant  iu  tone.  However,  all 
over  the  Islands  the  women  are  more  niggardly  than  the  men. 

But  the  Filipino  has  many  excellent  qualities  which  go  far  to  make 
amends  for  his  shortcomings.  He  is  patient  and  forbearing  in  the 
extreme,  remarkably  sober,  plodding,  anxious  only  about  providing 
for  his  immediate  wants,  and  seldom  feels  “ the  canker  of  ambitious 
thoughts.”  In  his  person  and  his  dwelling  he  may  serve  as  a pattern 
of  cleanliness  to  all  other  races  in  the  tropical  East.  He  has  little 
thought  beyond  the  morrow,  and  therefore  he  never  racks  his  brains 
about  events  of  the  far  future  in  the  political  world  or  any  other 
sphere.  He  indifferently  leaves  everything  to  happen  as  it  may,  with 
surprising  resignation. 

The  Tagalog  in  particular  has  a genial,  sociable  nature.  The 
native,  in  general,  will  go  without  food  for  many  hours  at  a time 
without  grumbling  ; and  fish,  rice,  betel-nut  and  tobacco  are  his  chief 
wants. 

When  an  European  is  travelling,  he  never  needs  to  trouble  about 
where  or  when  his  servant  gets  his  food  or  where  he  sleeps — he  looks 
after  that.  When  a native  travels,  he  drops  in  amongst  any  group 
of  his  fellow  countrymen  whom  he  finds  having  their  meal  on  the 
road-side,  and  wherever  he  happens  to  be  at  nightfall,  there  he  lies 
down  to  sleep.  He  is  never  long  iu  a great  dilemma.  If  his  hut  is 
about  to  fall,  he  makes  it  fast  with  bamboo  and  rattan  cane.  If  a 
vehicle  breaks  down,  a harness  snaps,  or  his  canoe  leaks  or  upsets,  he 
has  always  his  remedy  at  hand.  He  bears  misfortune  of  all  kind 
with  the  greatest  indifference,  and  without  the  least  apparent  emotion. 
Under  the  eye  of  his  master  he  is  the  most  tractable  of  all  beings. 
He  never  (like  the  Chinese)  insists  upon  doing  things  his  own  way, 
but  tries  to  do  just  as  he  is  told,  whether  it  be  right  or  wrong.  A 
native  enters  your  service  as  a coachman,  and  if  you  wish  him  to 
paddle  a boat,  cook  a meal,  fix  a lock,  or  do  any  other  kind  of  labour 


NATIVE  CHARACTER THE  GOOD  POINTS. 


187 


possible  to  him,  he  is  quite  agreeable.  He  knows  the  duties  of  no 
occupation  with  efficiency,  and  he  is  perfectly  willing  to  be  a “ jack-of- 
all  trades.”  Another  good  feature  is,  that  he  rarely,  if  ever,  repudiates 
a debt,  although  he  may  never  pay  it.  So  long  as  he  gets  his  food  and 
fair  treatment,  and  his  stipulated  wages  paid  in  advance,  he  is  content 
to  act  as  a general-utility-man.  If  not  pressed  too  hard,  he  will  follow 
his  superior  like  a faithful  dog.  If  treated  with  kindness,  according  to 
European  notions,  he  is  lost.  Lodging  he  will  find  for  himself.  The 
native  never  looks  ahead  ; he  is  never  anxious  about  the  future  ; but  if 
left  to  himself,  he  will  do  all  sorts  of  imprudent  things,  from  sheer  want 
of  reflection  on  the  consequences,  when,  as  he  puts  it,  “ his  head  is 
hot  ” from  excitement  due  to  any  cause. 

On  the  loth  of  March,  1886,  I was  coming  round  the  coast  of 
Xambales  in  a small  steamer,  in  which  I was  the  only  saloon  passenger. 
The  captain,  whom  I had  known  for  years,  found  that  one  of  the 
cabin  servants  had  been  systematically  robbing  him  for  some  time  past. 
He  ordered  the  steward  to  cane  him,  and  then  told  him  to  go  to  the 
upper  deck  and  remain  there.  He  at  once  walked  up  the  ladder  and 
threw  himself  into  the  sea,  but  a boat  was  lowered,  the  vessel  stopped, 
and  he  was  soon  picked  up.  Had  he  been  allowed  to  reach  the  shore, 
he  would  have  become  what  is  known  as  a remontado  and  perhaps 
eventually  a brigand,  for  such  is  the  beginning  of  many  of  them. 

The  native  has  no  idea  of  organization  on  a large  scale,  hence  a 
successful  revolution  is  not  possible  if  confined  to  the  pure  indigenous 
population  unaided  by  others,  such  as  creoles  and  foreigners.  He  is 
brave,  and  fears  no  consequences  when  with  or  against  his  equals,  or  if 
led  by  his  superiors,  but  a conviction  of  superiority — moral  or  physical 
— in  the  adversary  depresses  him.  An  excess  of  audacity  calms  and 
overawes  him  rather  than  irritates  him. 

His  admiration  for  bravery  and  perilous  boldness  is  only  equalled 
by  his  contempt  for  cowardice  and  puerility,  and  this  is  really  the  secret 
of  the  native’s  disdain  for  the  Chinese  race.  Under  good  European 
officers  they  make  excellent  soldiers  ; however,  if  the  leader  fell,  they 
would  become  at  once  demoralized.  There  is  nothing  they  delight  in 
more  than  pillage,  destruction  and  bloodshed,  and  when  once  they 
become  masters  of  the  situation  in  an  affray,  there  is  no  limit  to  their 
greed  and  savage  cruelty. 


188 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Yet,  detesting  order  of  any  kind,  military  discipline  is  repugnant 
to  them,  and,  as  in  other  countries,  all  kinds  of  tricks  are  resorted  to, 
to  avoid  it.  On  looking  over  the  deeds  of  an  estate  which  I had 
purchased,  I saw  that  two  brothers,  each  named  Catalino  Raymundo, 
Avere  the  owners  at  one  time  of  a portion  of  the  laud.  I thought  there 
must  have  been  some  mistake,  but,  on  close  inquiry,  I found  that  they 
were  so  named  to  dodge  the  recruiting  officers,  who  would  not  readily 
suppose  there  were  two  Catalino  Raymundos  born  of  the  same  parents. 
As  one  Catalino  Raymundo  had  served  in  the  army  and  the  other  was 
dead,  no  further  secret  was  made  of  the  matter,  and  I was  assured  that 
this  practice  was  common  among  the  poorest  natives. 

In  November,  1887,  a deserter  from  the  new  recruits  was  pursued 
to  Langca,  a ward  of  Meycauayau,  Bulacan  Province,  where  nearly  all 
the  inhabitants  rose  up  in  his  defeuce,  the  result  being,  that  the 
Lieutenant  of  Cuadrilleros  was  killed  and  two  of  his  men  were 
wounded.  When  the  Civil  Guard  appeared  on  the  spot,  the  whole 
ward  was  abandoned. 

According  to  the  Spanish  army  regulations,  a soldier  cannot  be 
on  sentinel  duty  for  more  than  two  hours  at  a time  under  any 
circumstances.  Cases  have  been  known  of  a native  sentinel  having 
been  left  at  his  post  for  a little  over  that  regulation  time,  and  to  have 
become  frenetic,  under  the  impression  that  the  two  hours  had  long 
since  expired,  and  that  he  had  been  forgotten.  In  one  case  the  man 
had  to  be  disarmed  by  force,  but  in  another  instance  the  sentinel  simply 
refused  to  give  up  his  rifle  and  bayonet,  and  defied  all  who  approached 
him.  Finally,  a brigadier  went  with  the  colours  of  the  regiment  in 
hand  to  exhort  him  to  surrender  his  arms,  adding  that  justice  would 
attend  his  complaint.  The  sentinel,  however,  threatened  to  kill  any 
one  who  should  draw  near,  and  the  brigadier  had  no  other  resource 
open  to  him  but  to  order  an  European  soldier  to  climb  up  behind 
the  sentry-box  with  a revolver  and  blow  out  the  insubordinate 
native’s  brains. 

Some  years  ago,  a contingent  of  Philippine  troops  was  sent  to  assist 
the  French  in  Tonquin,  where  they  rendered  very  valuable  service. 
Indeed,  some  officers  are  of  opinion  that  they  did  more  to  quell  the 
rising  of  the  Touquinese  than  the  French  troops  themselves.  When  in 
the  melee,  they  throw  off  their  boots,  and,  barefooted,  they  rarely  falter. 
Even  over  mud  and  swamp,  a native  is  almost  as  sure-footed  as  a goat 


PECULIARITIES  OF  NATIVE  CHARACTER. 


189 


oil  the  briuk  of  n quarry.  I have  frequently  been  carried  for  miles  in 
a hammock  by  four  natives  and  relays  through  morassy  districts  too 
dangerous  to  travel  on  horseback.  They  are  great  adepts  at  climbing 
wherever  it  is  possible  for  a human  being  to  scale  a height  ; like 
monkeys,  they  hold  as  much  with  their  feet  as  with  their  hands  ; they 
ride  auy  horse  barebacked  without  fear  ; they  are  utterly  careless  about 
jumping  into  the  sea  among  the  sharks,  which  sometimes  they  will 
intentionally  attack  with  knives,  and  I never  knew  a native  who  could 
not  swim.  There  are  natives  who  dare  dive  for  the  caiman  and  rip 
it  up.  If  they  meet  with  an  accident,  they  bear  it  with  supreme 
resignation,  simply  exclaiming  “ desgracia  pa  ” — it  was  a misfortune. 

The  native  is  very  slowly  tempted  to  abandon  the  habits  and 
traditional  customs  of  his  forefathers,  and  his  ambitionless  felicity  may 
be  envied  by  any  true  philosopher. 

No  one  who  has  lived  in  the  Colony  for  years  could  sketch  the  real 
moral  portrait  of  such  a remarkable  combination  of  virtues  and  vices. 
The  domesticated  native’s  character  is  a succession  of  surprises.  The 
experience  of  each  year  brings  one  to  form  fresh  conclusions,  and  the 
most  exact  definition  of  such  a kaleidoscopic  creature  is,  after  all, 
hypothetical.  However,  to  a certain  degree,  the  characteristic  indolence 
of  the  Philippine  Islanders  is  less  dependent  on  themselves  than  on 
natural  law.  By  the  physical  conditions  with  which  they  are 
surrounded,  their  vigour  of  motion,  energy  of  life,  and  intellectual 
power  are  influenced. 

The  organic  elements  of  the  European  differ  widely  from  those  of 
the  Philippine  native,  and  each,  for  its  own  durability,  requires  its  own 
special  environment.  The  half-breed  partakes  of  both  organisms,  but 
has  the  natural  environment  of  the  one.  Sometimes  artificial  means — 
the  mode  of  life  into  which  he  is  forced  by  his  European  parent — will 
coimteract  in  a measure  natural  law,  but,  left  to  himself,  the  tendency 
will  ever  be  towards  an  assimilation  to  the  native.  Original  national 
characteristics  disappear  in  an  exotic  climate,  and,  in  the  course  of 
generations,  conform  to  the  new  laws  of  nature  to  which  they  are 
exposed. 

It  is  an  ascertained  fact,  that  the  increase  of  energy  introduced  into 
the  Philippine  native  by  blood  mixture  from  Europe  lasts  only  to  the 
second  generation,  whilst  the  effect  remains  for  several  generations 
when  there  is  a similarity  of  natural  environment  in  the  two  races 


190 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


crossed.  Hence  the  peculiar  qualities  of  a Chinese  half-breed  are 
preserved  in  succeeding  generations,  whilst  the  Spanish  half-caste  has 
merged  into  the  conditions  of  his  environment. 

The  Spanish  Government  has  striven  in  vain  against  natural  law 
to  counteract  physical  conditions  by  favouring  mixed  marriages,1  but 
Nature  overcomes  man’s  law,  and  climatic  influence  forces  its 
conditions  on  the  half-breed.  Indeed,  were  it  not  for  new  supplies  of 
extraneous  blood  infusion,  mongrel  individuality  of  character  would 
become  indiscernible  among  the  masses. 

Treating  even  of  Europeans,  the  new  physical  conditions  and 
the  influence  of  climate  on  their  mental  and  physical  organisms  are 
perceptible  after  two  or  three  decades  of  years’  residence  in  the  mid- 
tropics, in  defiance  of  their  own  volition. 

* * * * # # # 

For  the  Education  of  youth  in  the  Colony,  of  all  classes  and 
conditions,  the  State  contributed  in  1888,  according  to  the  Budget  for 
that  year,  the  following  sums,  viz.  : — 

$ cts. 

Schools  and  Colleges  for  high-class  education  in 
Manila,  including  Navigation,  Drawing, 

Painting,  Book-keeping,  Languages,  History, 

Arts  and  Trades,  Natural  History  Museum 
and  Library  and  general  instruction  - - 86,450  00 

School  of  Agriculture  (including  10  schools  and 

model  farms  in  10  Provinces)  - - 113,686  64 

General  Expenses  of  Public  Instruction,  includ- 
ing National  Schools  in  the  Provinces  - 38,513  70 

$238,650  34 

On  the  banks  of  the  River  Pasig,  there  was  a Training  College  for 
Schoolmasters,  who  were  drafted  off  to  the  villages,  with  a miserable 
stipend,  to  teach  the  juvenile  rustics.  But  what  fell  somewhat  hard 
on  the  village  schoolmaster  was,  that  to  recover  his  salary,  the  system 
of  centralization  adopted  by  the  Government  obliged  him  to  spend 
a comparatively  considerable  amount  of  it.  For  instance,  I knew  a 

1 Sec  the  Army  Regulations  for  the  advantages  granted  to  military  men  who 
marry  Philippine  born  women.  Vide  also  page  53. 


EDUCATION. 


191 


schoolmaster  who  received  §16  per  month  for  his  services,  but  every 
mouth  he  had  to  spend  one  dollar  to  travel  to  Manila  to  receive  it, 
and  another  dollar  to  return  to  his  village, — this  expenditure  equalled 
twelve  and  a half  per  cent,  of  his  total  income.  For  such  a wretched 
pittance,  great  things  were  not  to  be  expected  of  either  the  teacher 
or  his  teaching.  Other  circumstances  also  contributed  to  keep  the 
standard  of  education  among  the  masses  very  low,  in  some  places  to 
abolish  it  totally.  The  parish  priests  were  ex-officio  Inspectors  of 
Schools  for  primary  instruction,  wherein  it  was  their  duty  to  see 
that  the  Spanish  language  was  taught.  The  old  “ Laws  of  the 
Indies  ” provide  that  Christian  doctrine  shall  be  taught  to  the  heathen 
native  in  Spanish.1  Several  decrees  confirming  that  law  Avere  issued 
from  time  to  time,  but  their  fulfilment  did  not  seem  to  suit  the  policy 
of  the  Friars.  On  the  30th  of  June,  1887,  the  Governor-General 
published  another  decree  with  the  same  object,  and  sent  a com- 
munication to  the  Archbishop  to  remind  him  of  this  obligation  of  his 
subordinates,  and  the  urgency  of  its  strict  observance.  Nevertheless, 
they  persisted  in  striving  to  keep  the  rising  generation  (as  they  had 
always  done  with  past  generations)  from  the  knowledge  of  anything 
further  than  Christiau  doctrine.  This  they  learnt  only  by  rote,  for  it 
suited  the  Friar  to  stimulate  that  peculiar  mental  condition  in  which 
belief  precedes  understanding.  The  schoolmaster,  being  subordinate  to 
the  inspector,  had  no  voice  in  the  matter,  and  was  compelled  to  follow 
the  views  of  the  priest.  Few  Spaniards  took  the  trouble  to  learn 
native  dialects  (of  which  there  are  about  30),  and  only  a small  per- 
centage of  the  natives  can  speak  intelligible  Spanish.  There  is  no 
literature  in  dialect.  There  were  many  villages  with  uutrained  masters 
who  could  not  speak  Spanish — there  were  other  villages  with  no 
schools  at  all. 

As  the  poorest  families  generally  depend  on  agriculture,  living  in 
rural  districts  remote  from  the  villages,  compulsory  education — even 
such  as  it  was — was  not  possible,  consequently  the  majority  grew  up 
as  untutored  as  when  they  were  born. 

Home  discipline  and  training  of  manners  were  quite  ignored,  even 
in  well-to-do  families.  Children  were  left  without  control,  and  allowed 
to  do  just  as  they  pleased,  hence  they  became  ill-behaved  and  boorish. 


Vide  “ Recopilacion  de  las  Leyes  de  Indias.”  ley  V.,  tit.  XIII.,  lib.  I. 


192 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Planters  of  means,  anil  others  who  could  afford  it,  sent  their  sous 
and  daughters  to  private  schools,  or  to  the  colleges  under  the  direction 
of  the  priests  in  Mauila,  Jaro  (Yloilo  Province)  or  Cebu.  A few — very 
few — sent  their  sons  to  study  iu  Europe,  or  in  Hongkong. 

The  teaching  offered  to  students  iu  Manila  was  very  advanced,  as 
will  be  seen  from  the  following  Syllabus  of  Education  iu  the  Municipal 
Athenamm  of  the  Jesuits  : — 


Algebra. 

Arithmetic. 

Agriculture. 

Commerce. 

Commercial  Law. 
Commercial  Geography. 
English. 

French. 

Geometry. 

Greek. 

History. 

Latin  Grammar. 


Latin  Composition. 
Mechanics. 

Mercantile  Arithmetic. 
Natural  History. 
Physics  and  Chemistry. 
Philosophy. 

Painting. 

Ehetoric  and  Poetry. 
Spanish  Classics. 
Spanish  Composition. 
Topography. 
Trigonometry'. 


In  the  highest  Girls’  School 
following  was  the  curriculum,  viz. 

Arithmetic. 

Drawing. 

Dress-Cutting. 

French. 

Geography. 

Geometry. 

Geology:. 

History  of  Spain. 


— the  Santa  Isabel  College  — the 

History  of  the  Philippines. 
Music. 

Needlework. 

Physics. 

Reading — Prose  and  Verse. 
Spanish  Grammar. 

Sacred  History. 


There  were  also  (for  girls),  the  Colleges  of  Santa  Catalina,  Santa 
Posa,  La  Concordia,  the  Municipal  School,  etc.  A few  were  sent  to 
the  Italian  Convent  in  Hongkong. 

A college  known  as  Saint  Thomas’  was  founded  in  Mauila  by  Fray 
Miguel  de  Yenavides,  third  Archbishop  of  Manila,  between  the  years 
1603  and  1610.  He  contributed  to  it  his  library  and  §1,000,  to  which 
Yvas  added  a donation  by  the  Bishop  of  Nueva  Segovia  of  §3,000  and 
his  library. 

In  1620,  it  already  had  professors  and  masters  under  Government 
protection.  It  received  three  Papal  Briefs  for  10  years  each,  permitting 
students  to  graduate  iu  Philosophy  and  Theology.  It  was  then  raised 
to  the  status  of  an  University  in  the  time  of  Philip  IV.,  by  Papal  Bull 


COLLEGES. — UNIVERSITIES. 


193 


of  20th  November,  1645.  The  first  rector  of  Saint  Thomas’  University 
was  Fray  Martin  Real  de  la  Cruz.  In  the  meantine,  the  Jesuits’ 
University  had  been  established.  Until  1645,  it  was  the  only  place  of 
learning  superior  to  primary  education,  and  conferred  degrees.  The 
Saint  Thomas’  University  (under  the  direction  of  Dominican  Friars) 
now  disputed  the  Jesuits’  privilege  to  do  so,  claiming  for  themselves 
exclusive  right  by  Papal  Bull.  A law  suit  followed,  and  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Manila  decided  in  favour  of  Saint  Thomas’.  The  Jesuits 
appealed  to  the  King  against  this  decision.  The  Supreme  Council  of 
the  Indies  was  consulted,  and  revoked  the  decision  of  the  Manila 
Supreme  Court,  so  that  the  two  Universities  continued  to  give  degrees 
until  the  Jesuits  were  expelled  from  the  Colony  in  1768.  From  1785, 
Saint  Thomas’  University  was  styled  the  “Royal  University,”  and  was 
declared  to  rank  equally  with  the  Peninsula  Universities. 

There  was  also  the  Dominican  College  of  San  Juan  de  Letran, 
founded  in  the  middle  of  the  17th  century,  the  Jesuit  Normal  School, 
the  Convent  of  Mercy  for  Orphan  Students,  and  the  College  of  Saint 
Joseph.  This  last  was  founded  in  1601,  under  the  direction  of  the 
Jesuits.  King  Philip  Y.  gave  it  the  title  of  Royal  College,  and  allowed 
an  escutcheon  to  be  erected  over  the  entrance.  The  same  king  endowed 
three  professorial  chairs  with  $10,000  each.  Latterly  it  -was  governed 
by  the  Rector  of  the  University,  whilst  the  administration  was  confided 
to  a licentiate  in  pharmacy. 

At  the  time  of  the  Spanish  evacuation,  therefore,  the  only  university 
in  the  City  of  Manila  was  that  of  Saint  Thomas,  which  was  empowered 
to  issue  diplomas  of  licentiate  in  law,  theology,  medicine,  and  pharmacy 
to  all  successful  candidates,  and  to  confer  degrees  of  LL.D.  The 
investiture  (which  the  public  were  allowed  to  witness)  was  presided  over 
by  the  rector  of  the  university,  a Dominican  Friar  ; and  the  speeches 
preceding  and  following  the  ceremony,  which  was  semi-religious,  -were 
made  in  the  Spanish  language. 

In  connection  with  this  university,  there  was  the  modern  Saint 
Thomas’  College  for  preparing  students  for  the  university. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  and  amusing  types  of  the  native,  was 
the  average  college  student  from  the  provinces.  After  a course  of  two, 
three,  up  to  eight  years,  he  learnt  to  imitate  European  dress  and  ape 
W estern  manners  ; to  fantastically  dress  his  hair  ; to  wear  patent 
leather  shoes,  jewellery,  and  a felt  hat  d la  dernidre  mode  adjusted 

N 


194 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


carefully  towards  one  side  of  his  head.  He  went  to  the  theatre,  drove 
a “ tilbury,”  and  attended  native  reunions , to  deploy  his  abilities  before 
the  beau  sexe  of  his  class.  He  reminded  one,  in  fact,  of  the  Calcutta 
Baboo  Bachelor  of  Arts.  During  his  residence  in  the  capital,  he  was 
supposed  to  learn,  amongst  other  subjects,  Latin,  Divinity,  Philosophy, 
and  sometimes  Theology,  preparatory,  in  many  cases,  to  following  his 
father’s  occupation  of  planting  fields  of  sugar-cane  and  rice.  The 
average  student  had  barely  an  outline  idea  of  either  physical  or  political 
geography,  whilst  his  notions  of  Spanish  or  universal  history  were  very 
chaotic.  I really  think  that  the  Manila  newspapers — poor  as  they 
were — contributed  very  largely  to  the  education  of  the  people  in  this 
Colony. 

Still  there  are  cases  of  an  ardent  genius  shining  as  an  exception  to 
his  race.  Amongst  the  few,  there  were  two  brothers  named  Luna — 
the  one  was  a notably  skilful  performer  on  the  guitar  and  violin,  who, 
however,  died  at  an  early  age.  The  other,  Juan  Luna,  developed  a 
natural  ability  for  painting.  A work  of  his  own  conception — the 
“ Spoliarium,”  executed  by  him  in  Rome  in  1884,  gained  the  second 
prize  at  the  Madrid  Academy  Exhibition  of  Oil  Paintings.  The  Muni- 
cipality of  Barcelona  purchased  this  clief  d'ccuvre  for  the  City  Hall. 
Other  famous  productions  of  his  are,  “ The  Battle  of  Lepanto,”  “ The 
Death  of  Cleopatra,”  and  “ The  Blood  Compact.”  This  last  master- 
piece was  acquired  by  the  Municipality  of  Manila  for  the  City  Hall, 
but  was  removed  when  the  Tagalog  Rebellion  broke  out,  for  reasons 
which  will  be  understood  after  reading  Chapter  XXVI.  This  artist,  the 
son  of  poor  parents,  was  a second  mate  on  hoard  a sailing  ship,  when 
his  gifts  were  recognized,  and  means  were  furnished  him  with  which 
to  study  in  Rome.  His  talent  was  quite  exceptional,  for  these  Islanders 
are  not  an  artistic  people.  They  (iu  general)  have  no  admiration  for 
the  most  lovely  scenery  and  beautiful  forms  in  Nature,  nor  their 
reproduction.  They  form  a decided  contrast  to  the  Japanese  in  this 
respect.  Paete,  in  the  Laguna  Province,  is  the  only  place  in  the 
provinces  I know  of  where  there  are  sculptors  by  profession.  The 
Academy  (in  Manila)  is  open  to  all  comers  of  all  nationalities,  and,  as 
an  ex-student,  under  its  professors  Don  Lorenzo  Rocha  and  Don  Agustin 
Saez,  I can  attest  to  their  enthusiasm  for  the  progress  of  their  pupils. 

I was  personally  acquainted  with  a native — Jose  Rizal — who  went 
to  Germany  and  Spain  to  study,  and  returned  with  his  titles  of  doctor  in 


NATIVE  TALENT. — FINE  ARTS. — MUSIC. 


195 


medicine,  philosophy,  and  arts.  In  1886  he  wrote  a very  readable 
novel,  entitled  “Noli  me  Tangere,”  and  other  works.  Also  in  1887, 
as  an  oculist,  he  performed  a difficult  operation  very  successfully  in 
Calamba  (Laguna  Province).  His  biography,  however,  is  more 
minutely  referred  to  in  Chapter  XXVI. 

In  the  General  Post  and  Telegraph  Office  in  Manila,  I was  shown 
an  excellent  specimen  of  wood-carving — a bust  portrait  of  Mr.  Morse 
(the  celebrated  iuventor  of  the  Morse  system  of  telegraphy) — the  work 
of  a native  sculptor. 

Another  promising  native,  Vicente  Francisco,  exhibited  some  good 
sculpture  work  in  the  Philippine  Exhibition,  held  in  Madrid  in  1887  ; 
the  jury  recommended  that  he  should  he  allowed  a pension  by  the 
State,  to  study  in  Madrid  and  Rome. 

But  the  native  of  cultivated  intellect,  on  returning  from  Europe, 
found  a very  limited  circle  of  friends  of  his  own  class  and  training. 
If  he  returned  a lawyer  or  a doctor,  he  was  one  too  many,  for  the 
capital  swarmed  with  them  ; if  he  had  learnt  a trade,  his  knowledge 
was  useless  outside  Manila,  and  in  his  native  village  his  previous 
technical  acquirements  were  usually  profitless. 

The  native  has  an  inherent  passion  for  music.  Musicians  are  to 
he  found  in  every  village,  and  even  among  the  very  poorest  classes. 
There  was  scarcely  a parish  without  its  orchestra,  and  this  natural  taste 
was  laudably  encouraged  by  the  priests.  Some  of  these  bands  acquired 
great  local  fame,  and  were  sought  for  wherever  there  was  a feast  miles 
away.  The  players  seemed  to  enjoy  it  as  much  as  the  listeners,  and 
they  would  keep  at  it  for  hours  at  a time,  as  long  as  their  bodily 
strength  lasted.  Girls  from  six  years  of  age  learn  to  play  the  harp 
almost  by  instinct,  and  college  girls  quickly  learn  the  piano.  There 
are  no  native  composers — they  are  but  imitators.  There  is  an  absence 
of  sentimental  feeling  in  the  execution  of  set  music  (which  is  all 
European),  and  this  is  the  only  drawback  to  their  becoming  fine 
instrumentalists.  For  the  same  reason,  classical  music  is  very  little  in 
vogue  among  the  Philippine  people,  who  prefer  dance  pieces  and  ballad 
accompaniments.  In  fact,  a native  musical  performance  is  so  void  of 
soul  and  true  conception  of  harmony,  that  at  a feast  it  is  not  an 
uncommon  thing  to  hear  three  bands  playing  close  to  each  other  at  the 
same  time  ; and  the  mob  assembled  seem  to  enjoy  the  confusion  of  the 
melody.  There  are  no  Philippine  vocalists  of  repute. 

N 2 


196 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Travelling  through  the  Province  of  Laguna  in  1882,  I was,  for  the 
first  time,  impressed  with  the  ingenuity  of  the  natives  in  their  imitation 
of  European  musical  instruments.  I had,  just  an  hour  before,  emerged 
from  a dense  forest,  abundantly  adorned  with  exquisite  foliage,  and 
where  majestic  trees,  flourishing  in  gorgeous  profusion,  afforded  a 
gratifying  shelter  from  the  scorching  sun.  Not  a sound  was  heard  but 
the  gentle  ripple  of  a limpid  stream,  breaking  over  the  boulders  on  its 
course  towards  the  ravine  below  me.  Neither  the  axe  nor  the  plough 
had  thus  far  outraged  Nature  in  this  lovely  spot.  But  it  was  hardly 
the  moment  to  ponder  on  the  poetic  scene  around  me,  for  fatigue  and 
hunger  had  overcome  nearly  all  sentimentality,  and  I got  as  quickly  as 
I could  to  the  first  resting-place.  This  I found  to  be  the  plantation 
bungalow  of  a well-to-do  native  cane-grower. 

There  was  quite  a number  of  persons  assembled,  and  the  occasion 
of  the  meetiug  was,  that  the  sugar  cane  mill  on  the  plantation  had 
that  day  been  blessed  and  baptized  with  holy  water. 

Before  I was  near  enough,  however,  to  be  distinguished  as  an 
European — for  it  was  nearly  sunset — I heard  the  sound  of  distant 
music  floating  through  the  air.  So  strange  an  occurrence  in  such  a 
place  excited  my  curiosity  immensely  ; the  surrounding  scene — the 
mystic  strains  of  dying  melody — might  well  have  entranced  a more 
romantic  nature,  and  I determined  to  find  out  what  it  all  meant.  I 
succeeded,  and  discovered  that  it  was  a bamboo  orchestra  returning 
from  the  feast  of  the  “ baptism  of  the  mill.”  Each  instrument  was 
made  of  bamboo,  and  the  players  were  farm  labourers. 

#**#*## 

Being  naturally  prone  to  superstitious  beliefs,  the  islanders  accepted, 
without  doubting,  all  the  fantastic  tales  which  the  early  missionaries 
taught  them.  Miraculous  crosses  healed  the  sick,  cured  the  plague, 
and  scared  away  the  locusts.  Images,  such  as  the  Holy  Child  of 
BaiTgi,  relieved  them  of  all  worldly  sufferings.  To  this  day  they 
revere  many  of  these  objects,  which  are  still  preserved. 

The  most  ancient  miraculous  image  in  these  Islands  appears  to  be 
the  Scuito  Xi'o  de  Cebu — the  Holy  Child  of  Cebu.  It  is  recorded  that 
on  the  28th  of  July,  1565,  an  image  of  the  Child  Jesus  was  found  on 
Cebu  Island  shore  by  a Basque  soldier  named  Juan  de  Camus.  It  was 
venerated  and  kept  by  the  Austin  Friars.  In  1627,  a fire  occurred  in 


THE  HOLY  CHILD  OF  CEBU. 


197 


tiiat  City,  when  the  Churches  of  Saint  Nicholas  and  of  the  Holy  Child 
were  burnt  down.  The  image  was  saved,  and  temporarily  placed 
in  charge  of  the  Recoleto  priests.  A fire  also  took  place  on  the  site  of 
the  first  cross  erected  on  the  island  by  Fray  Martin  de  Rada,  the  day 
Legaspi  landed,  and  it  is  said  that  this  cross,  although  made  of 
bamboo,  was  not  consumed.  There  now  stands  an  Oratory,  wherein 
is  exposed  the  original  cross  on  special  occasions.  Close  by  is  the 
modern  Church  of  the  Holy  Child. 

In  June  1887,  the  Prior  of  the  convent  conducted  me  to  the  strong 
room  where  the  wonderful  image  is  kept.  The  Saint  is  of  wood,  about 
fifteen  inches  high,  and  laden  with  silver  trinkets,  which  have  been 
presented  on  different  occasions.  When  exposed  to  public  view,  it  has 
the  honours  of  field-marshal  accorded  to  it. 

It  is  a mystic  deity  with  ebon  features — so  different  from  the  lovely 
Child  presented  to  us  on  canvas  by  the  great  masters.  During  the 
feast  held  in  its  honour  (20th  of  January),  pilgrims  from  the  remotest 
districts  of  the  island  and  from  across  the  seas  come  to  purify  their 
souls  at  the  shrine  of  “ The  Holy  Child.” 

In  the  same  room  is  a beautiful  image  of  the  Madonna,  besides  two 
large  tin  boxes  containing  sundry  arms,  legs,  and  heads  of  Saints,  with 
their  robes  in  readiness  for  adjustment  on  procession  days.  The  patron 
of  Cebu  City  is  Saint  Vidal. 

The  legend  of  the  celestial  protector  of  Manila  is  not  less 
interesting.  It  is  related  that  in  Dilao,  near  Manila,  a wooden  image 
of  Saint  Francis  de  Assisi,  which  was  in  the  house  of  a native  named 
Alonso  Cuyapit,  was  seen  to  weep  so  copiously,  that  many  cloths  were 
moistened  by  its  tears. 

The  image,  with  its  hands  open  during  three  hours,  asked  God’s 
blessing  on  Manila.  Then,  on  closing  its  hands,  it  grasped  a cross  and 
skull  so  firmly,  that  these  appeared  to  be  one  and  the  same  thing. 
Vows  were  made  to  the  Saint,  who  was  declared  protector  of  the 
Capital,  and  the  said  image  is  now  to  be  seen  in  the  Franciscan 
Church,  under  the  appellation  of  Saint  Francis  of  Tears — San 
Francisco  de  las  lagrimas. 

Our  Lady  of  Casaysay , near  Taal,  in  Batangas  Province,  has 
been  revered  for  many  years  both  by  Europeans  and  natives.  So 
enthusiastic  was  the  belief  in  the  miraculous  power  of  this  image,  that 


198 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  galleons  when  passing  the  Batangas  coast  on  their  way  to  and 
from  Mexico  were  accustomed  to  fire  a salute  from  their  guus. 

This  image  was  picked  up  by  a native  in  his  fishing  net,  and  he 
placed  it  in  a cave,  where  it  was  discovered  by  other  natives,  who 
imagined  they  saw  many  extraordinary  lights  around  it.  According  to 
the  local  legend,  they  heard  sweet  sonorous  music  proceeding  from  the 
same  spot,  and  the  image  came  forward  and  spoke  to  a native  woman, 
who  had  brought  her  companions  to  adore  the  Saint. 

The  history  of  the  many  shrines  all  over  the  Colony  would  well  fill 
a volume  ; however,  by  far  the  most  popular  one  is  that  of  the  Virgin 
of  Antipolo — Nuestra  Scnora  de  fiuen  Vinjc  y de  la  Paz,  “ Our  Lady 
of  Good  Voyage  and  Peace.” 

This  image  is  said  to  have  wrought  many  miracles.  It  was  first 
brought  from  Acapulco  (Mexico)  in  1626  in  the  State  galleon,  by  Juan 
Ni5o  de  Tabora,  who  was  appointed  Governor-General  of  these  Islands 
by  King  Philip  IV.  The  Saint,  it  is  alleged,  had  encountered 
numberless  reverses  between  that  time  and  the  year  1672,  since  which 
date  it  is  safely  lodged  in  the  Parish  Church  of  Antipolo — a village 
in  the  Military  District  of  Morong — in  the  custody  of  the  Austin 
Friars  until  the  year  1898. 

In  the  month  of  May,  thousands  of  people  repair  to  this  shrine  ; 
indeed,  this  village  of  3,800  inhabitants  chiefly  depends  upon  the 
pilgrims  for  its  existence,  for  the  land  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
Antipolo  is  all  mountainous  and  very  limited  in  extent.  The  priests 
also  did  a very  good  trade  in  prints  of  Saints,  rosaries,  etc.,  for  the 
sale  of  which  they  opened  a shop  during  the  feast  inside  the  convent 
just  in  front  of  the  entrance.  The  total  amount  of  money  spent  in  the 
village  by  visitors  during  the  pilgrimage  has  been  roughly  computed 
to  be  $30,000.  They  came  from  all  parts  of  the  islands 

The  legends  of  the  Saint  are  best  described  in  a pamphlet  published 
in  Manila,1  from  which  I take  the  following  information. 

The  writer  says  that  the  people  of  Acapulco  (Mexico)  were  loth  to 
part  with  their  Holy  Image,  but  the  saintly  Virgin  being  disposed  to 
succour  the  inhabitants  of  the  Spanish  Indies,  she  herself  smoothed  all 
difficulties. 


1 “Historia  de  Nuestra  Senora  La  Virgen  de  Antipolo,”  by  H.  Romero,  Manila, 

1886. 


THE  VIRGIN  OF  ANTIPOLO. 


199 


During  her  first  voyage  iu  the  month  of  March,  1626,  a tempest 
arose,  which  was  calmed  by  the  Virgin,  and  all  arrived  safely  at  the 
shores  of  Manila.  The  Virgin  was  then  taken  in  procession  to  the 
Cathedral,  Avhilst  the  church  bells  tolled  and  the  artillery  thundered 
forth  salutes  of  welcome. 

A solemn  Mass  was  celebrated,  at  which  all  the  religious 
communities,  civil  authorities,  and  a multitude  of  people  assisted. 

Six  years  afterwards,  the  Governor-General  Tabora  died. 

By  his  will  he  intrusted  the  Virgin  to  the  care  of  the  Jesuits, 
whilst  a church  was  being  built  under  the  direction  of  Father  Juan 
Salazar  for  her  special  reception.  During  the  erection  of  this  church, 
the  Virgin  often  descended  from  the  altar  and  displayed  herself 
amongst  the  flowery  branches  of  a tree,  called  by  the  natives  Antipolo 
(Artocarpus  incisa ). 

The  tree  itself  was  henceforth  regarded  as  a precious  relic  by  the 
natives,  who,  leaf  by  leaf  and  branch  by  branch,  were  gradually  carrying 
it  off.  Then  Father  Salazar  decreed  that  the  tree  should  serve  for  a 
pedestal  to  the  Divine  Miraculous  Image — hence  the  title  “ Virgin  of 
Antipolo.” 

In  1639  the  Chinese  rebelled  against  the  Spanish  authority. 

In  their  furious  march  through  the  rains  and  the  blood  of  their 
victims,  and  amidst  the  wailing  of  the  crowd,  they  attacked  the 
Sanctuary  wherein  reposed  the  Virgin.  Seizing  the  Holy  Image,  they 
cast  it  into  the  flames,  and  when  all  around  was  reduced  to  ashes, 
there  stood  the  Virgin  of  Antipolo,  resplendent  with  her  hair,  her  lace, 
her  ribbons  and  adornments  intact,  and  her  beautiful  body  of  brass 
without  wound  or  blemish  ! 

Passionate  at  seeing  frustrated  their  designs  to  destroy  the  deified 
protectress  of  the  Christians,  a rebel  stabbed  her  in  the  face,  and  all 
the  resources  of  art  have  ever  failed  to  heal  the  lasting  -wound. 

Again  the  Virgin  was  enveloped  in  flames,  which  hid  the  appalling 
sight  of  her  burning  entrails.  Now  the  Spanish  troops  arrived,  and 
fell  upon  the  heretical  marauders  with  great  slaughter  ; then,  glancing 
with  trembling  anxiety  upon  the  scene  of  the  outrage,  behold  ! with 
astonishment  they  descried  the  Holy  Image  upon  a pile  of  ashes — 
unhurt  ! 

With  renewed  enthusiasm,  the  Spanish  infantry  bore  away  the 
Virgin  on  their  shoulders  in  triumph,  and  Sebastian  Hurtado,  the 


200 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Governor-General  at  the  time,  had  her  conveyed  to  Cavite  to  be  the 
patroness  of  the  faithful  upon  the  high  seas. 

A galleon  arrived  at  Cavite,  and  being  unable  to  go  into  port,  the 
commander  anchored  off  at  a distance. 

Then  the  Governor-General,  Diego  Fajardo,  sent  the  Virgin  on 
board,  and,  by  her  help,  a passage  was  found  for  the  vessel  to  enter. 

Later  on,  twelve  Dutch  war  ships  appeared  off  Mariveles,  a point 
to  the  north  of  the  entrance  to  Manila  Bay.  They  had  come  to  attack 
Cavite,  and  in  their  hour  of  danger  the  Spaniards  appealed  to  the 
Virgin,  who  gave  them  a complete  victory  over  the  Dutchmen,  causing 
them  to  flee,  with  their  commander  mortally  wounded.  During  the 
affray,  the  Virgin  had  been  taken  away  for  safety  on  board  the  “ San 
Diego,”  commanded  by  Cepeda.  In  1650  this  vessel  returned,  and  the 
pious  prelate,  Jose  Millan  Poblete,  thought  he  perceived  clear 
indications  of  an  eager  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Virgin  to  retire  to 
her  Sanctuary. 

The  people  too  clamoured  for  the  Saint,  attributing  the  many 
calamities  with  which  they  were  afflicted  at  that  period  to  her  absence 
from  their  shores.  Assailed  by  enemies,  frequently  threatened  by  the 
Dutch,  lamenting  the  loss  of  several  galleons,  and  distressed  by  a serious 
earthquake,  their  only  hope  reposed  in  the  beneficent  aid  of  the  Virgin 
of  Antipolo. 

But  the  galleon  “ San  Francisco  Xavier  ” feared  to  make  the 
journey  to  Mexico  without  the  saintly  support,  and  for  the  sixth  time 
the  Virgin  crossed  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

In  Acapulco  the  galleon  lay  at  anchor  until  March,  1653,  when 
the  newly  appointed  Governor-General,  Sabiniano  Manrique  de  Lara, 
Archbishop  Miguel  Poblete,  Fray  Rodrigo  Cardenas,  Bishop-elect  of 
Cagayan,  and  many  other  passengers  embarked  and  set  sail  for  Manila. 
Their  sufferings  during  the  voyage  were  horrible.  Almost  overcome 
Dy  a violent  storm,  the  ship  became  unmanageable.  Rain  poured  in 
torrents,  whilst  her  decks  were  washed  by  the  surging  waves,  and  all 
was  on  the  point  of  utter  destruction.  In  this  plight  the  Virgin  was 
exhorted,  and  not  in  vain,  for  at  her  command  the  sea  lessened  its  fury, 
the  wind  calmed,  and  all  the  horrors  of  the  voyage  ceased.  Black 
threatening  clouds  dispersed,  and  under  a beautiful  blue  sky  a fair  wind 
wafted  the  galleon  safely  to  the  port  of  Cavite. 


THE  VIRGIN  OF  ANTIPOLO. SHRINES. 


201 


These  circumstances  gained  for  the  Saint  the  title  of  “ Virgin  of 
Good  Voyage  and  Peace  ” ; and  the  sailors  who  acknowledged  that 
their  lives  were  saved  by  her  sublime  intercession — followed  by  the 
ecclesiastical  dignitaries  and  military  chiefs — carried  the  image  to  her 
retreat  in  Antipolo  (8th  September,  1653),  where  it  was  intended  she 
should  permanently  remain.  However,  deprived  of  the  succour  of 
the  Saint,  misfortunes  again  overtook  the  galleons.  Three  of  them 
were  lost,  and  the  writer  of  the  brochure  to  which  I refer  supposes 
(Chap.  IV.)  that  perchance  the  sea,  suffering  from  the  number  of 
furrow’s  cut  by  the  keels  of  the  ships,  had  determined  to  take  a fierce 
revenge  by  sw’allowing  them  up  ! 

Once  more,  therefore,  the  Virgin  condescended  to  accompany  a 
galleon  to  Mexico,  bringing  her  back  safely  to  these  shores  in  1672. 

This  was  the  Virgin’s  last  sea  voyage.  Again,  and  for  ever,  she 
wTas  conveyed  by  the  joyous  multitude  to  her  resting  place  in  Antipolo 
Church,  and,  on  her  journey  thither,  there  was  not  a flower,  adds  the 
chronicler,  which  did  not  greet  her  by  opening  a bud — not  a mountain 
pigeon  which  remained  in  silence,  w’hilst  the  breezes  and  the  rivulets 
poured  forth  their  silent  murmuriugs  of  ecstacy.  Saintly  guardian  of 
the  soul,  dispersing  mundane  evils — no  colours,  the  historian  tells  us, 
can  paint  the  animation  of  the  faithful  ; no  discourse  can  describe  the 
consolation  of  the  pilgrims  in  their  refuge  at  the  Shrine  of  the  Holy 
Virgin  of  Antipolo. 

•If  » # W W TP  ^ 

Yet  the  village  of  Antipolo  and  its  neighbourhood  is  the  centre  of 
brigandage,  the  resort  of  murderous  highwaymen,  the  focus  of  crime. 
What  a strange  contrast  to  the  sublime  virtues  of  the  immortal 
Divinity  enclosed  within  its  Sanctuary  ! 

The  most  lucrative  undertaking  in  the  Colony  is  that  of  a shrine. 
It  yields  all  gain  and  no  possible  loss.  Among  the  most  popular  of 
these  “ Miraculous  Saint  Shows  ” was  that  of  Gusi,  belonging  to  a 

native  Father  M G- , late  parish  priest  of  Ilug,  in  Kegros 

Island.  At  Gusi,  half-an-hour’s  wralk  from  the  Father’s  parish  church, 
was  enthroned  San  Joaquin,  wrho,  for  a small  consideration,  consoled 
the  faithful  or  relieved  them  of  their  sufferings.  His  spouse,  Santa 
Ana,  having  taken  up  her  residence  in  the  town  of  Molo  (Yloilo 
Province),  was  said  to  have  been  visited  by  San  Joaquin  once  a year. 


202 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


He  was  absent  on  the  journey  at  least  a fortnight,  but  the  waters  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  Shrine  being  sanctified  the  clientele  was  not 
dispersed.  Some  sceptics  have  dared  to  doubt  whether  San  Joaquin 
really  paid  this  visit  to  his  saintly  wife,  and  alleged  that  his  absence 
was  feigned,  firstly  to  make  his  presence  longed  for,  and  secondly  to 
remove  the  cobwebs  from  his  hallowed  brow,  and  give  him  a wash  and 
brush  up  for  the  year.  It  paid  well  for  years — every  devotee  leaving 
his  mite.  At  the  time  of  my  pilgrimage  there,  the  holy  Father’s  son 
was  the  petty  Governor  of  the  same  town  of  Ilug. 

Shrine-owners  are  apparently  no  friends  of  free  trade.  In  1888 
there  was  a great  commotion  amongst  them  when  it  was  discovered 
that  a would-be  competitor  and  a gownsman  had  conspired,  in 
Pampanga  Province,  to  establish  a Miraculous  Saint,  by  concealing 
an  image  in  a field  in  order  that  it  should  “ make  itself  manifest  to 
the  faithful,”  and  thenceforth  become  a source  of  income. 

It  is  notorious  that  in  a church  near  Manila  a few  years  ago,  an 
image  was  made  to  move  the  parts  of  its  body  as  the  reverend  preacher 
exhorted  it  in  the  course  of  his  sermon.  When  he  appealed  to  the 
saint,  it  wagged  its  head  or  extended  its  arms,  whilst  the  female 
audience  wept  and  wailed.  Such  a scandalous  disturbance  did  it 
provoke,  that  the  exhibition  was  even  too  monstrous  for  the  clergy 
themselves,  and  the  Archbishop  prohibited  it.  But  religion  has  many 
wealth-producing  branches.  In  January,  1889,  a friend  of  mine 

(J M , of  Negros)  showed  me  au  account  rendered  by  the 

Superior  of  the  Jesuits’  School  for  the  education  of  his  sons,  each  of 
whom  was  charged  with  one  dollar  as  a gratuity  to  the  Pope,  to  induce 
him  to  canonize  a deceased  member  of  their  order.  Nevertheless,  I 
have  been  most  positively  assured  by  friends,  whose  good  faith  I 
ought  not  to  doubt,  that  San  Pascual  Bailon  really  has,  on  many 
occasions,  had  compassion  on  barren  women  (their  friends)  and  given 
them  offspring. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  holy  waters  transported  to  Negros  Island 
from  the  Concepcion  district  (Pauay  Island),  for  which  the  steamer 
“ Rupido  ” was  specially  chartered  from  Yloilo,  failed  to  prolong  the 
days  of  my  late  friend  A M , of  Bago. 

Trading  upon  the  credulity  of  devout  enthusiasts  by  fetichism 
and  shrine  quackerv  is  not  altogether  confined  to  the  ecclesiastics.  A 
layman  named  P , in  Yloilo,  some  few  years  ago,  when  he  was  an 


SHRINES. PENITENTS. 


203 


official  of  the  prison,  known  as  the  “ Cotta,”  conceived  the  idea  of 
declaring  that  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  Child  Jesus  had  appeared  in  the 
well  of  the  prison,  where  they  took  a bath  and  disappeared.  When,  at 
length,  the  belief  became  popular,  hundreds  of  natives  went  there  to 

get  water  from  the  well,  and  P imposed  a tax  on  the  pilgrims. 

P , who  at  one  time  possessed  a modest  fortune,  and  owned  two 

of  the  best  houses  in  the  Square  of  Yloilo,  subsequently  became 
miserably  poor. 

The  Feast  of  Tigbauang  (a  few  miles  from  Yloilo),  which  takes 
place  in  January,  is  also  much  frequented,  on  account  of  the  miracles 
performed  by  the  patron  Saint  of  the  town.  The  faith  in  the  power 
of  this  minor  divinity  to  dispel  bodily  suffering  is  so  deeply  rooted, 
that  members  of  the  most  enlightened  families  of  Yloilo  and  the 
neighbouring  towns  go  to  Tigbauang  simply  to  attend  High  Mass, 
and  go  back  home  at  once.  I have  seen  steamers  return  to  Yloilo 
from  this  feast  so  crowded  with  passengers,  that  there  was  only 
standing  room  for  them. 

An  opprobrious  form  of  religious  imposture — and  I judged  the 
most  contemptible — which  frequently  offended  the  public  eye,  was  the 
practice  of  prowling  about  with  doll-saints  in  the  streets  and  public 
highways.  A vagrant,  too  lazy  to  earn  an  honest  subsistence, 
procured  a licence  from  the  monks  to  hawk  about  a wooden  box  with  a 
doll  or  print  inside  and  a pane  of  glass  in  front.  This  he  offered  to 
hold  before  the  nose  of  any  ignorant  passer-by  who  was  willing  to  pay 
for  the  boon  of  kissing  the  glass  ! 

During  Holy  Week,  a few  years  ago,  the  captain  of  the  Civil 
Guard  in  Tayabas  Province  went  to  the  town  of  Atimonan,  and  saw 
natives  in  the  streets  almost  in  a state  of  nudity  doing  penance 
“ for  the  wounds  of  Our  Lord.”  They  were  actually  beating  them- 
selves with  flails,  some  of  which  were  made  of  iron  chain,  and  others 
of  rope  with  thongs  of  rattan  cane.  He  confiscated  the  flails — one 
of  which  he  gave  to  me — and  effectually  assisted  the  fanatics  in  their 
penitent  castigation.  Alas  ! to  what  excesses  will  faith,  unrestrained 
by  reason,  bring  one  ! 

The  result  of  tuition  in  mystic  influences  is  sometimes  de- 
veloped in  the  appearance  of  native  Santones, — indolent  scamps  who 
never  cut  their  hair,  and  roam  about  in  remote  villages  and  districts, 
feigning  the  possession  of  supernatural  gifts,  and  the  faculty  of  saving 


204 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


souls  and  curing  diseases,  with  the  object  of  living  at  the  expense  of 
the  ignorant.  I have  never  happened  to  meet  more  than  one  of  these 
creatures — an  escaped  convict  named  Apolonio,  said  to  be  a native  of 
Cabuyao  (Laguna  Province),  who,  assuming  the  character  of  a prophet 
and  worker  of  miracles,  had  fled  to  the  neighbourhood  of  San  Pablo 
village.  I have  often  heard  of  them  iu  other  places,  notably  in  Capis 
Province,  where  the  pursuit  of  the  Santones  by  the  Civil  Guard  was 
for  a while  the  local  theme  of  conversation. 

The  sale  of  Masses  is  a very  old-established  custom  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  but  it  never  appeared  to  me  in  so  practical  and 
business-like  a light  as,  when  in  Pasacao  (Province  of  Camarines  Sur), 
on  the  23rd  of  December,  1886,  I heard  a certain  Father  Carlos,  who 
was  going  to  Spain  on  a special  mission,  strike  a serious  bargain  with 
a Spaniard  residing  in  Nueva  Caceres.  The  priest  proposed  to  send 
to  his  friend  a ham  from  Gallicia  for  every  ten  Mass  orders  he  received 
from  him.  The  bargain  being  accepted,  he  at  once  proceeded  to 
calculate  the  cost  of  the  ham  aud  the  value  of  the  fees  of  ten  Masses, 
chuckling  over  the  nett  profits  iu  perspective. 

The  Spanish  clergy  were  justifiably  zealous  in  guarding  the  native 
classes  from  the  knowledge  of  other  doctrines  which  would  only 
lead  them  to  immeasurable  bewilderment.  Hence  all  the  natives 
who  were  entirely  under  Spanish  dominion,  i.e.,  all  the  indigenous 
population,  excepting  the  independent  and  semi-independent  tribes, 
are  Roman  Catholics. 

This  blind  obedience  to  one  system  of  Christianity,  even  in  its 
grossly  exaggerated  form,  had  the  effect  desired  by  the  State,  of 
bringing  about  social  unity  to  an  advanced  degree.  Yet,  so  far  as  I 
have  observed,  it  appears  evident  that  the  native  understands 
extremely  little  of  the  “ inward  and  spiritual  grace  ” of  religion. 
He  is  so  material  and  realistic,  so  devoid  of  all  conception  of  things 
abstract,  that  his  ideas  rarely,  if  ever,  soar  beyond  the  contemplation 
of  the  “ outward  and  visible  sigus  ” of  Christian  belief.  The  symbols 
of  faith  and  the  observance  of  religious  rites  are  to  him  religion  itself. 
He  also  confounds  morality  with  religion.  Natives  go  to  church 
because  it  is  the  custom.  Often  if  a native  cannot  put  on  a clean 
shirt,  he  abstains  from  going  to  Mass.  The  petty  Governor  of  a 
town  was  compelled  to  go  to  High  Mass,  accompanied  by  his 
“ministry.”  In  some  towns,  the  Barangay  Chiefs  were  fined  or 


NATIVE  CONCEPTION  OF  RELIGION. 


205 


beaten  if  they  were  absent  from  church  on  Sundays  and  certain 
Feast  Days.1 

As  to  the  women,  little  or  no  pressure  was  necessary  to  oblige 
them  to  attend  Mass  ; many  of  them  pass  half  their  existence  between 
adoration  of  the  images,  Mariolatry  and  the  confessional. 

Undoubtedly,  Roman  Catholicism  appears  to  be  the  form  of 
Christianity  most  successful  in  proselytizing  uncivilized  races,  which 
are  impressed  more  with  their  eyes  than  their  understanding. 

The  pagan  idols,  which  reappeared  in  the  form  of  martyrs  in 
primitive  times,  still  gratify  the  instinctive  want  of  visible  deities  to 
uncultivated  minds.  The  heathen  rites,  originally  adopted  by  the 
Catholic  Church  to  appease  the  pagans  in  the  earliest  ages,  such  as 
pompous  ritual,  lustrous  gold  and  silver  vases,  magnificent  robes,  and 
glittering  processional  shows,  serve,  where  intellectual  reasoning  would 
fail,  to  convince  the  neophyte  of  the  sanctity  of  the  religious  system 
and  the  infallibility  of  its  professors’  precepts. 

The  parish  priest  of  Lipa,  a town  in  Batangas  Province,  related 
to  a friend  of  mine,  that  having  on  one  occasion  distributed  all  his 
stock  of  pictures  of  the  Saints  to  those  who  had  come  to  see  him  on 
parochial  business,  he  had  to  content  the  last  suppliant  with  an  empty 
raisin  box,  without  noticing  that  on  the  lid  there  was  a coloured  print 
of  Garibaldi.  Later  on,  Garibaldi’s  portrait  was  seen  in  a hut  in  one 
of  the  suburbs  with  candles  around  it,  being  adored  as  a Saint. 

A curious  case  of  native  religious  philosophy  was  reported  in  a 
Manila  newspaper.2  A milkman  was  accused  by  one  of  his  customers  of 
having  adulterated  the  milk  which  he  supplied.  Of  course  he  denied 
it  at  first,  and  then  yielding  to  more  potent  argument  than  words,  he  con- 
fessed that  he  had  diluted  the  milk  with  holy  water  from,  the  Church 
fonts , for  at  the  same  time  that  he  committed  the  sin  he  was  penitent. 

1 A Decree  issued  by  Don  Juan  de  Ozaeta,  a magistrate  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
in  his  general  visit  of  inspection  to  the  provinces,  dated  26th  May,  1696,  enacts 
the  following,  viz.  “ That  Chinese  half-castes  and  headmen  shall  be  compelled 
“ to  go  to  the  church  and  attend  Divine  Service,  and  act  according  to  the  customs 
established  in  the  villages,”  and  the  penalty  for  an  infraction  of  this  mandate  by 
a male  was  “20  lashes  in  the  public  highway  and  two  months’  labour  in  the  Royal 
“ Rope  Walk  (established  in  Taal),  or  in  the  Galleys  of  Cavite.”  If  the  delinquent 
were  a female,  the  chastisement  was  “ one  month  of  public  penance  in  the  church,” 
whilst  the  Alcalde  or  Governor  of  the  Province  who  did  not  promptly  inflict 
the  punishment  was  to  be  mulcted  in  the  sum  of  “ §200,  to  be  paid  to  the  Royal 
“ Treasury.” 

2 “Diario  de  Manila,”  Saturday,  July  28th,  1888. 


206 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


**##**  ft 

Although  slavery  was  prohibited  by  law  as  far  back  as  the  reigu  of 
Philip  II.,1  it  nevertheless  still  exists  in  an  occult  form  among  the 
natives.  Rarely,  if  ever,  do  its  victims  appeal  to  the  law  for  redress, 
firstly,  because  of  their  ignorance,  and  secondly,  because  the  untutored 
class  have  an  innate  horror  of  resisting  anciently  established  custom, 
and  it  would  never  occur  to  them  to  do  so.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the 
time  of  the  Spaniards,  the  numberless  procuradorcs  and  pica-plcitos 
— touting  solicitors — had  no  interest  in  takiug  up  cases  so  profitless  to 
themselves.  Under  the  pretext  of  guaranteeing  a loan,  parents  readily 
sell  their  children  (male  or  female)  into  bondage  ; the  child  is  handed 
over  to  work  until  the  loan  is  repaid,  but  as  the  day  of  restitution  of 
the  advance  never  arrives,  neither  does  the  liberty  of  the  youthful 
victim.  Among  themselves  it  was  a law,  and  is  still  a practised 
custom,  for  the  debts  of  the  parents  to  pass  on  to  the  children,  and,  as 
I have  said  before,  debts  are  never  repudiated  by  them. 

However,  one  canuot  closely  criticise  the  existence  of  slavery  in 
the  Philippines,  when  it  is  remembered  that  it  was  in  vogue  iu  educated 
England  not  much  over  half  a century  ago.  Before  the  1st  of  August, 
1834,  negroes  were  caught  in  public  highways  and  shipped  off  to  the 
colonies,  whilst  press  gangs  seized  quondam  free  citizens  to  serve  in  the 
army  and  navy  forces.  When  the  case  of  the  negro  James  Somerset 
was  first  brought  before  Lord  Mansfield  by  Mr.  Granville  Sharp,  that 
high  legal  authority,  in  agreement  with  all  the  contemporary  lawyers 
of  note,  virtually  decided  that  the  slave  trade  could  be  legally  carried 
on  in  the  streets  of  London  and  Liverpool,  aud  it  needed  the  persistent 
devotion  of  Clarkson,  Wilberforce,  Brougham  and  Fowell  Buxton,  to 
ensure  equality  of  freedom  to  all  British  subjects. 

Labour  seems  to  be  about  equally  distributed  amongst  men  and 
women  iu  the  Philippines  ; each  sex,  as  a rule,  working  strictly  in  its 
sphere  ; and  this  may  compare  favourably  with  the  state  of  rural  society 
as  it  was  in  Scotland  some  years  ago,  for  Mr.  Samuel  Smiles  remarks2  : 
“ The  hard  work  was  chiefly  done,  and  the  burdens  borne  by,  the 
“ women  ; and  if  a cotter  lost  a horse,  it  was  not  unusual  for  him  to 

1 According  to  Concepcion,  there  were  headmen  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest 
who  had  as  many  as  300  slaves,  and  as  a property  they  ranked  next  in  value 
to  gold.  Vide  “Hist.  Gen.de  Philipinas,”  by  Juan  de  la  Concepcion,  pub.  in 
Manila  in  1788,  in  11  volumes. 

2 Smiles’  “ Self  Help.”  Edition  of  1S67,  page  37G. 


PREVALENT  DISEASES. 


207 


“ marry  a wife  as  the  cheapest  substitute.”  And  again,  in  the  north 
of  Spain,  I have,  hundreds  of  times,  seen  ships  being  laden  with 
mineral,  brought  down  in  baskets  on  the  heads  of  Basque  women. 

All  the  natives  of  the  domesticated  type  have  distinct  Malay 
features — prominent  cheek  bones,  large  and  lively  eyes,  and  flat  noses 
with  dilated  nostrils.  They  are,  on  the  average,  of  rather  low  stature, 
very  rarely  bearded,  and  of  a copper  colour  more  or  less  dark.  Most  of 
the  women  have  no  distinct  line  of  hair  on  the  forehead.  Some  there 
are  with  hairy-down  on  the  forehead  within  an  inch  of  the  eyes,  possibly 
a reversion  to  a progenitor  (the  Macacus  radiata ),  in  whom  the  forehead 
had  not  become  quite  naked,  leaving  the  limit  between  the  scalp  and 
the  forehead  undefined.  The  hair  of  both  males  and  females  stands  out 
from  the  skin  like  bristles,  and  is  very  coarse.  Children,  from  their 
birth,  have  a spot  at  the  base  of  the  vertebrm,  thereby  supporting  the 
theory  of  Professor  Huxley’s  Antliropidce  sub-order — or  man  (vide 
“ An  Introduction  to  the  Classification  of  Animals,”  by  Professor 
Huxley,  1869,  page  99). 

Consanguine  marriages  are  very  common,  and  perhaps  this  accounts 
for  the  low  intellect  and  mental  debility  perceptible  in  many  families. 
Great  numbers  die  annually  of  fever — especially  in  the  spring — and 
although,  in  general,  they  may  be  considered  a robust,  enduring  race, 
they  are  less  capable  than  the  European  of  withstanding  acute  disease. 
I should  say  that  quite  50°/o  of  the  native  population  are  affected  by 
cutaneous  disease,  said  to  be  caused  by  eating  fish  daily,  and  especially 
shell -fish.  It  is  known  in  the  Colony  as  Sarnas. 

In  1882,  Cholera  morbus  in  epidemic  form  ravaged  the  native 
population,  carrying  off  thousands  of  victims,  the  exact  number  of 
which  has  never  been  published.  The  preventive  recommended  by  the 
priests  on  this  occasion,  viz.,  prayer  to  St.  Roque,  proved  quite  ineffectual 
to  stay  the  plague.  Annually  many  natives  suffer  from  what  is  called 
Colerin — a mild  form  of  Cholera , but  not  epidemic.  In  the  spring, 
deaths  always  occur  from  acute  indigestion,  due  to  eating  too  plentifully 
of  new  rice.  Many  who  have  recovered  from  Cholera  become  victims  to 
a disease  known  as  Beri  Beri , of  which  the  symptom  is  a swelling  of 
the  legs.  Small-pox  makes  great  ravages,  and  Measles  is  a common 
complaint.  Lung  and  Bronchial  affections  are  very  rare.  The  most 
fearful  disease  in  the  Colony  is  Leprosy.  To  my  knowledge  it  is 
prevalent  in  the  Province  of  Bulacan  (Luzon),  and  in  the  islands  of 


208 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Cebu  and  Xegros.  There  is  an  asylum  for  lepers  near  Manila  (tid’d 
Chaps.  V.  and  XXII.)  and  at  Mabolo,  just  outside  the  City  of  Cebu, 
but  no  practical  measures  were  ever  adopted  by  the  Spaniards  to 
eradicate  the  disease,  which,  in  Cebu  at  least,  is  known  to  be  spreading. 
The  Spanish  authorities  were  always  too  indifferent  about  the  propaga- 
tion of  leprosy  to  establish  a home  on  one  island  for  all  male  lepers  and 
another  home  on  another  island  for  female  lepers.  Some  years  ago  I 
read  a series  of  well-written  articles  on  this  question  published  in  the 
Boletin  de  Cebu , by  Dr.  Manuel  Rogel.1  In  Baliuag  (Bulacan)  there 
are  leper  families,  personally  known  to  me,  who  are  allowed  to  mix  with 
the  general  public.  In  Cebu  and  Xegros  Islands  they  are  permitted  to 
roam  about  ou  the  high  roads  and  beg. 

The  Colony  abounds  in  valuable  medicinal  herbs  and  trees,  and 
the  natives  are  acquainted  with  many  efficacious  remedies  for  current 
maladies. 

^ w w ^ w 

Marriages  between  natives  are  usually  arranged  by  the  parents  of 
the  respective  families.  The  nubile  age  of  females  is  from  about 
eleven  years.  The  parents  of  the  young  man  visit  those  of  the  maiden, 
to  approach  the  subject  delicately  in  an  oratorical  style  of  allegory. 
The  response  is  in  like  manner — shrouded  with  mystery — and  the  veil 
is  only  thrown  off  the  negotiations  when  it  becomes  evident  that  both 
parties  agree.  If  the  young  man  has  no  dowry  to  offer,  it  is  frequently 
stipulated  that  he  shall  serve  ou  probation  for  an  indefinite  period  in  the 
house  of  his  future  bride — as  Jacob  served  Laban  to  make  Rachael  his 
wife — and  not  a few  drudge  for  years  with  this  hope  before  them. 

Sometimes,  in  order  to  secure  service  gratis,  the  elders  of  the  young 
woman  will  suddenly  dismiss  the  young  man  after  a prolonged  expec- 
tation, and  take  another  Cutipad,  as  he  is  called,  on  the  same  terms. 
The  old  colonial  legislation — “ Leyes  de  Indias,”  in  vain  prohibited  this 
barbarous  ancient  custom,  and  there  was  a modern  Spanish  law  which 
permitted  the  intended  bride  to  be  “ deposited  ” away  from  parental 

1 Author  of  “ Lepra  en  Visayas,”  pub.  in  Manila  1897.  Referring  to  Leprosy, 
“ The  Charity  Record,”  London,  Dec.  15th,  1898,  says  : — Reliable  estimates  place 
“ the  number  of  lepers  in  India,  China,  and  Japan  at  one  million.  About  half  a 
“ million  would  probably  be  a correct  estimate  for  India  only,  although  the 
“ official  number  is  less,  owing  to  the  many  who  from  being  hidden,  or  homeless, 
“ or  from  other  causes,  escape  enumeration.” 


NATIVE  MARRIAGES. 


209 


custody,  whilst  the  parepts  were  called  upon  to  show  cause  why  the 
union  should  not  take  place.  However,  it  often  happens,  that  when 
Cupid  has  already  shot  his  arrow  into  the  virginal  breast,  and  the 
betrothed  foresee  a determined  opposition  to  their  mutual  hopes,  they 
anticipate  the  privileges  of  matrimony,  and  compel  the  bride’s  parents 
to  countenance  their  legitimate  aspirations  to  save  the  honour  of  the 
family.  Honi  soit  qui  mal  y pense — they  simply  force  the  hand  of  a 
dictatorial  mother-in  law.  The  women  are  mercenary  in  the  extreme, 
and  if,  on  the  part  of  the  girl  and  her  people,  there  be  a hitch,  it  is 
generally  on  the  question  of  dollars,  when  both  parties  are  native.  Of 
course,  if  the  suitor  be  European,  no  such  question  is  raised — the 
ambition  of  the  family  and  the  vanity  of  the  girl  being  both  satisfied 
by  the  alliance  itself. 

When  the  proposed  espousals  are  accepted,  the  donations  propter 
nuptias  are  paid  by  the  father  of  the  bridegroom  to  defray  the  wedding 
expenses,  and  often  a dowry  settlement,  called  in  Tagalog  dialect 
“ bigaycaya,"  is  made  in  favour  of  the  bride.  Very  rarely  the  bride’s 
property  is  settled  on  the  husband.  I never  heard  of  such  a case.  The 
Spanish  laws  relating  to  married  persons’  property  are  quaint.  If  the 
husband  be  poor,  and  the  wife  well-off,  so  they  may  remain,  notwith- 
standing the  marriage.  He,  as  a rule,  becomes  a simple  administrator 
of  her  possessions,  and,  if  honest,  often  depends  on  her  liberality  to 
supply  his  own  necessities.  If  he  becomes  bankrupt  in  a business  in 
which  he  employed  also  her  capital  or  possessions,  she  ranks  as  a 
creditor  of  the  second  class  under  the  “ Commercial  Code.”  If  she 
dies,  the  poor  husband,  under  no  circumstances,  by  legal  right  (unless 
under  a deed  signed  before  a notary)  derives  any  benefit  from  the  fact 
of  his  having  espoused  a rich  wife, — her  property  passes  to  their 
legitimate  issue  or, — in  default  thereof — to  her  nearest  blood  relation. 
The  children  might  be  rich,  and,  but  for  their  generosity,  their  father 
might  be  destitute,  whilst  the  law  compels  him  to  render  a strict  account 
to  them  of  the  administration  of  their  property  during  their  minority. 

A married  woman  often  signs  her  maiden  name,  sometimes  adding 
•“  de ” (her  husband’s  surname). 

If  she  survives  him,  she  again  takes  up  her  nomen  ante  nuptias 

amongst  her  old  circle  of  friends,  and  only  adds  “ widow  of ” to 

show  who  she  is  to  the  public  (if  she  be  in  trade),  or  to  those  who  have 
only  known  her  as  a married  woman. 


0 


210 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  offspring  use  the  surnames  of  both  father  and  mother,  the 
latter  coming  after  the  former,  hence  it  is  the  more  prominent. 
Frequently,  in  documents  requiring  the  mention  of  a person’s  father 
and  mother,  the  maiden  surname  of  the  latter  is  revived. 

Thus  marriage,  as  I understand  the  spirit  of  the  Spanish  law,  seems 
to  be  a simple  contract  to  legitimize  and  license  procreation. 

Up  to  the  year  1844,  only  a minority  of  the  Christian  natives  had 
distinctive  family  names.  They  were,  before  that  date,  known  by 
certain  harsh  ejaculations,  and  classification  of  families  was  uncared  for 
among  the  majority  of  the  population.  Therefore,  in  that  year  a list 
of  Spanish  surnames  was  sent  to  each  parish  priest,  and  every  native 
family  had  to  adopt  a separate  appellation,  which  has  ever  since  been 
perpetuated.  Hence  one  meets  natives  bearing  illustrious  names,  such 
as  Juan  Salcedo,  Juan  de  Austria,  Rianzares,  Ramon  de  Cabrera,  Pio 
Nono  Lopez,  and  a great  many  Legaspis. 

When  a wedding  among  natives  was  determined  upon,  the  betrothed 
went  to  the  priest — not  necessarily  together — kissed  his  hand,  and 
informed  him  of  their  intention.  There  was  a tariff  of  marriage  fees, 
but  the  priest  usually  set  this  aside,  and  fixed  his  charges  according  to 
the  resources  of  the  parties.  This  abuse  of  power  could  hardly  be 
resisted,  as  the  natives  have  a radicate  aversion  to  being  married 
elsewhere  than  in  the  village  of  the  bride.  The  priest  too  (not  the 
bride)  usually  had  the  privilege  of  “ naming  the  day.”  The  fees 
demanded  were  sometimes  enormous,  the  common  result  being  that 
many  couples  merely  cohabited  under  mutual  vows  because  they  could 
net  pay  the  wedding  expenses. 

The  banns  were  verbally  published  after  the  benediction  following 
the  conclusion  of  the  Mass.  The  ceremony  almost  invariably  took  place 
after  the  first  Mass,  between  five  and  six  in  the  morning. 

In  the  evening,  prior  to  the  marriage,  the  couple  had  of  course  to 
confess  and  obtain  absolution  from  the  priest. 

Mass  having  been  said,  those  who  were  spiritually  prepared  presented 
themselves  for  Communion  in  the  sacrifice  of  the  Eucharist  de  sanguine 
et  corpore  Domini.  Then  an  acolyte  placed  over  the  shoulders  of  the 
bridal  pair  a thick  mantle  or  pall.  The  priest  recited  a short  formula 
of  about  five  minutes’  duration,  put  his  interrogations,  received  the 
muttered  responses,  and  all  was  over.  To  the  espoused,  as  they  left 
the  church,  was  tendered  a bowl  of  coin  ; the  bridegroom  passed  a 


NATIVE  DANCING. 


211 


handful  of  the  contents  to  the  bride,  who  accepted  it  and  returned  it 
to  the  bowl.  This  act  was  symbolical  of  his  giving  to  her  his  worldly 
possessions.  Then  they  left  the  church  with  their  friends,  preserving 
that  solemn  stoical  countenance  common  to  all  Malay  natives.  There 
was  no  visible  sign  of  emotion  as  they  all  walked  off,  with  the  most 
matter-of-fact  indifference,  to  the  paternal  abode.  This  was  the 
custom  under  the  Spaniards  ; the  Revolution  decreed  civil  marriages. 

Then  the  feast  called  the  Catapusan 1 begins.  To  this  the  vicar 
and  headmen  of  the  villages,  the  immediate  friends  aud  relatives  of  the 
allied  families,  and  any  Europeans  who  may  happen  to  be  resident  or 
sojourning,  are  invited.  The  table  is  spread  d la  Russe,  with  all 
the  good  things  procurable  served  at  the  same  time — sweetmeats 
predominating.  Imported  beer,  Dutch  gin,  chocolate,  etc.  are  also  in 
abundance.  After  the  early  repast,  both  men  and  women  are  constantly 
being  offered  betel-nut  to  masticate,  or  cigars  and  cigarettes. 

Meanwhile  the  company  is  entertained  by  native  dancers.  Two  at 
a time — a young  man  and  woman — stand  vis-d-vis  and  alternately  sing 
a love  ditty,  the  burthen  of  the  theme  usually  opening  by  the  regret 
of  the  young  man  that  his  amorous  overtures  have  been  disregarded. 
Explanations  follow,  in  the  poetic  dialogue,  as  the  parties  dance 
around  each  other,  keeping  a slow  step  to  the  plaintive  strains  of  music. 
This  is  called  the  Balitao.  It  is  most  popular  iu  Visayas. 

Another  dance  is  performed  by  a young  woman  only.  If  well 
executed,  it  is  extremely  graceful.  The  girl  begins  singing  a few 
words  in  an  ordinary  tone,  when  her  voice  gradually  drops  to  the 
diminuendo , whilst  her  slow  gesticulations  and  the  declining  vigour  of 
the  music  together  express  her  forlornness.  Then  a ray  of  joy  seems 
momentarily  to  lighten  her  mental  anguish  ; the  spirited  crescendo 
notes  gently  return  ; the  tone  of  the  melody  swells  ; her  step  and 
action  energetically  quicken — until  she  lapses  again  into  resigned 
sorrow,  and  so  on  alternately.  Coy  in  repulse,  and  languid  in 
surrender,  the  danscuse  in  the  end  forsakes  her  sentiment  of  melancholy 
for  elated  passion. 

1 Catapusan  signifies  in  native  dialect  the  gathering  of  friends,  which 
terminates  the  festival  connected  with  any  event  or  ceremony,  whether  it  be 
a wedding,  a funeral,  a baptism,  or  an  election  of  local  authorities,  etc.  The 
festivities  after  a burial  last  nine  days,  and  on  the  last  day  of  wailing,  drinking, 
praying  and  eating,  the  meeting  is  called  the  Catapusan. 

0 2 


212 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  native  danses  are  numerous.  Another  of  the  most  typical,  is 
that  of  a girl  writhing  and  dancing  a pas  seul  with  a glass  of  water  on 
her  head.  This  is  known  as  the  Comitan. 

There  is  scarcely  a Christian  village  in  the  Islands,  however  remote, 
which  has  not  a band  of  music  of  some  kind  with  which  the  natives 
display  their  natural  talent. 

When  Europeans  are  present,  the  bride  usually  retires  into  the 
kitchen  or  a back  room,  and  only  puts  in  an  appearance  after  repeated 
requests.  The  conversation  rarely  turns  upon  the  event  of  the 
meeting  ; there  is  not  the  slightest  outward  manifestation  of  affection 
between  the  newly  united  couple,  who,  during  the  feast,  are  only  seen 
together  by  mere  accident.  If  there  are  European  guests,  the  repast 
is  served  three  times — firstly  for  the  Europeans  and  headmen,  secondly 
for  the  males  of  less  social  dignity,  and  lastly  for  the  women. 

Neither  at  the  table,'  nor  in  the  drawing-room,  do  the  men  and 
women  mingle,  except  for  perhaps  the  first  quarter  of  an  hour  after  the 
arrival,  or  whilst  dancing  continues. 

About  an  hour  after  the  mid-day  meal,  those  who  are  not  lodging 
at  the  house,  return  to  their  respective  residences  to  sleep  the  siesta. 
On  an  occasion  like  this — at  a Catapusan  given  for  any  reason — native 
outsiders,  from  anywhere,  always  invade  the  kitchen  in  a mob,  hang 
around  doorways,  fill  up  corners,  and  drop  in  for  the  feed  uninvited, 
and  it  is  usual  to  be  liberally  complaisant  to  all  comers. 

As  a rule,  the  married  couple  live  with  the  parents  of  one  or  the 
other,  at  least  until  the  family  inconveniently  increases.  In  old  age,  the 
elder  members  of  the  families  come  under  the  protection  of  the  younger 
ones  quite  as  a matter  of  course.  In  any  case,  a newly  married  pair 
seldom  reside  alone.  Relations  from  all  parts  flock  in.  Cousins, 
uncles  and  aunts,  of  more  or  less  distant  grade,  hang  on  to  the  recently 
established  household,  if  it  be  not  extremely  poor.  Even  when  an 
European  marries  a native  woman,  she  is  certain  to  introduce  some 
vagabond  relation — a drone  to  hive  with  the  bees — a condition  quite 
inevitable,  unless  the  husband  be  a man  of  specially  determined 
character. 

Death  at  childbirth  is  very  common,  and  it  is  said  that  2o°/0  of  the 
new-born  children  die  within  a month. 

Among  the  lowrest  classes,  whilst  a woman  is  lying-in,  the  husband 
closes  all  the  windows  to  prevent  the  evil  spirit  ( asuan ) entering  ; 


MIXED  MARRIAGES. 


213 


sometimes  he  will  wave  about  a stick  or  bohie  knife  at  the  door,  or 
on  top  of  the  roof,  for  the  same  purpose.  Even  among  the  most 
enlightened,  at  the  present  day,  the  custom  of  shutting  the  windows  is 
inherited  from  their  superstitious  forefathers. 

It  is  considered  rather  an  honour  than  otherwise  to  have  children  by 
a priest,  and  little  secret  is  made  of  it. 

In  October,  1888,  I was  in  a village  near  Manila,  at  the  bedside  of 
a sick  friend,  when  the  curate  entered.  He  excused  himself  for  not 
having  called  earlier,  by  explaining  that  “Turing”  had  sent  him  a 
message  informing  him  that  as  the  vicar  (a  native)  had  gone  to  Manila, 
he  might  take  charge  of  the  church  and  parish.  “ Is  ‘ Turing  ’ an 
assistant  curate  ? ” I inquired.  My  friend  and  the  pastor  were  so 
convulsed  with  laughter  at  the  idea,  that  it  was  quite  five  minutes 
before  they  could  explain  that  the  intimation  respecting  the  parochial 
business  emanated  from  the  absent  vicar’s  bonne  amie. 

Parents  offer  their  girls  to  Europeans  for  a loan  of  money,  and 
they  are  often  admitted  under  the  pseudonyme  of  sempstresses  or 
housekeepers.  Natives  among  themselves  do  not  kiss — they  smell 
each  other,  or  rather,  they  place  the  nose  and  lip  on  the  cheek  and 
draw  a long  breath. 

Marriages  between  Spaniards  and  native  women,  although  less 
frequent  than  formerly,  still  take  place.  It  is  difficult  to  apprehend 
an  alliance  so  incongruous,  there  being  no  affinity  of  ideas,  and  the  only 
condition  in  common  is,  that  they  are  both  human  beings  professing 
Christianity.  The  European  husband  is  either  drawn  towards  the  level 
of  the  native  by  this  heterogeneous  relationship,  or,  in  despair  of 
remedying  the  error  of  a passing  passion,  he  practically  ignores  his 
wife  in  his  own  social  connections.  Each  forms  then  a distinct  circle 
of  friends  of  his,  or  her,  own  selection,  whilst  the  woman  is  refractory 
to  mental  improvement,  and,  in  manners,  is  but  slightly  raised  above 
her  own  class  by  European  influence  and  contact.  There  are  some 
exceptions,  but  I have  most  frequently  observed  in  the  houses  of 
Europeans  married  to  native  women  in  the  provinces,  that  the  wives 
take  up  their  chief  abode  in  the  kitchen,  and  are  only  seen  by  the 
visitor  when  some  domestic  duty  requires  them  to  move  about  the  house. 

Familiarity  breeds  contempt,  and  these  mesalliances  diminish  the 
dignity  of  the  superior  race  by  reducing  the  birth  origin  of  both  races 
to  a common  level  in  their  children. 


214 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  Spanish  half-breeds  and  creoles  constitute  a very  influential 
body.  A great  number  of  them  are  established  in  trade  in  Manila  and 
the  provinces.  Due  to  their  European  descent,  more  or  less  distant, 
the  half-breeds  are  of  quicker  perception,  greater  tact,  and  gifted  with 
wider  intellectual  faculties  than  the  indigenous  class.  Also,  the 
Chinese  half-breeds — a caste  of  Chinese  fathers  and  Philippine  mothers 
— who  form  about  one-sixth  of  the  Manila  population,  are  shrewder 
than  the  natives  of  pure  extraction.  There  are  numbers  of  Spanish 
half-breeds  fairly  well  educated,  and  just  a few  of  them  very  talented. 
Many  of  them  have  succeeded  in  making  pretty  considerable  fortunes 
in  their  negotiations,  as  middlemen,  between  the  provincial  natives 
and  the  European  commercial  houses.  Their  true  social  position  is 
often  an  equivocal  one,  and  the  complex  question  has  constantly  to 
be  confronted  whether  to  regard  a Spanish  demi-sang  from  a native 
or  European  standpoint.  Among  themselves,  they  are  continually 
struggling  to  attain  the  respect  and  consideration  accorded  to  the 
superior  class,  whilst  their  connections  and  purely  native  relations 
link  them  to  the  other  side. 

In  this  perplexing  mental  condition,  we  find  them  on  the  one  hand 
striving  in  vain  to  disown  their  affinity  to  the  inferior  races,  and  on  the 
other  hand,  jealous  of  their  true-born  European  acquaintances.  A 
morosity  of  disposition  is  the  natural  outcome.  Their  character 
generally  is  evasive  and  vacillating.  They  are  captious,  fond  of 
litigation,  and  constantly  seeking  subterfuges.  They  appear  always 
dissatisfied  with  their  lot  in  life,  and  inclined  to  foster  grievances 
against  whoever  may  be  in  office  over  them. 

Pretentious  in  the  extreme,  they  are  fond  of  pomp  and  paltry  show, 
and  some  have,  years  ago,  aspired  to  become  the  reformers  of  the 
Colony’s  institutions. 

The  Jesuit  Father,  Pedro  Murillo  Velarde,  at  page  272  of  his  work 
on  this  Colony,  expressed  his  opinion  of  the  political-economical 
result  of  mixed  marriages  to  the  following  effect  : — “ Now,”  he  says, 
“ we  have  a querulous,  discontented  population  of  half-castes,  who, 
“ sooner  or  later,  will  bring  about  a distracted  state  of  society,  and 
“ occupy  the  whole  force  of  the  Government  to  stamp  out  the  discord.” 
How  far  the  prophecy  was  fulfilled  will  be  seen  in  another  chapter. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


THE  MONASTIC  ORDERS. 

“ Plus  ultra." 

History  attests  that  at  least  during  the  first  two  centuries  of  Spanish 
rule,  the  subjugation  of  the  natives  and  their  acquiescence  in  the  new 
order  of  things  were  obtained  more  by  the  subtle  influence  of  the 
missionaries  than  by  the  State. 

As  the  soldiers  of  Castile  carried  war  into  the  interior  and  forced  its 
inhabitants  to  recognise  their  King,  so  the  priests  were  drafted  off  from 
the  Capital  to  mitigate  the  memory  of  bloodshed  and  to  mould  Spain’s 
new  subjects  to  social  equanimity. 

In  many  cases,  in  fact,  the  whole  task  of  gaining  their  submission  to 
the  Spanish  Crown  and  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  Western  civilization 
had  been  confided  solely  to  the  pacific  medium  of  persuasion.  The 
difficult  mission  of  holding  in  check  the  natural  passions  and  instincts 
of  a race  which  knew  no  law  but  individual  will,  was  left  to  the 
successors  of  Urdaneta.  Indeed,  it  was  but  the  general  policy  of 
Philip  II.  to  aggrandize  his  vast  realm  under  the  pretence  of  rescuing 
benighted  souls.  The  efficacy  of  conversion  was  never  doubted  for  a 
moment,  however  suddenly  it  might  come  to  pass,  and  the  Spanish 
cavalier  conscientiously  felt  that  he  had  a high  mission  to  fulfil  under 
the  Banner  of  the  Cross.  In  every  natural  event  which  coincided  with 
their  interests,  in  this  respect,  the  wary  priests  descried  a providential 
miracle. 

In  their  opinion  the  non-Catholic  had  no  rights  in  this  world — no 
prospect  of  gaining  the  next.  If  the  Pope  claimed  the  whole  world 
(such  as  was  known  of  it)  to  be  in  his  gift — how  much  more  so  heathen 
lands  ! The  obligation  to  convert  was  imposed  by  the  Pope,  and  was 
an  inseparable  condition  of  the  conceded  right  of  conquest.  It  was 
therefore  constantly  paramount  in  the  conqueror’s  mind.1  The  Pope 

1 Kavarrete’s  Coleccion  de  los  Viajes  y Descubrimientos,  Madrid  1825,  tom.  II,, 
Nos.  12,  18. 


216 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


could  depose  and  give  away  the  right  of  any  sovereign  prince  “ si  vel 
paulum  deflcxerit .”  The  Monarch  held  his  sceptre  under  the  sordid 
condition  of  vassalage,  hence  Philip  II.  for  the  security  of  his  Crown 
could  not  have  disobeyed  the  will  of  the  Pontiff,  whatever  his  personal 
inclinations  might  have  been  regarding  the  spread  of  Christianity.  If 
he  desired  it,  he  served  his  ends  with  advantage — if  he  were  indifferent 
to  it,  he  secured  by  its  prosecution  a formidable  ally  in  Rome.  America 
had  already  drained  the  Peninsula  of  her  able-bodied  men  to  such  an 
extent,  that  a military  occupation  would  have  overtaxed  the  resources 
of  the  Mother  Country. 

The  power  of  the  Friars  was  recognized  to  the  last  by  the  Spanish- 
Philippine  authorities,  who  continued  to  solicit  the  co-operation  of  the 
parish  priests  in  order  to  secure  obedience  to  decrees  affecting  their 
parishioners. 

Up  to  the  Rebellion  of  1896  in  Luzon — and  elsewhere  till  the  last 
day  of  Spanish  rule — the  placid  word  of  the  ecclesiastic,  the  superstitious 
veneration  which  he  inspired  in  the  ignorant  native  community,  had  a 
greater  law-binding  effect  than  the  commands  of  the  civil  functionary. 
The  gownsman  used  those  weapons  appropriate  to  his  office  which  best 
touched  the  sensibilities  and  won  the  adhesion  of  a rude  audience.  The 
priest  appealed  to  the  soul,  to  the  unknown,  to  the  awful  and  the 
mysterious.  Go  where  he  would,  the  convert’s  imagination  was  so 
pervaded  with  the  mystic  tuition  that  he  came  to  regard  his  tutor  as  a 
being  above  common  humauity.  The  feeling  of  dread  reverence  which 
he  inspired  in  the  hearts  of  the  most  callous  secured  to  him  even 
immunity  from  the  violence  of  brigands,  who  carefully  avoided  the  man 
of  God.  In  the  State  official  the  native  saw  nothing  but  a man  who 
strove  to  bend  the  will  of  the  conquered  race  to  suit  his  own.  A Royal 
Decree  or  the  sound  of  the  cornet  would  not  have  been  half  so  effective 
as  the  elevation  of  the  Holy  Cross  before  the  fanatical  majority,  Avho 
became  an  easy  prey  to  fantastic  promises  of  eternal  bliss,  or  the  threats 
of  everlasting  perdition. 

Nor  is  this  assertion  by  any  means  chimerical,  for  it  has  been  proved 
on  several  occasions,  notably  in  the  attempt  to  raise  troops  to  drive  out 
the  British  in  1763,  and  in  the  campaign  against  the  Sultan  of  Sulu  in 
1876.  But,  since  the  monastic  Cavite  conspiracy  of  1 872,  the  Friars  had, 
undoubtedly,  been  losing  ground  amongst  a certain  class.  Mauy  natives 
were  driven  to  emigrate,  whilst  others  were  emerging  yearly  by 


PREPONDERANCE  OF  THE  FRIARS. 


217 


hundreds  from  their  mental  obscurity.  Already  the  intellectual  struggle 
for  freedom  from  mystic  enthralment  had  commenced  without  injury 
to  faith  in  things  really  divine. 

Each  decade  brought  some  reform  in  the  relations  between  the 
parish  priest  and  the  people.  Link  by  link  the  chain  of  priestcraft 
encompassing  the  development  of  the  Colouy  was  yielding  to  natural 
causes.  The  most  enlightened  natives  themselves  were  beginning  to 
understand  that  their  spiritual  wauts  were  not  the  only  care  of  the 
priests,  and  that  the  aim  of  the  Church,  through  its  satellites,  was  to 
monopolize  all  in  the  world  worth  having,  and  to  subordinate  to  their 
common  will  all  beyond  their  mystic  circle.  The  Romish  Church  owes 
its  power  to  the  uniformity  of  precept  and  practice  of  the  vast  majority 
of  its  members,  and  it  is  precisely  because  this  was  the  reverse  in 
political  Spain,  where  statesmen  are  divided  into  a dozen  or  more  groups 
with  distinct  policies — that  the  Church  was  practically  unassailable. 
In  the  same  way,  all  the  friars  of  a corporation  are  so  closely  united, 
that  a quarrel  with  one  of  them  brought  the  enmity  and  opposition  of 
his  whole  community.  The  Progressists,  therefore,  who  combated 
ecclesiastical  preponderance  in  the  Philippines,  demanded  the  retirement 
of  the  friars  to  conventual  reclusion  or  missions,  and  the  appointment 
of  clerigos,  or  secular  clergymen  belonging  to  no  order  or  association, 
to  the  vicarages  and  curacies.  By  such  a change  it  was  anticipated 
abuses  could  have  been  remedied,  for  a misunderstanding  with  a clerigo 
vicar  would  only  have  provoked  a single-handed  encounter. 

That  a priest  should  have  been  practically  a Government  agent  in 
his  locality  would  not  have  been  contested  in  the  abstract,  had  he  not, 
as  a consequence,  assumed  the  powers  of  the  old  Roman  Censors,  who 
exercised  the  most  dreaded  function  of  the  Rcgium  Morum.  Spanish 
opinion,  however,  was  very  much  divided  as  to  the  political  safety  of 
strictly  confining  the  friars  to  their  religious  duties.  It  was  doubted  by 
some  whether  any  State  authority  could  ever  gain  the  confidence  of  the 
native,  or  repress  his  inherent  inclinations  like  the  friar,  who  led  by  super- 
stitious teaching,  and  held  the  conscience  by  an  invisible  cord  through  the 
abstract  medium  of  the  confessional.  However  this  might  be,  it  was 
felt  that  a change  in  the  then  existing  system  of  semi-sacerdotal 
Government  was  desirable  to  give  more  vigorous  scope  to  the  budding 
intelligence  of  the  minority,  in  the  hope  that  the  majority  might  ere 
long  claim  its  benefits. 


218 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Emerging  from  the  lowest  ranks  of  society,  with,  no  training 
whatever  but  that  of  the  seminary,  it  was  natural  to  suppose  that  these 
Spanish  priests  would  have  been  more  capable,  than  ambitious  political 
men  of  the  world,  of  blending  their  ideas  with  those  of  the  native,  and 
of  forming  closer  associations  with  a rural  population  engaged  in 
agricultural  pursuits  familiar  to  themselves  in  their  own  youth.  Before 
the  abolition  of  Convents  in  Spain,  the  priests  were  allowed  to  return 
there  after  ten  years’  residence  in  the  Colony  ; since  then  they  usually 
entered  upon  their  new  lives  for  the  remainder  of  their  days,  so  that 
they  naturally  strove  to  make  the  best  of  their  social  surroundings. 

The  Civil  employe,  as  a rule,  could  feel  no  personal  interest  in  his 
temporary  native  neighbours,  his  hopes  being  centred  only  in  rising  in 
the  Civil  Service  there  or  elsewhere — Cuba  or  Porto  Rico  or  where  the 
ministerial  wheel  of  fortune  placed  him. 

The  younger  priests — narrow-minded  and  biased — those  who  had 
just  entered  into  Provincial  curacies — were  frequently  the  greater 
bigots.  Enthusiastic  in  their  calling,  they  pursued  with  ardour  their 
mission  of  proselytism  without  experience  of  the  world.  They  entered 
the  Islands  with  the  zeal  of  youth,  bringing  with  them  the  impression 
imparted  to  them  in  Spain,  that  they  were  sent  to  make  a moral 
conquest  of,  savages.  In  the  course  of  years,  after  repeated  rebuffs, 
and  the  obligation  to  participate  in  the  affairs  of  everyday  life  in  all  its 
details,  their  rigidity  of  principle  relaxed,  and  they  became  more 
tolerant  towards  those  with  whom  they  necessarily  came  in  contact. 

The  Spanish  parish  priest  was  consulted  by  the  native  in  all  matters  ; 
he  was,  by  force  of  circumstances,  often  compelled  to  become  an 
architect — to  build  the  church  in  his  adopted  village — an  engineer,  to 
make  or  mend  roads,  and  more  frequently  a doctor.  His  word  was 
paramount  in  his  parish,  and  in  his  residence  he  dispensed  with  that 
stern  severity  of  conventual  discipline  to  which  he  had  been  accustomed 
in  the  Peninsula.  Hence  it  wras  really  here  that  his  mental  capacity 
was  developed — his  manners  improved — and  that  the  raw  sacerdotal 
peasant  was  converted  into  the  man  of  thought,  study  and  talent — 
occasionally  into  a gentleman.  In  his  own  vicinity,  when  isolated  from 
European  residents,  he  wTas  practically  the  representative  of  the 
Government  and  of  the  white  race  as  well  as  of  social  order.  His 
theological  knowledge  was  brought  to  bear  upon  the  most  secular 
subjects.  His  thoughts  necessarily  expanded  as  the  exclusiveness 


IMMORALITY  AMONG  THE  CLERGY. 


219 


of  his  religious  vocation  yielded  to  the  realization  of  a social  position 
and  political  importance  of  which  he  had  never  entertained  an  idea  in 
his  native  country. 

So  large  was  the  party  opposed  to  the  continuance  of  priestly 
influence  in  the  Colony,  that  a six  months’  resident  would  not  fail  to 
hear  of  the  many  iniquities  with  which  the  Friars  in  general  were 
reproached.  If  self-indulgence  is  to  be  accounted  a sin,  then  they  were 
sinful  indeed.  And  it  would  be  contrary  to  fact  too,  to  pretend  that 
the  bulk  of  them  supported  their  teaching  by  personal  example.  I have 
been  acquainted  with  a great  number  of  the  priests  and  their  offspring 
too,  in  spite  of  their  vow  of  chastity  ; whilst  many  lived  in  comparative 
luxury,  notwithstanding  their  vow  of  poverty. 

There  was  Father  Juan  T , of  Malolos,  whose  son,  my  friend, 

was  a prominent  lawyer.  Father  S , of  Bugason,  had  a whole 

family  living  in  his  parish.  Archbishop  P had  a daughter 

frequently  seen  on  the  Paseo  de  Santa  Lucia.  The  late  parish  priest 

of  Lipa,  Father  B , whom  I knew,  had  a son  whom  I saw  in  1893. 

The  late  parish  priest  of  Santa  Cruz,  Father  M L , got 

his  spiritual  flock  to  petition  against  his  being  made  prior  of  his  order 
in  Manila  so  that  he  should  not  have  to  leave  his  women.  I was 
intimately  acquainted  and  resided  more  than  once  with  a very  mixed 
up  family  in  the  south  of  Negros  Island.  My  host  was  the  son  of  a 
secular  clergyman  ; his  wife  and  sister-in-law  were  the  daughters  of  a 
friar  ; this  sister-in-law  was  the  mistress  of  a friar  ; my  host  had  a son 
who  was  married  to  another  friar’s  daughter,  and  a daughter  who  was 
the  wife  of  a foreigner.  In  short,  bastards  of  the  friars  are  to  be  found 
everywhere  in  the  Islands.  Regarding  this  merely  as  the  natural  out- 
come of  the  celibate  rule,  I wish  thereby  to  show  that  the  pretended 
sanctity  of  the  clergy  in  the  Philippines  was  an  absurdity  and  that  the 
monks  were  in  no  degree  less  frail  than  mankind  in  common. 

The  mysterious  deaths  of  General  Solano  (in  August,  1860),  and  of 
Zamora,  the  Bishop-elect  of  Cebu  (in  1873),  occurred  so  opportunely 
for  Philippine  monastic  ambition  that  little  doubt  existed  in  the  public 
mind  as  to  who  were  the  real  criminals.  When  I first  arrived  in 
Manila,  nearly  twenty  years  ago,  a fearful  crime  was  still  being 
commented  on.  Father  Piernavieja,  formerly  parish  priest  of  San 
Miguel  de  Mayumo,  had  recently  committed  a second  murder.  His  first 
victim  was  a native  youth,  his  second  a native  woman  enceinte. 


220 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  public  voice  could  not  be  raised  very  loudly  there  against  the 
priests,  but  the  scandal  was  so  great  that  the  criminal  friar  was  sent  to 
another  province — Cavite — where  he  still  celebrated  the  holy  sacrifice 
of  the  Eucharist.  Nearly  two  decades  afterwards — in  January  1897 — 
this  rascal  met  with  a terrible  death  at  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  He 
was  in  captivity,  and  having  been  appointed  “ Bishop  ” in  a rebel 
diocese,  to  save  his  life  he  accepted  the  mock  dignity,  but  unfortunately 
for  himself  he  betrayed  the  confidence  of  his  captors  and  collected 
information  concerning  their  movements,  plans,  and  strongholds  for 
remittance  to  his  community.  In  expiation  of  his  treason  he  was  bound 
to  a post  under  the  tropical  sun  and  left  there  to  die.  See  how  the  public 
in  Spain  are  gulled  ! In  a Malaga  newspaper  this  individual  was 
referred  to  as  a “ venerable  figure,  worthy  of  being  placed  high  up  on 
“ an  altar,  before  which  all  Spaniards  should  prostrate  themselves  and 
“ adore  him.  As  a religieux  he  was  a most  worthy  minister  of  the 
“ Lord ; as  a patriot  he  was  a hero.” 

Within  my  recollection,  too,  a Friar  absconded  from  a Luzon 
Island  parish  with  a large  sum  of  parochial  funds,  and  was  never 
heard  of  again. 

I well  remember  another  interesting  character  of  the  monastic 
orders.  He  had  been  parish  priest  in  a Zambales  province  town,  but 
intrigues  with  a soi-disant  cousine  brought  him  under  ecclesiastical 
arrest  at  the  convent  of  his  order  in  Manila.  Thence  he  escaped,  and 
came  over  to  Hongkong,  where  I made  his  acquaintance  in  1890. 
He  told  me  he  had  started  life  in  an  honest  way  as  a shoemaker’s  boy, 
but  was  taken  away  from  his  trade  to  be  put  in  the  seminary.  His 
mind  seemed  to  be  a blank  on  any  branch  of  study  beyond  shoemaking 
and  church  ritual.  He  pretended  that  he  had  come  over  to  Hong- 
kong to  seek  work,  but  in  reality  he  was  awaiting  his  cousine , whom 
he  rejoined  on  the  way  to  Europe,  where,  I believe,  he  became  a 
garpon  de  cafe  in  France. 

In  1893  there  was  another  great  public  scandal  brought  about  by 
the  Friars,  who  were  openly  accused  of  having  printed  the  seditious 
proclamations  whose  authorship  was  attributed  to  the  natives.  The 
plan  of  the  Friars  was  to  start  the  idea  of  an  intended  revolt,  in  order 
that  they  might  be  the  first  in  the  field  to  quell  it,  and  thus  be  able  to 
again  proclaim  to  the  most  Catholic  nation  the  absolute  necessity  of 
their  continuance  in  the  Islands  for  the  security  of  Spanish  sovereignty. 


DELINQUENCIES  OF  THE  CLEEGY. 


221 


But  the  plot  was  discovered  ; the  actual  printer,  a friar,  mysteriously 
disappeared,  and  the  courageous  Governor-General  Despujols  was, 
through  monastic  influence,  recalled. 

In  June,  1888,  some  cases  of  personal  effects  belonging  to  a friar 
were  consigned  to  the  care  of  an  intimate  friend  of  mine,  whose  guest 
I was  at  the  time.  They  had  become  soaked  with  sea-water  before  he 
received  them,  and  a neighbouring  priest  requested  him  to  open  the 
packages  and  do  what  he  could  to  save  the  contents.  I assisted  my 
friend  in  this  task,  and  amongst  the  friar’s  personal  effects  we  were 
surprised  to  find  intermixed  with  prayer-books,  scapularies,  missals, 
prints  of  saints,  etc.,  about  a dozen  most  disgustingly  obscene 
double-picture  slides  for  a stereoscope.  What  an  entertainment  for  a 
guide  in  morals  ! This  same  friar  had  held  a vicarage  before  in 
another  province,  but  having  become  an  habitual  drunkard,  he  was 
removed  to  Manila,  and  there  appointed  a confessor.  From  Manila  he 
had  just  been  again  sent  to  take  charge  of  the  cure  of  souls. 

I knew  a money-grabbing  parish  priest — a friar — who  publicly 
announced  raffles  from  the  pulpit  of  the  church  from  which  he  preached 
morality  and  devotion.  On  one  occasion  a §200  watch  was  put  up  for 
§500 — at  another  time  he  raffled  dresses  for  the  women.  Under  the 
pretext  of  being  a pious  institution,  he  established  a society  of  women, 
called  the  Association  of  St.  Joseph  ( Cofradia  de  San  Jose),  upon 
whom  he  imposed  the  very  secular  duties  of  domestic  service  in  the 
convent  and  raffle-ticket  hawking.  He  had  the  audacity  to  dictate  to 

a friend  of  mine — a planter,  Don  Leandro  L , the  value  of  the 

gifts  he  was  to  make  him,  and  when  the  planter  was  at  length  wearied 
of  his  importunities,  he  conspired  with  a Spaniard  to  deprive  my  friend 
of  his  estate,  alleging  that  he  was  not  the  real  owner.  Failing  in  this, 
he  stirred  up  the  petty  Governor  and  headmen  against  him.  The 
petty  Governor  was  urged  to  litigation,  and  when  he  received  an 
unfavourable  sentence,  the  priest,  enraged  at  the  abortive  result  of  his 
malicious  intrigues,  actually  left  his  vicarage  to  accompany  his  litigious 
protege  to  the  chief  judge  of  the  province  in  quest  of  a reversion  of 
the  sentence. 

I remember  only  too  well  a certain  native  Father  L , a parish 

priest  in  Yisayas,  who  was  accused  of  several  crimes,  one  of  which  was 
that  of  having  murdered  a man  for  lust.  On  the  17th  of  August,  1881, 
I arrived  at  the  Town  Hall  of  Marayo,  and  demanded  horses  to  continue 


222 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


my  journey.  Whilst  I was  waiting  there,  a crowd  assembled  and 
threatened  to  take  my  life.  One  man  raised  his  knife  when  I turned 
my  back,  but  I was  in  time  to  face  him  with  my  revolver,  and  he 
sneaked  off. 

After  a deal  of  wrangling  and  shouting,  I managed  to  clear  the 
Town  Hall,  and  it  was  only  the  nest  day  that  I could  get  to  know  the 
cause  of  the  tumult.  It  appeared  that  a Spanish  officer  named  Perdigon 

had  been  commissioned  to  capture  the  delinquent  Father  L , and 

the  priest’s  family,  in  order  to  subvert  justice,  had  basely  spread  the 
report  that  Perdigon  was  possessed  of  an  evil  spirit.  Hence  the  family 
incited  the  natives  to  kill  any  European  who  chanced  to  travel  along 
that  coast  in  case  he  should  turn  out  to  be  the  officer  in  question. 

After  midnight  I left  the  Town  Hall  and  took  refuge  in  a hut.  as 
hospitality  had  been  refused  me  by  the  parish  priest.  On  arriving  at 
the  sugar  plantation  of  a Spanish  acquaintance,  this  person  facetiously 
enquired  of  the  guide  who  had  to  take  back  the  horses — “ Who  is  the 
stranger  ? ” “ Perdigon  ” replied  the  man.  “ How  is  it  he  did  not  eat 
you?”  continued  the  Spaniard.  “Well,  I managed  to  keep  out  of  his 
way,”  rejoined  the  native,  but  I did  not,  myself,  perceive  that  he  was 
taking  any  special  precautions.  The  wicked  priest,  being  a native, 
was  pursued,  and  I happened  to  be  in  Valladolid  (Negros)  later  on 

when  Father  L was  landed  from  Guimarras  Island,  where  he  had 

been  captured  in  company  with  a mistress. 

A priest  of  evil  propensities  brought  only  misery  to  his  parish  and 
aroused  a feeling  of  odium  against  the  Spanish  friars  in  general.  As 
incumbents  they  held  the  native  in  contempt.  He  who  should  be  the 
parishioner  was  treated  despotically  as  the  subject  whose  life,  liberty, 
property,  and  civil  rights  were  in  his  sacerdotal  lord’s  power.  And 
that  power  was  not  unfrequently  exercised,  for  if  a native  refused 
to  yield  to  his  demands,  or  did  not  contribute  with  sufficient  liberality  to 
a religious  feast,  or  failed  to  come  to  Mass,  or  protected  the  virtue 
of  his  daughter,  or  neglected  the  genuflection  and  kissing  of  hands,  or 
was  out  of  the  priest’s  party  in  the  municipal  affairs  of  the  parish, 
or  in  any  other  trivial  way  became  a persona  non  grata  at  the 
“ convent,”  he  and  his  family  would  become  the  pastor’s  sheep  marked 
for  sacrifice.  As  Government  agent  it  was  within  his  arbitrary  power 
to  attach  his  signature  to  or  withhold  it  from  any  municipal  document. 
From  time  to  time  he  could  give  full  vent  to  his  animosity  by  secretly 


INTRIGUING  FRIARS. THE  JESUITS. 


223 


denouncing  to  the  civil  authorities  as  “ inconvenient  in  the  town  ” 
all  those  whom  he  wished  to  get  rid  of.  He  had  simply  to  send 
an  official  advice  to  the  Governor  of  the  province,  who  forwarded 
it  to  the  Governor-General,  stating  that  he  had  reason  to  believe  that 
the  persons  mentioned  in  the  margin  were  disloyal,  immoral  or  whatever 
it  might  be,  and  recommend  their  removal  from  the  neighbourhood.  A 
native  so  named  suddenly  found  at  his  door  a patrol  of  the  civil  guard 
who  escorted  him,  with  his  elbows  tied  together,  from  prison  to  prison, 
up  to  the  capital  town  and  thence  to  Manila.  Finally,  without  trial  or 
sentence,  he  was  banished  to  some  distant  island  of  the  Archipelago. 
He  might  one  day  return  to  find  his  family  ruined,  or  he  might  as  often 
spend  his  last  days  in  misery  alone.  Sometimes  a native  who  had 
privately  heard  of  his  “ denunciation  ” became  a remontado , that  is 
to  say  he  fled  to  the  mountains  to  lead  a bandit’s  life  where  the  evils  of 
a debased  civilization  could  not  reach  him.  Banishment  in  these 
circumstances  was  not  a mere  transportation  to  another  place,  but  was 
attended  with  all  the  horrors  of  a cruel  captivity,  of  which  I have  been 
an  eye  witness.  From  the  foregoing  it  may  be  readily  understood  how 
the  conduct  of  the  regular  clergy  was  the  primary  cause  of  the 
Rebellion  of  1896. 

The  Hierarchy  of  the  Philippines  consists  of  one  Archbishop  in 
Manila,  and  four  Suffragan  Bishoprics,  respectively  of  Nueva  Segovia, 
Cebu,  Jaro,  and  Nueva  Caceres. 

The  Jesuits  were  expelled  from  these  Islands  in  the  year  1768, 
by  virtue  of  an  Apostolic  Brief1  of  Pope  Clement  XIV.,  but  were 
permitted  to  return  in  1852,  on  the  understanding  that  they  would 
confine  their  labours  to  scholastic  education  and  the  establishment 
of  missions  amongst  uncivilized  tribes.  Consequently,  in  Manila  they 
refounded  their  school — the  Municipal  Athenamm — a mission  house 
and  a Meteorological  Observatory,  whilst  in  many  parts  of  Mindanao 
Island  they  have  established  missions,  where  they  are  under  the  belief 
that  they  have  converted  Mussulmans  to  Christianity.  The  Jesuits, 
compared  with  the  members  of  the  other  orders,  are  very  superior  men, 

1 The  Royal  Decree  setting  forth  the  execution  of  this  Brief  was  printed  in 
Madrid  in  1773.  This  politic-religious  Order  was  banished  from  Portugal  and 
Spain  in  1767.  In  Madrid,  on  the  night  of  the  31st  March,  the  Royal  Edict  was 
read  to  the  members  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  who  were  allowed  time  to  pack  up 
their  most  necessary  chattels  and  leave  for  the  coast,  where  they  were  hurriedly 
embarked  for  Rome.  The  same  Order  was  suppressed  for  ever  in  France  in  1764. 


224 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


and  their  fraternity  includes  a few,  but  the  only,  learned  ecclesiastics 
who  came  to  this  Colony.  Several  Chinese  also  have  been  admitted  to 
holy  orders,  two  of  them  having  become  Austin  Friars.1 

The  first  native  Friars  date  their  admission  from  the  year  1700, 
since  when  there  have  been  sixteen  of  the  Corporation  of  Saint 
Augustine.  Subsequently  they  were  excluded  from  the  corporations, 
and  were  only  admitted  to  holy  orders  as  curates  to  assist  parish  vicars, 
as  chaplains,  and  in  other  minor  offices.  Up  to  the  year  1872,  native 
priests  were  appointed  to  vicarages,  but  in  consequence  of  their  alleged, 
implication  in  the  Cavite  insurrection  of  that  year,  their  benefices, 
as  they  became  vacant,  were  given  to  Spanish  Friars,  whose  corpora- 
tions were  established  in  Manila. 

The  Austin  Friars  were  the  religious  pioneers  iu  these  Islands  ; then 
followed  the  Dominicans  ; and  after  them  came  the  Franciscans.  The 
last  to  arrive  were  the  Recoletos,  who,  however,  are  merely  a branch  of 
the  St.  Augustine  Order,  the  Recoletos  being  known  as  the  unshod,  and 
their  confreres  as  the  shod  fathers  of  the  same  institution.  In  Cebu, 
the  Paul  Fathers,  or  followers  of  Saint  Vincent  de  Paul,  were  employed 
in  scholastic  work,  the  same  as  the  Jesuits  were  in  Manila.  In  1886, 
Capuchin  Friars — the  lowest  type  of  European  Catholic  sacerdotal 
orders  in  the  East — were  sent  to  the  Caroline  Islands.  The  immediate 
result  of  their  arrival  is  alluded  to  in  Chap.  III. 

The  Church  was  financially  supported  by  the  State  to  the  extent 
of  about  three-quarters  of  a million  dollars  per  annum. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  most  interesting  items  taken  from 
“ The  Budget  for  1888,”  viz. 

Sanctorum  or  Church  tax  of  18|  cents  (i.e.  14  reales) 
on  each  Cedula  personal,  say  on  2,760,613  Cedulas 
in  1888,  less  4°/0  cost  of  collection  - $496,910.00 

The  Friars  appointed  to  incumbencies  received  in  former  times 
tithes  from  the  Spaniards,  and  a Church  tax  from  the  natives  computed 
by  the  ‘amount  of  tribute  paid.  Tithe  payment  ( Diezmos  prediales ) 
by  the  Spaniards  became  almost  obsolete,  and  the  Sanctorum  tax  on 
Cedulas  was  paid  to  the  Church  through  the  Treasury. 

There  were  priests  in  missions  and  newly  formed  parishes,  where 
the  domiciled  inhabitants  were  so  few  that  the  Sanctorum  tax  on  the 
ao-o-reo-ate  of  the  Cedulas  was  insufficient  for  their  support.  These 

OO  O 

1 Vide  “ Catalogo  de  los  Keligiosos  de  N.  S.  P.  San  Agustin,”  pub.  Manila  1864. 


TITE  HIERARCHY. CHURCH  REVENUES. 


225 


missionaries  were  allowed  salaries  ranging  from  §600  to  §2,200  per 
annum  (the  parish  priest  or  missionary  of  Vergara,  Davao  Province, 
for  instance,  received  §2,200  a year). 

A project  was  under  consideration  to  value  the  incumbencies,  and 
classify  them  (like  the  Courts  of  Justice,  vide  page  262),  with  the  view 
of  apportioning  to  each  a fixed  income  payable  by  the  Treasury  in  lieu 
of  accounting  to  the  Church  for  the  exact  amount  of  the  Sanctorum. 

By  Decree  of  Governor-General  Terrero,  dated  November  23rd, 
1885,  the  State  furnished  free  labour  (by  natives  who  did  not  pay  poll 
tax,  vide  page  247)  for  Church  architectural  works,  provided  it  was 
made  clear  that  the  cost  of  such  labour  could  not  be  covered  by  the 
surplus  funds  of  the  Sanctorum. 


Cathedral  in  Manila. 

Archbishop’s  salary  - 
Other  salaries  - 

,,  expenses  ------ 


§ cts. 
12,000  00 
40,300  00 
3,000  00 

§55,300  00 


Bishoprics. 

Nueva  Segovia  (Ilocos) 

Cebu  ... 

Jaro  (Yloilo)  - 
Nueva  Caceres  (Camarines)  - . 

Court  of  Arches  (amount  contributed  by  the  State1) 
Chaplain  of  Los  Banos  - - - - 

Sulu  Mission  - - - - - 


Four  Bishops,  each  with 
a salary  of  - 


§ cts. 
6,000  00 

5.000  00 
120  00 

1.000  00 


Capuchin  Friars. 

Mission  House  in  Manila  ------ 

For  the  Caroline  and  Pelew  Islands,  there  were  12 
Capuchins  paid  by  Government — 6 @ §300  each 
and  6 @ §500  each  per  annum  - - - 

Transport  of  Missionaries  estimated  at  about,  per  annum  - 

The  anticipated  total  State  outlay  for  the  support  of 
the  Church,  Missions,  Monasteries,  Convents,  etc., 
including  the  above  and  all  other  items  for  the 
financial  year  of  1888  was  - 


1,700  00 

4,800  00 
10,000  00 

724,634  50 


1 For  any  further  expense  this  might  incur,  3%  'was  deducted  from  the  parish 
priests’  emoluments. 


P 


226 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Moreover,  the  religious  Corporations  possessed  large  private 
revenues.  Their  investments  iu  Hongkong  are  extensive.  The 
Austin  and  Dominican  Friars  iu  particular  held  very  valuable  real 
property  in  the  provinces  near  Manila,  which  was  rented  out  to  the 
native  agriculturists  on  tyrannical  conditions.  On  the  Laguna  de 
Bay  shore  the  rent  was  raised,  as  the  natives,  at  their  own  expense, 
improved  their  holdings.  Leases  were  granted  for  the  nominal  term 
of  three  years,  but  the  receipts  given  for  the  rent  were  very  cunningly 
worded.  Some  have  been  shown  to  me  ; neither  the  amount  of  money 
paid,  nor  the  extent  of  the  land  rented,  nor  its  situation  was  mentioned 
on  the  document,  so  that  the  tenant  was  constantly  at  the  mercy  of  the 
owners.  The  native  planters  were  much  incensed  at  the  treatment 
they  received  from  these  landowners,  and  their  numerous  well-founded 
complaints  formed  part  of  the  general  outcry  against  the  priesthood. 
The  bailiffs  of  these  corporation  lands  were  unordained  brothers  of 
the  Order.  They  resided  in  the  Estate  Houses,  and  by  courtesy  were 
styled  “fathers”  by  the  natives.  They  were  under  certain  religious 
vows,  but  not  being  entitled  to  say  Mass,  they  were  termed  “ legos,” 
or  ignorant  men,  by  their  own  Order. 

The  clergy  also  derived  a very  large  portion  of  their  incomes  from 
commissions  on  the  sale  of  cedutas,  sales  of  Papal  Bulls,  masses,  pictures, 
books,  chaplets  and  indulgences,  marriage,  burial  and  baptismal  fees, 
benedictions,  donations  touted  for  after  the  crops  were  raised,  legacies 
to  be  paid  for  in  masses,  remains  of  wax  candles  left  in  the  church  by 
the  faithful,  fees  for  getting  souls  out  of  purgatory,  alms,  etc.  The 
surplus  revenues  over  and  above  parochial  requirements  were  supposed 
to  augment  the  common  Church  funds  in  Manila.  The  Corporations 
were  consequently  immensely  'wealthy,  and  their  power  and  influence 
were  iu  consonance  with  that  wealth. 

Each  Order  had  its  procurator  in  Madrid,  who  took  up  the  cudgels 
iu  defence  of  his  Corporation’s  interest  in  the  Philippines  whenever  this 
■was  menaced.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Church,  as  a body  politic,  dis- 
pensed no  charity,  but  received  all.  It  was  always  begging  ; always 
above  civil  laws  and  taxes  ; claimed  immunity,  proclaimed  poverty, 
and  inculcated  in  others  charity  to  itself. 

Most  of  the  parish  priests — Spanish  or  native — were  very  hospi- 
table to  travellers,  and  treated  them  writh  great  kindness.  Amongst 
them,  there  were  some  few  misanthropes  and  churlish  characters,  -who 


RIVALRIES  OF  THE  FRIARS. 


227 


did  not  care  to  be  troubled  by  anything  outside  the  region  of  their  voca- 
tion, but  upon  the  whole  I found  them  remarkably  complaisant. 

In  Spain  there  were  training  colleges  of  the  three  Communities  in 
Valladolid,  Ocana  and  Monte  Agudo,  respectively,  for  young  novices 
intended  to  be  sent  to  the  Philippines,  the  last  Spanish  Colony  where 
Friars  held  vicarages. 

They  were  usually  taken  from  the  peasantry  and  families  of  lowly 
station.  As  a rule  they  had  little  or  no  secular  education,  and  regard- 
ing them  apart  from  their  religious  training,  they  might  be  considered  a 
very  ignorant  class.  Amongst  them  the  Franciscan  Friars  appeared  to 
be  the  least — and  the  Austins  the  most — polished  of  all. 

The  ecclesiastical  archives  of  the  Philippines  abound  with  proofs 
of  the  bitter  and  tenacious  strife  sustained,  not  ou'y  between  the  civil 
and  Church  authorities,  but  even  amongst  the  religious  communities 
themselves. 

Each  Order  was  so  intensely  jealous  of  the  other,  that  one  is  almost 
led  to  ponder  whether  the  final  goal  of  all  could  have  been  identical. 

All  voluntarily  faced  death  with  the  same  incentive,  whilst  amic- 
able fellowship  in  this  world  seemed  an  impossibility.  The  first  Bishop 
( vide  page  55)  struggled  in  vain  to  create  a religious  monopoly  in 
the  Philippines  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the  Augustine  Order.  It 
has  been  shown  in  Chap.  V.  how  ardent  was  the  hatred  which  the 
Jesuits  and  the  other  religious  orders  mutually  entertained  for  each 
other.  Each  sacred  fraternity  laboured  incessantly  to  gain  the  ascen- 
dancy in  the  conquered  territories,  and  their  divine  calling  served  for 
nothing  in  palliating  the  acrimony  of  their  reciprocal  accusations  and 
recriminations. 

For  want  of  space,  I can  only  refer  to  a few  of  these  disputes. 

The  Austin  Friars  attributed  to  the  Jesuits  the  troubles  with  the 
Mussulmans  of  Mindanao  and  Sulu,  and,  in  their  turn,  the  Jesuits  pro- 
tested against  what  they  conceived  to  be  the  bad  policy  of  the  Govern- 
ment, adopted  under  the  influence  of  the  other  Orders  in  Manila. 
So  distinct  were  their  interests,  that  the  Augustine  chroniclers  refer 
to  the  other  Orders  as  different  religions. 

In  1778,  the  Province  of  Pangasinan  was  spiritually  administered 
by  the  Dominicans,  whilst  that  of  Zambales  was  allotted  to  the  Reco- 
letos.  The  Dominicans,  therefore,  proposed  to  the  Recoletos  to  cede 

P 2 


228 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


2ambales  to  them,  because  it  was  repugnant  to  have  to  pass  through 
Recoleto  territory  going  from  Manila  to  their  own  province  ! The 
Recoletos  were  offered  Mindoro  Island  in  exchange,  which  they  refused, 
until  the  Archbishop  compelled  them  to  yield.  Disturbances  then  arose 
in  Zambales,  the  responsibility  of  which  was  thrown  on  the  Dominicans 
by  their  rival  Order,  and  the  Recoletos  finally  succeeded  in  regaining 
their  old  province  by  intrigue. 

During  the  Governorship  of  Count  Lizarraga  (1709-1715),  the 
Aragonese  and  Castillian  priests  quarrelled  about  the  ecclesiastical 
preferments. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century,  the  Bishop-elect  of  Cebu, 
Fray  Pedro  Saez  de  la  Vega  Lanzaverde,  refused  to  take  possession, 
because  the  nomination  was  in  partibus.  He  objected  also  that  the 
Bishopric  was  merely  one  in  perspective  and  not  yet  a reality.  The  See 
remained  vacant  whilst  the  contumacious  priest  lived  in  Mexico.  Fray 
Sebastian  de  Jorronda  was  subsequently  appointed  to  administer  the 
Bishopric,  but  also  refused,  until  he  was  coerced  into  submission  by  the 
Supreme  Court  (1718). 

Iu  1767  the  Austin  Friars  refused  to  admit  the  episcopal  visits,  and 
exhibited  such  a spirit  of  independence,  that  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  was 
constrained  to  issue  a Bull  to  exhort  them  to  obey,  admonishing  them 
for  their  insubordination. 

The  Friars  of  late  years  were  subject  to  a visiting  priest — the  Pro- 
vincial— in  all  matters  de  vita  et  moribus — to  the  Bishop  of  the  diocese 
in  all  affairs  of  spiritual  dispensation,  and  to  the  Governor-General  as 
vice-royal  patron  in  all  that  concerned  the  relations  of  the  Church  to 
the  Civil  Government.1 

An  observant  traveller,  unacquainted  with  the  historical  antecedents 
of  the  friars  in  the  Philippines,  could  not  fail  to  be  impressed  by  the 
estrangement  of  religious  orders,  whose  sacred  mission,  if  genuine, 
ought  to  have  formed  an  inseverable  bond  of  alliance  and  good 
fellowship. 


1 “ Rccopilacion  de  las  Leyes  de  Indias,” — Ley  40,  tit.  14,  lib.  1°,  forbids 
priests  and  members  of  any  religious  body  to  take  part  in  matters  of  Civil 
Government. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


GOVERNMENT  AND  LOCAL  ADMINISTRATION. 

“ Manana." 

Aftek  the  first  occupation  of  these  Islands,  the  Supreme  rule  has 
been  usually  confided  for  indefinite  periods  to  military  men  ; but 
circumstances  have  frequently  placed  naval  officers,  magistrates,  the 
Supreme  Court,  and  even  ecclesiastics  at  the  head  of  the  local 
government. 

Of  late  years  the  common  practice  has  been  to  appoint  a Lieutenant- 
General  as  Governor,  with  the  local  rank  of  Captain-General  during 
his  three  years’  term  of  office.  The  first  exception  to  this  recent  rule  was 
made  (1883-1885)  when  Joaquin  Jovellar,  a Captain-General  in  Spain 
was  specially  empowered  to  establish  some  notable  reforms — the  good 
policy  of  which  was  doubtful.  In  1897  another  Captain-General  in 
Spain,  Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera,  held  office  in  Manila. 

Since  the  conquest,  the  Colony  has  been  divided  and  sub-divided 
into  provinces  and  military  districts  as  they  gradually  yielded  to  the 
Spanish  sway.  Such  districts,  called  Encomiendas ,l  were  then  rented 
out  to  Encomenderos,  who  exercised  little  scruple  in  their  rigorous 
exactions  from  the  natives.  Some  of  the  Encomenderos  acquired 
wealth  during  the  terms  of  their  holdings,  whilst  others  became  victims 
to  the  revenge  of  their  subjects.  They  must  indeed  have  been  bold 
enterprising  men  who,  in  those  days,  would  have  taken  charge  of 
districts  distant  from  the  Capital.  They  were  frequently  called  upon 
to  aid  the  Central  Government  with  vessels,  men,  and  arms  against  the 
attacks  of  common  enemies.  Against  the  incursions  of  the  Mussulmans 
— necessity  made  them  warriors — if  they  were  not  so  by  taste — civil 
engineers  to  open  communications  within  their  districts — administrators, 

1 In  the  early  days  of  Mexican  conquest,  the  conquered  land  was  apportioned 
to  the  warriors  under  the  name  of  Repartimentos,  but  such  divisions  included  the 
absolute  possession  of  the  natives  as  slaves.  Vide  La  vida  y escritos  del  P.  Fray 
Bartolome  de  las  Casas,  Obispo  de  Chiapa,  by  Antonio  Maria  Fabie,  Colonial 
Minister  in  the  Canovas  Cabinet  of  1890,  Madrid. 


230 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


judges  and  all  that  represented  social  order.  Encomicndas  were  some- 
times given  to  Spaniards  as  rewards  for  high  services  rendered  to  the 
commonwealth,1  although  favouritism,  or  (in  later  years)  purchase 
money  more  commonly  secured  the  vacancies,  and  the  holders  were 
quite  expected  to  make  fortunes  in  the  manner  they  thought  most 
convenient  to  themselves. 

The  Encomenderos  were,  in  the  course  of  time,  superseded  by  Judicial 
Governors,  called  Alcaldes , who  received  small  salaries,  from  £60  per 
annum  and  upwards,  but  they  were  allowed  to  trade.  The  right  to 
trade — called  “ indulto  de  comercio" — was  sold  to  the  Alcaldes- 
Governors,  except  those  of  Tondo  (now  Manila  Province),  Zamboanga, 
Cavite,  Xueva  Ecija,  Islas  Batanes  and  Antique,  whose  trading  right 
was  included  in  the  emoluments  of  office. 

In  1840  Eusebio  Mazorca  wrote  thus2: — “The  salary  paid  to  the 
“ Chiefs  of  Provinces  wrho  enjoy  the  right  of  trade  is  more  or  less  $300 
“ per  annum,  and  after  deducting  the  amount  paid  for  the  trading 
“ right,  which  in  some  provinces  amounts  to  live-sixths  of  the  whole — 
“ as  in  Pangasiuan  ; and  in  others  to  the  whole  of  the  salary — as  in 
“ Caraga  ; and  discounting  again  the  taxes,  it  is  not  possible  to 
“ honestly  conceive  how  the  appointment  can  be  so  much  sought 
“ after.  There  are  candidates  up  to  the  grade  of  Brigadier  •who 
“ relinquish  a $3,000  salary  to  pursue  their  hopes  and  projects  in 
“ Governorship.” 

This  system  obtained  for  many  years,  and  the  abuses  went  on 
increasing.  The  Alcaldes  practically  monopolized  the  trade  of  their 
districts,  unduly  taking  advantage  of  their  Governmental  position 
to  hinder  the  profitable  traffic  of  the  natives  and  bring  it  all  into 
their  own  hands.  They  tolerated  no  such  thing  as  competition  ; they 
arbitrarily  fixed  their  own  purchasing  prices,  and  sold  at  current  rates. 
Due  to  the  scarcity  of  silver  in  the  interior,  the  natives  often  paid 
their  tribute  to  the  Royal  Treasury  in  produce — chiefly  rice — which 
was  received  into  the  Royal  Granaries  at  a ruinously  low  valuation, 
and  accounted  for  to  the  State  at  its  real  value  ; the  difference  being 

1 Juan  Salcedo,  Legaspi’s  grandson  (vide  Chaps.  II.  and  IV.)  was  rewarded 
with  several  Encomiendas  on  the  west  coast  of  Luzon,  where  he  levied  a tribute 
on  the  natives  whom  he  subdued. 

2 “ Noticias  de  Filipinas,”  by  Don  Eusebio  Mazorca.  Inedited  MS.  dated  1840, 
in  the  Archives  of  Bauan  Convent,  Province  of  Batanga*. 


PROVINCIAL  GOVERNMENT. THE  ALCALDES.  231 


the  illicit  profit  made  by  the  Alcalde.  Many  of  these  functionaries 
exercised  their  power  most  despotically  in  their  own  circuits,  disposing 
of  the  natives’  labour  and  chattels  without  remuneration,  and  not 
unfrequently  for  their  own  ends, — invoking  the  King’s  name,  which 
imbued  the  native  with  a feeling  of  awe,  as  if  His  Majesty  were  some 
supernatural  being. 

In  1810  Thomas  Comin  wrote  as  follows  : — “ In  order  to  be  a Chief 
“ of  a Province  in  these  Islands,  no  training  or  knowledge  or  special 

“ services  are  necessary  ; all  persons  are  fit  and  admissible 

“ It  is  quite  a common  thing  to  see  a barber  or  a Governor’s  lackey,  a 
“ sailor  or  a deserter,  suddenly  transformed  into  an  Alcalde,  Adminis- 
“ trator,  and  Captain  of  the  forces  of  a populous  province  without  any 
“ counsellor  but  his  rude  understanding,  or  any  guide  but  his  passions.” 1 
After  centuries  of  such  misrule,  the  Filipino  lost  respect  for  the  white 
face  and  disloyalty  to  the  dominant  power  was  checked  more  by  fear 
than  by  esteem. 

By  Royal  Decree  of  1844,  Government  officials  were  thenceforth 
strictly  prohibited  to  trade  under  pain  of  removal  from  office. 

In  the  year  1850,  there  were  34  Provinces,  and  two  Political 
Military  Commandancies.  Until  June,  1886,  the  Government  of  a 
Province  under  civil  rule  still  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Chief 
Judge  of  the  same — the  Alcalde  Mayor.  This  created  a strange 
anomaly  ; for  in  the  event  of  the  Judicial-Governor  issuing  an  edict 
prejudicial  to  the  commonweal  of  his  circuit,  an  appeal  against  his 
measure  had  to  be  made  to  himself  as  Judge.  Then  if  it  were  taken 
to  the  central  authority  in  Manila,  it  was  sent  back  for  “ information  ” 
to  the  Judge-Governor,  without  independent  inquiry  being  made  in  the 
first  instance,  hence  protest  against  his  acts  was  fruitless. 

Under  the  Regency  of  Queen  Maria  Christina,  a great  reform  was 
introduced  by  a Decree  dated  in  Madrid  on  the  26th  of  February,  1886, 
to  take  effect  on  the  1st  of  June  following. 


1 The  text  reads  thus  : — “ Para  ser  jefe  de  Provincia  en  estas  islas  no  se 
requiere  carrera,  conocimientos  ni  servicios  determinados,  todos  son  aptos  y 

“ admisibles Es  cosa  bastante  comun  ver  4 un  peluquero  6 

“ lacayo  de  nn  gobernador,  a un  marinero  y a,  un  desertor  transformado  de  repente 
*■  en  Alcalde-Mayor,  sub-delegado  y Capitan  a guerra  de  una  Provincia  populosa, 
“ sin  otro  consejero  que  su  rudo  entendimiento,  ni  mas  guia  que  sus  pasiones.” 
Thomas  Comin  was  an  employe  of  the  “ Compania  de  Fih'pinas  ” ( vide  page  283), 
and  subsequently  Spanish  Consul-General  in  Lisbon. 


232 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Eighteen  Civil  Governorships  were  created,  and  Alcaldes’  functions 
were  confined  to  their  Judgeships  ; thus  the  anomaly  of  the  chief 
ruler  of  a province  and  the  arbiter  of  legal  questions  raised  therein 
being  one  and  the  same  person  henceforth  disappeared.  Under  this 
recent  law,  the  Civil  Governor  was  assisted  by  a Secretary,  so  that  two 
new  official  posts  were  created  in  each  of  these  provinces. 

The  Archipelago,  including  Sulu,  was  divided  into  19  Civil  Provincial 
Governments,  4 Military  General  Divisions,  43  Military  Provincial 
Districts,  and  4 Provincial  Governments  under  Naval  Officers,  forming 
a total  of  70  Divisions  and  Sub-Divisions. 


GOVERNMENT  AND  LOCAL  ADMINISTRATION. 


$ cts. 

The  Governor- General  received  a salary  of  40,000  00 

The  Central  Government  Office, called  “ Gobicrno  General  ” 

with  its  Staff  of  Officials  and  all  expenses  - 43,708  00 

The  General  Government  Centre  was  assisted  in  the 
General  Administration  of  the  Islands  by  two  other 
Governing  Bodies,  namely  : 

The  General  Direction  of  Civil  Administration  - 29,277  34 
The  Administrative  Council  -----  28,502  00 

The  Chief  of  the  General  Direction  received  a salary  of 
$12,000,  with  an  allowance  for  official  visits  to  the 
Provinces  of  $500  per  annum. 

The  Council  was  composed  of  three  Members,  each  at  a 
salary  of  $4,700,  besides  a Secretary  and  officials. 


The  above-mentioned  70  divisions  and  sub-divisions  were 
the  following,  namely  : — 

Civil  Governments. 

Manila  Pce' — Salary  of  Civil  Governor  $5,000. — Total  cost  20,248  00 


Carried  forward  - $161,735  34 


GOVERNMENT  AND  LOCAL  ADMINISTRATION. 


233 


Albay  Pce 
Batangas  - 
Bdlacan  - 
Ilocos  Norte 
Ilocos  Sur 
La  Laguna 
Pampanga - 
Pangasinan 


$ cts. 

Brought  forward  - 161,735  34 


Eight  First  Class  Governments  : — 

> Salary  of  each  Civil  Governor  $4,500 
Total  cost  of  each  Government  8,900 


8 First  Class  Governments  cost  71,200  00 


Bataan  * - n 

Caiiarines  Norte 
Camarines  Sur  - 
Mindoro  - - ^ 

Nueva  Ecija 
Tayabas  - 

Z AM  BALES  - - ) 


Seven  Second  Class  Governments  : — 
Salary  of  each  Civil  Governor  $4,000 
Total  cost  of  each  Government  7,660 


7 Second  Class  Governments  cost  53,620  00 
Cagayan  - - 1 Three  Third  Class  Governments  : — 

Isabela  - - S Salary  of  each  Civil  Governor  $3,500 

Nueva  Vizcaya  J Total  cost  of  each  Government  6,700 

3 Third  Class  Governments  cost  20,100  00 


Military  General  Governments. 

General  Division  of  S.  Visayas,  under  a Brigadier  and 

Staff 10,975  00 

General  Division  of  N.  Visayas,  under  a Brigadier  and 

Staff 10,975  00 

General  Division  of  Mindanao,  under  a Brigadier  and 

Staff 17,825  00 

General  Division  of  Cavite,  under  a Brigadier  and 

Staff - 6,596  66 


Carried  forward 


- 353,027  00 


234 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS, 


Brought  forward 


Military  Provinces  and  Districts. 


Sulu 
Yloilo  - 
COTOBATTO 

East  Carolines  and  ) 
Pelew  Islands  J 
West  Carolines  and  ) 
Pelew  Islands  j" 
Ceb6  ... 

Capiz  ... 

Misamis  - 
Ladrone  Islands 
Zamboanga 


- Under  a Colonel  and  Staff  - 


Lieut.-Colonel  and  Staff 


Major  and  Staff 


Surigao  - 
Davao 
Dapitan  - 
ZUCURAN  - 


11  11  11 

11  11  11 

11  11  r> 

it  11  ii 


La  Union,  Antique,  Samar, 
Leyte,  Abra,  Bojol, 
Tarlac,  Negros,  Morong 


Each  under  a Major. — 
Nine  Districts  @ $3,040 


Batanes,  Calamianes,  Rom-  j 

blon,  Benguet,  Lepanto,  [ Each  under  a Captain. — 
Burias,  Infante,  Prin-  ( Ten  Districts  @ $1,980 
cipe,  Bontoc,  Concepcion  ) 

Cagayan  (Mindanao),  ) 

Biling,  Nueva  Vizcaya,  / Each  under  a Captain^. 
Sasangani  (recently  > Five  Districts  @ $1,792 

occupied  Districts  of  ( (vide  end  of  Chap.  X.) 

Palauan)  - - - - J 

Siassi,  Bongao,  Tatoan  Each  under  a Captain. — Three 

Districts  @ $2,032  - 


$ cts. 
353,027  00 


7,240  00 
4,410  00 
5,426  66 

4,900  00 

5,970  00 

3,500  00 
3,500  00 
4,816  66 
4,975  00 
3,856  66 
4,356  66 
4,156  66 
2,692  00 
2,692  00 


27,360  00 


19,800  00 


8,960  00 


6,096  00 


Carried  forward  - 477,735  30 


GOVERNMENT  AND  LOCAL  ADMINISTRATION. 


235 


$ cts. 

Brought  forward  - 477,735  30 

Escalante’  under  a Lieutenant  -----  1,525  00 

Masbate  „ Cavalry  Sub-Lieutenant  - 1,450  00 


Provincial  Governments  under  Naval  Officers , Officers  in 
Charge  of  Naval  Stations  as  ex-officio  Governors. 


CORREGIDOR  --------  - 3,821  00 

BalXbac  - --  --  --  --  3,960  00 

Isabela  de  Basilan  -------  5,276  66 


Palawan  (Puerta  Princesa)  ------  6,910  00 

Total  cost  of  General  Government  of  the  Islands  $500,677  96 

Deduct — 

Officers’  Salaries,  &c.  included  in  Army 

Estimates  - - - - - - §145,179  96 

Officers’  Salaries,  &c.  included  in  Navy 

Estimates  ------  14,640  00 

159,819  96 

§340,858  00 


As  it  was  intended,  in  due  course,  to  appoint  a Civil  Governor  to 
every  province  in  the  Islands,  it  may  be  interesting  to  note  here  the 
principal  duties  and  qualifications  of  this  functionary. 

He  was  the  representative  of  the  Governor-General,  whose  orders 
and  decrees  he  had  to  publish  and  execute  at  his  own  discretion.  He 
could  not  absent  himself  from  his  province  without  permission.  He  had 


1 Transferred  to  Bais  in  January,  1889,  in  consequence  of  the  rise  of  brigandage 
in  the  S.E.  of  Negros  Island. 

The  brigands,  under  the  leadership  of  a native  named  Camartin  and  another, 
who  declared  themselves  prophets,  plundered  the  planters  along  that  coast,  and 
committed  such  notorious  crimes  that  troops  had  to  be  dispatched  there  under 
the  command  of  the  famous  Lieutenant-Colonel  Villa-Abrille,  The  Governor- 
General  Valeriano  Weyler  went  to  the  Visayas  Islands  and  personally  directed 
the  operations. 


236 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


to  maintain  order,  veto  petitions  for  arms’  licences,  hold  under  his  orders 
and  dispose  of  the  Civil  Guard,  Carabineers  and  local  guards.  He 
could  suspend  the  pay  for  ten  days  of  any  subordinate  official  who  failed 
to  do  his  duty.  He  could  temporarily  suspend  subordinates  in  their 
functions  with  justifiable  cause,  and  propose  to  the  Governor-General 
their  definite  removal.  He  had  to  preside  at  all  elections  of  native  petty 
Governors  and  town  authorities,  whom  he  could  also  remove  at  his 
discretion — to  bring  delinquents  to  justice — to  decree  the  detention  on 
suspicion  of  any  individual,  and  place  him  at  the  disposal  of  the  chief 
judge  within  three  days  after  his  capture — to  dictate  orders  for  the 
government  of  the  towns  and  villages — to  explain  to  the  petty 
Governors  the  true  interpretation  of  the  law  and  regulations. 

He  was.chief  of  police,  and  could  impose  fines  without  the  interven- 
tion of  judicial  authority  up  to  $50  ; and  in  the  event  of  the  mulcted 
person  being  unable  to  pay,  he  could  order  his  imprisonment  at  the  rate 
of  one  day’s  detention  for  each  half-dollar  of  the  fine — it  was  provided, 
however,  that  the  imprisonment  could  not  exceed  30  days  in  any  case. 
He  had  to  preside  at  the  ballot  for  military  conscription,  but  he  could 
delegate  this  duty  to  his  Secretary,  or,  failing  him,  to  the  Administrator. 
Where  no  harbour-master  had  been  appointed,  the  Civil  Governor  acted 
as  such.  He  had  the  care  of  the  primary  instruction  ; and  it  was  his 
duty  specially  to  see  that  the  native  scholars  -were  taught  the  Spanish 
language.  Land  concessions  ; improvements  tending  to  increase  the 
wealth  of  the  province  ; permits  for  felling  timber  ; and  the  collection 
of  excise  taxes  were  all  under  his  care.  He  had  also  to  furnish 
statistics  relating  to  the  labour  poll-tax  ; draw  up  the  provincial  budget  ; 
render  provincial  and  municipal  accounts,  etc.,  all  of  which  must  be 
counter-signed  under  the  word  Intervine  by  the  Secretary.  He  was 
provincial  postmaster-general,  chief  of  telegraph  service,  prisons, 
charities,  board  of  health,  public  works,  woods  and  forests,  mines, 
agriculture  and  industry. 

Under  no  circumstances  could  he  dispose  of  the  public  funds,  which 
were  in  the  care  of  the  Administrator  and  Interventor,  and  he  was  not 
entitled  to  any  percentages  (as  Alcalde-Governors  formerly  were),  or  any 
emoluments  whatsoever  further  than  his  fixed  salary. 

A Governor  must  be  a Spaniard  over  30  years  of  age.  It  is  curious 
to  note  from  its  political  significance,  that  among  the  numerous  classes 


PROVINCIAL  GOVERNMENT. 


237 


of  persons  eligible  for  a Civil  Governorship,  were  those  who  had  been 
Members  of  the  Spanish  Parliament  or  Senate  during  one  complete 
session. 

Upon  the  whole,  a Provincial  Governor  passed  life  very  comfortably 
if  he  did  not  go  out  of  his  way  to  oppress  his  subjects  aud  create 
discord.  His  tranquillity,  nevertheless,  was  always  dependent  upon  his 
maintaining  a good  understanding  with  the  priesthood  of  his  district, 
and  his  conformity  with  the  demands  of  the  friars.  If  he  should  have 
the  misfortune  to  seriously  cross  their  path,  it  would  bring  him  a world 
of  woe,  and  finally  his  downfall.  There  have  been  Provincial 
Governors  who  in  reality  maintained  their  posts  by  clerical  influence, 
whilst  others  who  have  exercised  a more  independent  spirit — who  have 
set  aside  Church  interests  to  serve  those  of  the.jState,  with  which  they 
were  intrusted — have  fallen  victims  to  sacerdotal  intrigue;  for  the 
subordinates  of  the  hierarchy  bad  power  to  overthrow  as  well  as  to 
support  those  who  were  appointed  to  their  districts.  Few  improvements 
appear  to  have  been  made  in  the  provinces  by  the  initiative  of  the  local 
Governors,  nor  did  they  seem  to  take  any  special  interest  in  commercial 
and  agricultural  advancement.  This  lack  of  interest  was  somewhat 
excusable  and  comprehensible,  however,  seeing  that  after  they  were 
appointed,  and  even  though  they  governed  well  within  the  strict 
attributions  of  their  office,  they  were  constantly  expecting  that  a 
ministerial  change  or  the  fall  of  a single  minister  might  remove  them 
from  their  posts,  or  that  the  undermining  influence  of  favouritism  might 
succeed  in  accomplishing  their  withdrawal.  It  was  natural,  therefore, 
that  they  should  have  been  indifferent  about  the  fomenting  of  new 
agricultural  enterprises,  of  opening  tracks  for  bringing  down  timber,  of 
facilitating  trade,  or  of  in  any  way  stimulating  the  development  of  the 
resources  of  a province  when  the  probability  existed  that  they  would 
never  have  the  personal  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  result  of  their 
efforts. 

Some  Governors  with  whom  I am  personally  acquainted  have,  in 
spite  of  all  discouragement,  studied  the  wants  of  their  provinces,  but  to 
no  purpose.  Their  estimates  for  road-making  and  mending,  bridge- 
building and  public  works  generally,  were  shelved  in  Manila,  whilst  the 
local  funds  ( Fondos  locales ),  which  ought  to  have  been  expended  in  the 
localities  where  they  were  collected,  were  seized  by  the  authorities  in  the 
Capital  and  applied  to  other  purposes. 


238 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


An  annual  statement  of  one  province  will  be  sufficient,  as  an 
example,  to  illustrate  the  nature  of  this  local  tax  : — 

LOCAL  FUNDS.1— ALBAY  PROVINCE. 


Provincial  Revenue. 


$ Cts.  § Cts. 

Stamps  on  Weights  and  Measures-  - - 2,490  00 

Billiard  Tax  ------  360  00 

Live  stock  credentials  and  transfers  - - 136  00 

90  % of  fines  imposed  for  shirking  forced 

labour  -------  1,500  00 

Tax  in  lieu  of  forced  labour  - - - - 85,209  00 

Vehicle  tax  - - - - - 4,000  00 

93,695  00 


Municipal  Revenue. 


Tax  paid  by  sellers  in  the  public  market  place 
,,  on  slaughter  of  animals  for  food 

„ ,,  local  sales  of  hemp  (casual  sellers, 

without  hemp-dealers’  annual  licence) 
90  % of  the  Municipal  fines  - 
Local  tax  on  Chinese  - - - - - 

Surplus  tax  of  10°/o  ou  tithes  paid 

„ „ 10 °/0  on  House  property  - 

„ „ 10 °/0  on  Industrial  licences 

„ „ 10%  on  Alcohol  licences^ 


7,050  00 
12,098  00 

40  00 
260  00 
294  00 
70  00 
310  00 
5,710  00 
2,525  00 

28,357  00 


$122,052  00 


In  the  same  year  this  province  contributed  to  the  common  funds  of 
the  Treasury  a further  sum  of  $133,009. 

There  was  in  each  town  another  local  tax  called  “ Caja  de  Comuni- 
dad, ” contributed  to  by  the  townspeople  to  provide  against  any  urgent 
necessity  of  the  community,  but  it  found  its  way  to  Manila  and  was 
misappropriated,  like  the  Rondos  locales. 


1 From  the  1st  January,  1889,  the  Government  Financial  year  was  made 
concurrent  with  the  year  of  the  Calendar. 


PROVINCIAL  GOVERNMENT. 


239 


In  1887  the  parish  priest  of  Bauan  (Batangas  Province)  told  me 
that  although  there  must  have  been  about  $300,000  paid  into  this  fund 
up  to  the  year  1882  by  his  parish  alone,  yet  financial  aid  was  refused 
by  the  Government  during  the  cholera  epidemic  in  that  year. 

There  was  not  a dollar  at  the  disposal  of  the  Provincial  Governor 
for  local  improvements,  ilf  a bridge  broke  down,  so  it  remained  for 
years  ; whilst  thousands  of  travellers  had  to  wade  through  the  river 
unless  a raft  were  put  there  at  the  expense  of  the  very  poorest  people 
by  order  of  the  petty  Governor  of  the  nearest  village.  The  “ Tribunal,” 
which  served  the  double  purpose  of  Town  Hall  and  Dak  Bungalow  for 
wayfarers,  was  often  a hut  of  bamboo  and  palm  leaves,  whilst  others 
which  had  been  decent  buildings  generations  gone  by,  lapsed  into  a 
wretched  state  of  dilapidation.  In  some  villages  there  was  no  Tribunal 
at  all,  and  the  official  business  had  to  be  transacted  in  the  municipal 
Governor’s  house.  I first  visited  Calamba  (on  the  Laguna  de  Bay 
shore)  in  1880,  and  for  fourteen  years,  to  my  knowledge,  the  headmen 
had  to  meet  in  a sugar  store  in  lieu  of  a Tribunal.  In  San  Jose  de 
Buenavista,  the  capital  town  of  Antique  Province,  the  Town  Hall  was 
commenced  in  good  style  and  left  half  finished  during  15  years.  Either 
some  one  for  pity  sake,  or  the  headmen  for  their  own  convenience,  went 
to  the  expense  of  thatching  over  half  the  unfinished  structure.  This 
half  was  therefore  saved  from  utter  ruin,  whilst  all  but  the  stone  walls 
of  the  remainder  rotted  away.  So  it  continued  until  1887,  when  the 
Government  authorised  a portion  of  this  building  to  be  restored. 

As  to  the  roads  connecting  the  villages,  quite  20 °/D  of  them  serve 
only  for  travellers  on  foot,  on  horse  or  on  buffalo  back  at  any  time,  and 
in  the  wet  season  certainly  60  °/0  of  all  the  Philippine  highways  are  in 
too  bad  a state  for  any  kind  of  passenger  conveyance  to  pass  with 
safety.  In  the  wet  season,  many  times  I have  made  a sea  journey  in  a 
prahu,  simply  because  the  high  road  near  the  coast  had  become  a mud 
track,  for  want  of  macadamized  stone  and  drainage,  and  only  serviceable 
for  transport  by  buffalo. 

In  the  dry  season  the  sun  mended  the  roads,  and  the  traffic  over 
the  baked  clods  reduced  them  more  or  less  to  dust,  so  that  vehicles 
could  pass. 

Private  property  owners  expended  much  time  and  money  in  the 
preservation  of  public  roads,  although  a curious  law  existed  prohibiting 
repairs  to  highways  by  non-official  persons. 


240 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Every  male  adult  inhabitant  or  resident  (with  certain  exceptions) 
had  to  give  the  State  fifteen  days’  labour  per  annum,  or  redeem  that 
labour  by  payment  (vide  “Fiscal  Reforms,”  page  248).  Of  course 
thousands  of  the  most  needy  class  preferred  to  give  their  fifteen  days. 
This  labour,  and  the  cash  paid  by  those  who  redeemed  their  obligation, 
were  theoretically  supposed  to  be  employed  in  local  improvements. 

The  Budget  for  1888  showed  only  the  sum  of  $120,000  to  be  used 
in  road-making  and  mending  in  the  whole  Archipelago. 

It  provided  for  a Chief  Inspector  of  Public  Works  with  a salary  of 
$6,500,  aided  by  a staff  composed  of  48  technical  and  82  nou-technical 
subordinates. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  the  Provincial  and  District  Governors  were 
often  urged  by  their  Manila  Chiefs  not  to  encourage  the  employment 
of  labour  for  local  improvements,  but  to  press  the  labouring  class  to 
pay  the  redemption  tax  to  swell  the  central  coffers,  regardless  of  the 
corresponding  misery  and  discomfort  and  loss  to  trade  in  the  interior. 
But  labour  at  the  disposal  of  the  Governor  was  not  alone  sufficient. 
There  was  no  fund  from  which  to  defray  the  cost  of  materials  ; or,  if 
these  could  be  found  without  payment,  some  one  must  pay  for  the 
transport  by  buffaloes  and  carts  and  find  the  implements  for  the 
labourers’  use.  How  could  labourers’  hands  alone  repair  a bridge  which 
had  rotted  away  ? To  cut  a log  of  wood  for  the  public  service  would 
have  necessitated  communications  with  the  Inspection  of  Woods  and 
Forests  and  other  centres  and  many  months’  delay. 

a *****  * 

The  system  of  controlling  the  action  of  one  public  servant  by 
appointing  another  under  him  to  supervise  his  work,  has  always  found 
favour  in  Spain,  and  was  adopted  in  this  Colony.  There  were  a great 
many  Government  employments  of  the  kind  which  were  merely 
sinecures.  In  many  cases  the  pay  was  small,  it  is  true,  but  the  labour 
was  often  of  proportionately  smaller  value  compared  with  that  pay. 
With  very  few  exceptions,  all  the  Government  Offices  in  Manila  were 
closed  to  the  public  during  half  the  ordinary  working  day — the  afternoon 

and  many  of  the  Civil  Service  officials  made  their  appearance  at  their 

desks  about  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning,  retiring  shortly  after  mid-day, 
when  they  had  smoked  their  habitual  number  of  cigarettes. 

The  crowd  of  office-seekers  were  indifferent  to  the  fact  that  the 
true  source  of  national  vigour  is  the  spirit  of  self-dependence  manifested 


EFFECTS  OF  FAVOURITISM. 


241 


■by  the  individuals  who  constitute  the  nation.  Constant  clamour  for 
Government  employment  tends  only  to  enfeeble  individual  effort,  and 
destroys  the  stimulus,  or  what  is  of  greater  worth,  the  necessity  of 
acting  for  one’s  self.  The  Spaniard  looks  to  the  Government  for 
active  and  direct  aid,  as  if  the  Public  Treasury  were  a natural  spring 
at  the  waters  of  which  all  temporal  calamities  could  be  washed  away — 
all  material  wants  supplied.  He  will  tell  you  with  pride  rather  than 
with  abashment  that  he  is  an  empleado — a State  dependent. 

National  progress  is  but  the  aggregate  of  personal  activity  and 
rightly  directed  individual  energy,  and  a nation  weakens  as  a whole 
as  its  component  parts  become  dormant  or  as  the  majority  rely  upon 
the  efforts  of  the  few.  The  spirit  of  Cmsarism — “ all  for  the  people 
and  nothing  by  them” — must  tend  not  only  to  political  slavery  and 
to  render  social  enfranchisement  impossible,  but  to  reduce  commercial 
prosperity  and  national  power  and  influence  amongst  other  States  to 
a nullity.  The  Spaniards  have  indeed  proved  this  fact. 

The  best  laws  themselves  were  never  intended  to  provide  for  the 
people,  but  to  regulate  the  conditions  on  which  they  could  provide 
for  themselves.  Amongst  the  Spaniards,  the  consumers  of  public 
wealth  are  far  too  numerous  in  proportion  to  the  producers,  hence  not 
only  is  the  State  constantly  sorely  pressed  for  funds,  but  the  busy  bees 
who  form  the  nucleus  of  the  nation’s  vitality  are  heavily  taxed  to  provide 
for  the  dependent  office-seeking  drones.  Against  this  state  of  things, 
the  industrious  populations  of  Biscay  and  Catalunia  have  protested. 

It  is  the  fatal  delusion  that  liberty  and  national  welfare  depend 
solely  upon  good  government,  instead  of  good  government  depending 
upon  the  joint  action  of  independent  individual. exertion,  that  has 
brought  the  Spanish  nation  to  its  present  state  of  deplorable  impotence. 

The  Government  itself  is  but  the  official  counterpart  of  the 
governed.  By  the  aid  of  servile  speculators,  a man  in  political  circles 
struggles  to  come  to  the  front — to  hold  a portfolio  in  the  ministry — if 
it  only  be  for  a week,  when  his  pension  for  life  is  assured  on  his 
retirement.  Merit,  ability  and  long  service  have  little  weight,  and  the 
proteges  of  the  outgoing  minister  must  make  room  for  those  of  the 
next  lucky  ministerial  pension-seeker,  and  so  on  successively. 

This  Colony  therefore  became  a lucrative  hunting-ground  at  the 
disposal  of  the  Madrid  Cabinet  wherein  to  satisfy  the  craving 
demands  of  their  numerous  partisans  and  friends. 


Q 


242 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


They  were  sent  out  with  a salary  and  to  make  what  they  could — at 
their  own  risk  of  course — like  the  country  lad  who  was  sent  up  to 
London  with  the  injunction  from  his  father  “ Make  money,  honestly 
if  you  can,  but  make  it.” 

From  the  Conquest  up  to  1844,  when  trading  by  officials  was 
abolished,  it  was  a matter  of  little  public  concern  how  Government 
servants  made  fortunes.  Only  when  the  jealousy  of  one  urged  him  to 
denounce  another  was  any  inquiry  instituted  so  long  as  the  official  was 
careful  not  to  embezzle  or  commit  a direct  fraud  on  the  Real  Haber  (the 
Treasury  funds).  When  the  Real  Haber  was  once  covered,  then  all 
that  could  be  got  out  of  the  Colony  was  for  the  benefit  of  the  officials, 
great  and  small.  In  1840,  Eusebio  Mazorca  wrote  as  follows  — “ Each 
“ chief  of  a province  is  a real  Sultan,  and  when  he  has  terminated  his 
“ administration,  all  that  is  talked  of  in  the  capital  is  the  thousands 
“ of  dollars  clear  gain  which  he  made  in  his  Government.” 

Up  to  thirteen  years  ago,  whilst  taxes  of  a province  were  in  the 
custody  of  the  Administrator,  the  Judicial  Governor  had  a percentage 
assigned  to  him  to  induce  him  to  control  the  Administrator’s  work. 
The  Administrator  himself  had  percentages,  and  the  accounts  of  these 
two  functionaries  were  checked  by  a third  individual  styled  “ the 
Interventor,”  whose  duties  appeared  to  be  to  intervene  in  the  casting  up 
of  his  superiors’  figures.  From  June,  1886,  the  payment  of  percentages 
both  to  Governors  and  Administrators  ceased. 

From  time  to  time  one  saw  published  in  the  Manila  journals  a 
citation  to  the  Administrator  and  Interventor  of  a Province  to  appear 
at  the  Audit  Office  to  justify  their  accounts,  and  such  interviews  have 
not  unfrequently  been  followed  up  by  long  legal  proceedings. 

In  1840,  Eusebio  Mazorca  wrote  thus1 2  : — “The  Governor  receives 
“ payment  of  the  tribute  in  rice  paddy,  which  he  credits  to  the  native 

1 The  text  reads  thus: — “ Cada  Jefe  de  Provincia  es  un  verdadero  Sultan  y 
“ cuando  acaba  su  administracion  solo  se  habla  en  la  Capital  de  los  miles  de  pesos 
“ que  saco  limpios  de  su  alcaldia.” — “ Noticias  de  Filipinas,”  by  Don  Eusebio 
Mazorca.  Inedited  MS.  dated  1840.  In  the  archives  of  Bauan  Convent,  Province 
of  Batangas. 

2 The  text  reads  thus : — “ Cobrando  el  Alcalde  en  palay  el  tributo,  solo 

“ abona  al  indio  dos  reales  plata  por  caban  ; introduce  en  cajas  reales  su  importe 
“ en  met&lico  y vende  despues  el  palay  en  seis,  ocho  ya  veccs  mas  reales  fuertes 
“ plata  cada  caban  y le  resulta  con  esta  sencilla  operacion  un  doscientos  6 
“ trescientos  por  ciento  de  ganancia Ahora  recientito 


FAVOURITISM. ABUSES. 


243 


“ at  two  reals  in  silver  per  caban.  Then  he  pays  this  sum  into  the 
“ Royal  Treasury  in  money,  aud  sells  the  rice  paddy  for  private  account 
“ at  the  current  rate  of  six,  eight  or  more  reals  in  silver  per  caban, 
“ and  this  simple  operation  brings  him  200  to  300  per  cent,  profit.” 

The  same  writer  adds  : — “ Now  quite  recently  the  Interventor  of 
“ Zamboanga  is  accused  by  the  Governor  of  that  place  of  having  made 

“ some  $15,000  to  $16,000  solely  by  using  false  measures 

“ The  same  Interventor  to  whom  I refer,  is  said  to  have  made  a fortune 
“ of  $50,000  to  $60,000,  whilst  his  salary  as  second  official  in  the 
“ Audit  Department* 1  is  $540  per  annum.”  According  to  Zuniga,  the 
salary  of  a professor  of  law  with  the  rauk  of  magistrate  was  $800  per 
annum. 

Could  the  peculations  by  the  Government  employes  from  the  highest 
circles  downwards  have  been  arrested,  the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony 
would  doubtless  have  been  several  millions  richer  per  annum.  One 
frequently  heard  of  officials  leaving  for  Spain  with  sums  far  exceeding 
the  total  emoluments  they  had  received  during  their  term  of  office. 
Some  provincial  employes  acquired  a pernicious  habit  of  annexing 
what  was  not  theirs  by  all  manner  of  pretexts.  To  cite  some  instances  : 
I knew  a Governor  of  Negros  Island  who  seldom  saw  a native  pass  the 
Government  House  with  a good  horse  without  begging  it  of  him — thus, 
under  fear  of  his  avengiug  a refusal,  his  subjects  furnished  him  little  by 
little  with  a large  stud,  which  he  sold  before  he  left,  much  to  their 
disgust. 

In  another  provincial  capital  there  happened  to  be  a native  headman 
imprudently  vain  enough  to  carry  a walking  stick  with  a chased  gold- 
knob  handle  studded  with  brilliants.  It  took  the  fancy  of  the  Spanish 
Governor,  who  repeatedly  expressed  his  admiration  of  it,  hoping 
that  the  headman  would  make  him  a present  of  it.  At  length  the 
Governor  was  relieved  of  his  post,  but  prior  to  his  departure  he  called 

“ esta,  acusado  el  Ministro  Interventor  de  Zamboanga  por  el  Gobernador  de  aquella 
“ plaza  de  habdrse  utilizado  aquel  de  $15,000  a $16,000  solo  con  el  trocatinte  de 

“ la  medida Se  cuenta  al  mismo  interventor  a que  me  refiero 

“ $50,000  a $60,000  cuando  el  sueldo  de  su  empleo— oficial  2C  de  la  Contaduria 
“ es  de  $540  al  ano.” — “ Noticias  de  Filipinas,”  by  Don  Eusebio  Mazorca. 
Inedited  JIS.  dated  1840.  In  the  Archives  of  Bauan  Convent,  Province  of 
Bantangas. 

1 The  Audit  Office  was  suppressed  and  revived,  and  again  suppressed  on  the 
1st  January,  1889. 

Q 2 


244 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


together  the  headmen  to  take  formal  leave  of  them,  and  at  the  close  of 
a flattering  speech,  he  said  he  would  willingly  hand  over  his  official  stick 
as  a remembrance  of  his  command.  In  the  hubbub  of  applause  which 
followed,  he  added,  “ and  I will  retain  a souvenir  of  my  loyal  subordi- 
nates.” Suiting  the  action  to  the  word,  he  snatched  the  coveted  stick 
out  of  the  hand  of  the  owner,  and  kept  it.  A General,  who  has  quite 
recently  made  for  himself  a world-wide  notoriety  for  alleged  cruelty 
in  another  Spanish  colony,  enriched  himself  by  peculation  to  such  an 
extent  that  he  was  at  his  wits’  end  how  to  remit  his  ill-gotten  gains 
clandestinely.  Finally,  he  resolved  to  send  an  army  Captain  over  to 
Hongkong  with  $35,000  with  which  to  purchase  a draft  on  Europe. 
The  Captain  left,  but  he  never  returned. 

The  cases  of  official  swindling  are  far  too  numerous  to  come  within 
the  space  of  this  volume. 

In  the  whole  of  the  Colony  there  are  about  725  towns  and  23  missions. 
Each  town  was  locally  governed  by  a native — in  some  cases  a Spanish  or 
Chinese  half-caste — who  was  styled  the  petty  Governor  or  Goberna- 
dorcillo,  whilst  his  popular  title  was  that  of  Capitan.  This  service 
was  compulsory. 

The  elections  of  Gobernadorcillos  and  their  subordinates  took  place 
every  two  years,  and  the  term  of  office  counted  from  the  1st  of  duly 
following  such  elections. 

There  were  a few  towns  where  the  Gobernadorcillos  were  able  to 
make  considerable  sums,  and  here  the  appointment  was  energetically 
sought  for,  but  as  a rule  it  was  regarded  as  an  onerous  task,  and  I 
know  several  who  have  paid  bribes  to  the  officials  to  rid  them  of  it 
under  the  pretext  of  ill-health,  legal  incapacity,  and  so  on.  The 
Gobernadorcillo  was  supported  by  what  was  pompously  termed  a 
ministrv,  the  “ ministers  of  justice  ” being  two  lieutenants  of  the 
town,  suburban  lieutenants  of  the  wards,  the  chiefs  of  police,  of 
plantations,  and  of  live  stock. 

The  Gobernadorcillo  was  nominally  the  delegate  and  practically 
the  servant  of  the  Governor  of  the  Province,  through  whom  he  received 
his  instructions  aud  to  whom  he  communicated  all  official  information. 
In  his  town  and  its  wards  he  might  be  regarded  as  the  counterpart  of 
the  Governor  in  his  Province. 

He  was  the  arbiter  of  local  petty  questions,  and  endeavoured  to 
adjust  them,  but  when  they  assumed  a legal  aspect,  they  were  taken  up 


NATIVE  PROVINCIAL  AUTHORITIES. 


245 


by  the  local  Justice  of  the  Peace,  who  was  directly  subordinate  to  the 
Chief  Judge  of  the  Province. 

The  Gobcrnadorcillo  was  also  subservient  to  the  Administrator  for 
the  collection  of  taxes — to  the  Chief  of  the  Civil  Guard  for  the  capture 
of  criminals,  and  to  the  priest  of  his  parish  for  the  interests  of  the 
Church,  and  (if  he  were  a Friar)  the  private  ends  of  its  representative. 

He  was  often  made  personally  responsible  for  the  taxes  to  be 
collected,  and  on  this  score  he  was  at  times  imprisoned,  unless  ho 
succeeded  in  throwing  the  burden  on  the  actual  collectors — the  Cabezas 
de  Barangay. 

The  Gobcrnadorcillo  was  often  put  to  considerable  expense  in  the 
course  of  his  two  years,  in  entertaining  and  supplying  the  wants  of 
officials  passing  through.  To  cover  this  outlay,  the  loss  of  his  own 
time,  the  salaries  of  writers  in  the  Town  Hall,  presents  to  his  Spanish 
chiefs  to  secure  their  goodwill,  and  other  calls  upon  his  private  income, 
he  naturally  had  to  exact  funds  from  the  townspeople.  To  cover  these 
disbursements  legally,  he  could  receive,  if  he  chose  (but  few  did),  the 
munificent  salary  of  $2  per  month,  and  an  allowance  for  clerks  equal  to 
about  one-fifth  of  what  he  had  to  pay  them. 

Some  of  these  Gobernadorcillos  were  well-to-do  planters,  and  were 
anxious  for  the  office,  even  if  it  cost  them  money,  on  account  of  the 
local  prestige  which  the  title  of  “ Capitan  ” gave  them,  but  others  were 
often  so  poor,  that  if  they  had  not  pilfered  this  compulsory  service 
would  have  ruined  them.  However,  a smart  Gobernadorcillo  was 
rarely  out  of  pocket  by  his  service.  One  of  the  greatest  hardships  to 
the  Gobcrnadorcillo  was  that  he  often  had  to  abandon  his  plantation  or 
other  means  of  living  to  go  to  the  capital  of  the  province  at  his  own 
expense  whenever  he  was  cited  there.  Many  of  them  did  not  speak  or 
understand  Spanish,  in  which  case  they  had  to  pay  and  be  at  the  mercy 
of  a Secretary  ( Directorcillo ). 

When  there  was  any  question  on  the  tapis  of  general  interest  to  the 
townspeople  (such  as  a serious  innovation  in  the  existing  law,  or 
the  annual  feasts,  or  the  anticipated  arrival  of  a very  big  official)  the 
headmen  ( principalia ) were  cited  to  the  Town  Hall.  They  were  also 
expected  to  assemble  there  every  Sunday  and  Great  Feast  Days 
(three-cross  Saint  days  in  the  Calendar),  to  march  thence  in  procession  to 
the  church  to  hear  Mass,  under  certain  penalties  if  they  failed  to  attend. 
Each  one  carried  his  stick  of  authority  ; and  the  official  dress  was  a 


246 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


short  Eton  jacket  of  black  cloth  over  the  shirt,  the  tail  of  which 
hung  outside  the  trousers. 

Some  Gobcrnadorcillos,  imbued  with  a sense  of  the  importance  and 
solemnity  of  office,  ordered  a baud,  playing  lively  dance  music,  to  head 
the  cortege  to  and  from  the  church. 

After  Mass  they  repaired  to  the  convent,  and  on  bended  knee  kissed 
the  priest’s  hand.  Town  affairs  were  then  discussed.  Some  present 
were  chided,  others  were  commended  by  the  holy  friar. 

During  the  sowing  and  harvesting  seasons,  some  of  the  headmen 
were  only  seen  in  town  on  Sundays,  their  lands  being  so  distant,  or 
the  roads  so  bad  that  they  went  off  there  from  the  Monday  to  the 
Saturday  of  each  week. 

For  the  direct  collection  of  taxes  and  contributions,  each  township 
was  sub-divided  into  what  were  called  Barangays,  which  were  simply 
groups  of  forty  or  fifty  families ; each  group  having  to  pay  its 
respective  head,  who  was  responsible  to  the  petty  Governor,  who  in 
turn  made  the  payment  to  the  Administrator  of  the  Province  for 
remission  to  the  Treasury  ( Intendencia ) in  Manila. 

This  Barangay  chief dom  system  took  its  origin  from  that  established 
by  the  natives  themselves  prior  to  their  conquest,  and  in  some  parts  of 
the  Colony  the  original  title  of  datto  was  still  applied  to  the  Chief. 
This  position  was  amongst  themselves  hereditary,  and  coutiuued  to  be 
so  for  many  years  under  Spanish  rule.  The  appointment  was  then 
sought  for  by  the  natives,  as  it  gave  the  heads  of  certain  families 
a birthright  importance  or  superiority  over  their  class.  Later  on  they 
were  chosen  like  all  the  other  native  local  authorities  every  two  years, 
but  if  they  had  anything  to  lose,  they  were  invariably  re-elected.  In 
order  to  be  included  in  the  headmen  of  the  town  (the  principalia)  a 
Barangay  chief  had  to  serve  for  ten  years  in  that  capacity  unless 
he  were,  meanwhile,  elected  to  a higher  rank,  such  as  Lieutenant 
or  Gobcrnadorcillo. 

The  obligations  of  a Barangay  chief  were  perhaps  the  most  irksome 
and  repugnant  of  all.  The  Government  rarely  recognized  any  bad 
debts  in  the  collection  of  the  taxes,  until  the  chief  had  been  made 
bankrupt  and  his  goods  and  chattels  sold  to  make  good  the  sums  which 
he  could  not  collect  from  his  group,  whether  it  arose  from  their  poverty, 
death  or  from  their  having  absconded. 

I have  been  present  at  the  sales  by  public  auction  of  the  live  stock 


CORRUPT  FISCAL  ADMINISTRATION. 


247 


of  some  of  these  chiefs  to  supply  taxes  to  the  Government,  which 
admitted  no  excuses  or  explanations.  Many  Barangay  chiefs  have 
gone  to  prison  through  their  inability  or  refusal  to  pay  others’  debts. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  true  there  were  among  them  some  profligate 
characters  who  misappropriated  the  collected  taxes.  Even  in  that  case 
the  Government  had  really  little  right  to  complain,  for  the  labour  of 
tax-gathering  was  a forced  service  without  remuneration  for  expenses 
or  loss  of  time  incurred. 

In  many  towns,  villages  and  hamlets  there  were  posts  of  the  Civil 
Guard  established  for  the  arrest  of  criminals  and  the  maintenance 
of  public  order  ; moreover,  there  was  in  each  town  a body  of  guards 
called  “ Cuadrilleros  ” for  the  defence  of  the  town  and  the  persecution 
of  bandits  and  criminals  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  town  only. 
They  did  not  appear  to  be  specially  chosen  for  their  loyalty,  indeed  no 
one  who  could  hopefully  aspire  to  a higher  vocation  would  accept 
to  be  a Cuadrillero. 

There  were  frequent  cases  of  Cuadrilleros  passing  over  to  the 
opposite  side,  to  join  a band  of  brigands.  Some  years  ago  the  whole 
body  appertaining  to  the  town  of  Mauban,  in  the  Province  of  Tayabas, 
suddenly  took  to  the  mountains  ; and  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  many 
have  rendered  valuable  aid  to  society,  this  uncertainty  of  character 
vastly  diminishes  their  public  utility. 

From  the  time  the  first  administration  in  the  Philippines  was 
organized  up  to  the  year  1884,  all  the  subdued  natives  paid  tribute. 

Latterly  it  amounted  to  the  nominal  sum  of  four  shillings  and 
five  pence  per  annum  (one  dollar  and  17  cuartos),  and  those  who 
did  not  choose  to  work  for  the  Government  during  forty  days  in  the 
year,  paid  also  a poll-tax  ( fallas ) of  $3  per  annum.  But,  as  a matter 
of  fact,  thousands  were  declared  as  workers  who  never  did  work,  and 
whilst  roads  were  in  an  abominable  condition  and  public  works  abandoned, 
not  much  secret  was  made  of  the  fact  that  a great  portion  of  the  poll- 
tax  never  reached  the  Treasury. 

These  pilferings  were  known  to  the  Spanish  local  authorities  as 
caidas  or  droppings  ; and  in  a certain  province  I have  met  at  table  a 
provincial  chief  judge,  the  nephew  of  a General,  and  other  persons 
who  openly  discussed  the  value  of  the  different  Provincial  Governments 
(before  1884)  in  Luzon  Island,  on  the  basis  of  so  much  for  salary  and 
so  much  for  fees  and  caidas. 


248 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


However,  as  good  faith  depends  on  the  individual  and  not  on  the 
system,  the  above  arrangement  may  be  said  to  have  worked  as  well  as 
any  other  would  under  the  circumstances,  but  for  some  reason,  best 
known  to  the  authorities,  it  was  abolished.  In  lieu  thereof  a scheme 
was  proposed,  obliging  every  inhabitant  in  the  Philippines,  excepting 
only  public  servants,  the  clergy  and  a few  others,  to  work  for  fifteen 
days  per  annum  without  the  right  of  redeeming  this  obligation  by 
payment.  Indeed,  the  Decree  to  that  effect  was  actually  received  from 
the  Heme  Government  by  the  Governor-General  in  Manila.  It  was  so- 
palpably  ludicrous,  that  the  Governor-General  did  not  give  it  effect. 

He  had  sufficient  common  sense  to  foresee  in  its  application  the 
extinction  of  all  European  prestige  and  moral  influence  over  the 
natives  if  Spanish  and  foreign  gentlemen  of  good  family  were  seen 
sweeping  the  streets,  one  lighting  the  lamps,  another  road-mending, 
another  guiding  a buffalo  cart  with  a load  of  stones,  and  so  on.  This 
measure  therefore,  regarded  by  some  as  a practical  joke — by  others  as 
the  conception  of  a lunatic  theorist — was  withdrawn,  or  at  least  allowed 
to  subside.  Perhaps  it  may  be  said  to  have  fallen  by  the  weight  of  its 
own  absurdity. 

Nevertheless,  those  in  power  were  bent  on  reform,  but  the  greatest 
blunder  of  all — the  abolition  of  tribute — was  not  remedied.  The 
Peninsular  system  of  a document  of  identity  ( Cedula  personal ),  which 
works  well  amongst  Europeans,  was  then  adopted  for  all  classes  and 
nationalities  above  the  age  of  18  years  without  exception,  and  its 
possession  was  compulsory.  The  amount  paid  for  this  document, 
which  was  of  nine  classes,1  from  $25  value  downwards,  varied 
according  to  the  income  of  the  holder  or  the  cost  of  his  trading  licences. 
Any  person  holding  this  document  of  a value  under  $3^  was  subject  to 
fifteen  days’  forced  labour  per  annum,  or  to  pay  50  cents  for  each  day 
he  failed  to  work.  The  holder  of  a document  of  $3^  or  over  paid  also 
$li  “ Municipal  Tax”  in  lieu  of  labour.  The  “ Cedula ” thenceforth 
served  as  a passport  for  travelling  within  the  Archipelago,  to  be 
exhibited  at  any  time  on  demand  by  the  proper  authority. 


1 There  was  also  a tenth  class  gratis  for  the  clergy,  army,  and  navy  forces  and 
convicts,  and  a “privileged  ” class  gratis  for  petty  Governors  and  their  wives, 
Barangay  chiefs  and  their  wives,  and  Barangay  chiefs’  assistants,  called 
“ primogt-nitos  ” fprimogdnito  means  first  born — perhaps  it  was  anticipated  that  he 
would  “ assist  ” his  father). 


MUNICIPAL  REFORMS. 


249 


No  legal  document  was  valid  unless  the  interested  parties  had 
produced  their  Cedulas,  the  details  of  which  were  noted  in  the  legal 
instrument.  No  petitions  would  be  noticed  ; and  very  few  transactions 
could  be  made  in  the  Government  Offices  without  the  presentation  of 
this  document  of  identity.  The  Decree  relating  to  this  reform,  like 
most  ambiguous  Spanish  edicts,  set  forth  that  any  person  was  at  liberty 
to  take  a higher  valued  personal  identity  document  than  that  corre- 
sponding to  his  position,  without  the  right  of  any  official  to  ask  the 
reason  why.  This  was  highly  prejudicial  to  the  public  welfare,  for,  in 
this  way,  thousands  of  able-bodied  natives  become  exempt  from  labour 
for  public  improvements  which  were  so  imperatively  necessary  in  the 
provinces.  The  labour  question  was  indeed  altogether  a farce,  and 
simply  afforded  a pretext  for  levying  a tax. 

In  1890  certain  reforms  were  introduced  into  the  townships,  most 
of  which  were  raised  to  the  dignity  of  Municipalities.  The  titles  of 
Goberttadorcillo  and  Directorcillo  (the  words  themselves  in  Spanish 
bear  a sound  of  contempt)  were  changed  to  Capitan  Municipal  and 
Secrelario  respectively  (Municipal  Captain  and  Secretary)  with 
nominally  extended  powers.  Tor  instance,  the  Municipal  Captains 
were  empowered  to  disburse  for  public  works,  without  appeal  to 
Manila,  a few  hundred  dollars  in  the  year  (to  be  drawn,  in  some 
cases,  from  empty  public  coffers,  or  private  purses).  The  old- 
established  obligation  to  supply  travellers,  on  payment  thereof,  with 
certain  necessaries  of  life  and  means  of  transport,  was  abolished.  The 
amplified  functions  of  the  local  Justices  of  the  Peace  were  abused  to 
such  a degree  that  these  officials  became  more  the  originators  of  strife 
than  the  guardians  of  peace. 


CHAPTER  XI  Y. 


PHILIPPINE  FINANCES. 

The  secession  of  Mexico  from  the  Spanish  Crown  in  the  second 
decade  of  this  century  brought  with  it  a complete  revolution  in 
Philippine  affairs.  Direct  trade  with  Europe  through  one  channel  or 
the  other  had  necessarily  to  be  permitted.  The  “ Situado  ” or  subsidy 
received  from  Mexico  became  a thing  of  the  past,  and  necessity  urged 
the  home  authorities  to  somewhat  relax  the  old  restraint  on  the 
development  of  this  Colony’s  resources. 

In  1839  the  first  Philippine  Budget  was  presented  iu  the  Spanish 
Cortes,  but  so  little  interest  did  the  affairs  of  this  Colony  excite,  that 
it  provoked  no  discussion  ; excepting  only  the  amendment  of  one  item, 
the  Budget  was  adopted  in  silence. 

There  is  apparently  no  record  of  the  Philippine  Islands  having 
been  at  any  time  in  a flourishing  financial  condition.  Of  late  years 
the  revenue  of  the  Colony  has  invariably  resulted  much  less  than  the 
estimated  yield  of  taxes  and  contributions.  The  figures  of  the  last 
three  years,  prior  to  the  Budget  of  1888,  which  I give  iu  full,  stand 
thus  : — 


Financial 

Year. 

Income  in 
Budget. 

Income 

Realized. 

Difference. 

1884-1885  - - 

$ 

11,298,508.98 

s 

9,893,745.87 

s 

1,404,763.11 

1885-1886  - - 

11,528,178.00 

9,688,029.70 

1,840,148.30 

1886-1887  - - 

11,554,379.00 

9,324,974.08 

2, 229,404.92 

1896-1897  - - 

17,086,423.00 

No  official  retu 

rus  procurable. 

THE  PHILIPPINE  BUDGET. 


251 


Anticipated  Revenue , Year  1888. 


Direct  Taxes  -------- 

Customs  Dues  - --  --  --  - 

Government  Monopolies  (stamps,  cock-fighting,  opium, 
gambling,  etc.)  ------- 

Lotteries  and  Raffles  ------- 

Sale  of  State  property  ------ 

War  and  Marine  Department  (sale  of  useless  articles. 
Gain  on  repairs  to  private  ships  in  the  Government 
Arsenal)  - --  --  --  - 

Sundries  - --  --  --  -- 


$ cts. 
5,206,836  93 
2,023,400  00 

1,181,239  00 
513,200  00 
153,571  00 

15,150  00 
744,500  00 


9,837,896  93 

Anticipated  Expenditure,  year  1888  - 9,825,633  29 


Anticipated  Surplus 


$12,263  64 


The  actual  deficit  in  the  last  previous  Budget  for  which  there  was 
no  provision,  was  estimated  at  $1,376,179.56,  against  which  the  above 
balance  would  be  placed.  There  were  some  remarkable  inconsistencies 
in  the  1888  Budget  : — The  Inspection  of  Woods  and  Forests  was  an 
institution  under  a Chief  Inspector  with  a salary  of  $6,500,  assisted  by 
a technical  staff  of  64  persons  and  52  non-technical  subordinates.  The 
total  cost  for  the  year  was  estimated  at  $165,960,  against  which  the 
anticipated  income  derived  from  duties  on  felled  timber  was  $80,000 — 
hence  a loss  to  the  Colony  of  $85,960  was  duly  anticipated  to  satisfy 
office-seekers.  Before  the  Budget  appeared,  economists  hoped  that 
this  institution  would  have  been  abolished  and  a Foresters’  Corps 
created  under  one  Chief  for  the  due  preservation  of  forests  and  the 
regulation  of  felling  in  season.  Those  who  wished  to  cut  timber  were 
subjected  to  very  complicated  regulations,  which  severely  taxed  one’s 
patience.  The  tariff  of  duties  and  mode  of  calculating  it  were 
capriciously  modified  from  time  to  time  on  no  commercial  basis 
whatever.  Merchants  who  had  contracted  to  supply  timber  at  so  much 
per  foot  for  delivery  within  a fixed  period,  were  never  sure  of  their 
profits  ; for  the  dues  might,  meanwhile,  be  raised  without  any 
consideration  for  trading  interests.  Beyond  all  doubt  the  primordial 


252 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


element  of  civilization  is  the  establishment  of  easy  means  of 
communication.  Yet,  whilst  this  was  so  sadly  neglected  in  the 
interior  of  the  islands,  the  Budget  provided  the  sum  of  $113,686.64 
for  a School  of  Agriculture  in  Manila,  and  ten  model  farms  and 
Schools  of  Cultivation  in  the  Provinces.  It  was  not  the  want  of 
farming  knowledge,  but  the  scarcity  of  capital  and  the  scandalous 
neglect  of  public  highways  and  bridges  for  transport  of  produce  which 
retarded  agriculture.  The  one  hundred  and  thirteen  thousand  dollars 
if  disbursed  on  roads,  bridges,  town  halls,  and  landing-jetties,  would 
have  benefited  the  Colony — as  it  was  this  sum  went  to  furnish  salaries 
to  needy  Spaniards.  - 

The  following  are  a few  of  the  most  interesting  items  of  the 
Budget  : — 


Revenue. 


2,760,613  Documents  .of  Identity  (Cedulas  personales) 

costing  4 °/0  to  collect — gross  value  ...  4,401,629  25 

Tax  on  the  above,  based  on  the  estimated  local  consump- 
tion of  Tobacco  -------  222,500  00 


Chinese  Capitation  Tax  - 

Tax  on  the  above  for  the  estimated  local  consumption  of 
Tobacco  - --  --  --  - 

Recognition  of  vassalage  collected  from  the  unsubdued 
mountain  tribes  ------- 

Industrial  and  Trading  Licences  (costing  ^ °/0  to  collect) 
gross  value  -------- 

Yield  of  the  Opium  Contract  (rented  out)  - - - 

„ „ „ Cock-fighting  Contract  (rented  out)  - 

Lotteries  and  Raffles,  nett  profit  say  - 
State  Lands  worked  by  miners  - - - - 

Sale  of  State  Lands  ------- 

Mint — Profits  on  the  manipulation  of  the  bullion,  less 
expenses  of  the  Mint  ($46,150),  nett  - - - 

Stamps  and  Stamped  Paper  - 

Convict  labour  hired  out  ------ 


236,250  00 
11,250  00 
12,000  00 

1,350,000  00 

483.400  00 
149,039  00 
501,862  00 

100  00 
50,000  00 

330,350  00 

548.400  00 
50,000  00 


THE  PHILIPPINE  BUDGET. 


253 


Expenditure. 


34  °/0  of  the  maintenance  of  Fernando  Po  (by  Decree  of 
5th  August  1884)  - - ' 

Share  of  the  pension  paid  to  the  heir  of  Christopher 
Columbus,  the  Duke  of  Veragua  ($23,400  a year)  - 

Share  of  the  pension  paid  to  Ferdinand  Columbus, 
Marquis  of  Barboles  ------ 

The  Marquis  of  Bedmar  is  the  heir  of  the  assayer  and 
caster  in  the  Mint  of  Potosi  (Peru).  The  concern 
■was-  taken  over  by  the  Spanish  Government,  in 
return  for  an  annual  perpetual  pension,  of  which  this 
Colony  contributes  the -sum  of  - 

The  Consular  and  Diplomatic  Services,  Philippine  Share 

Postal  and  Telegraph  Services  (with  a staff  of  550 
persons)  -------- 

The  Submarine  Cable  Co.  Subsidy  (Bolinao  to  Hong- 
kong)  payable  up  to  June  1890  - 

Gharitable  Institutions  partly  supported  by  Government, 
including  the  “Lepers’  Hospital”  $500  - 


$ cts. 
68,618  18 

3.000  00 

1.000  00 


1,500  00 

66,000  00 

406,547  17 

48,000  00 

26,887  50 


The  Treasury. 


The  salary  of  the  Treasurer-General  was  $12,000. 

The  Branches  of  the  Treasury  or  Administration  in 
the  Provinces  were  the  following,  viz. : — 

3 of  the  First  Class  with  Custom  House. 


7 

55 

55  55 

without 

55 

1 

55 

Second  „ 

with 

55 

(Zamboanga). 

6 

55 

without 

55 

6 

55 

Third  „ 

55 

5 

55 

Fourth  „ 

19 

55 

Sub-delegations. 

47  Provincial  Administrations,  total  cost  per  annum  - $228,866 


254 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS, 


The  Army  and  Armed  Land  Forces. 

Rank  and  File  and  Non-commissioned  Officers  as  follows  : — 
Infantry,  Artillery,  Engineer  and  Carabineer  Corps  - - - 9,470 

Cavalry  Corps  - --  --  --  --  407 

Disciplinary  Corps  (Convicts)  ------  630 

„ „ (Non-commissioned  Officers)  92 

Three  Civil  Guard  Corps  (Provincial  Constabulary)  - - 3,342 

Veteran  Civil  Guard  Corps  (Manila  and  Suburban  Military 

Police)  - --  --  --  --  - 400 

Total  number  of  men  - 14,341 


ARMY  OFFICERS  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


Year  1888. 
HOW  EMPLOYED. 

Lieutenant- 

Generals. 

in 

03 

H 

s 

O 

2 

« 

Colonels. 

Lieutenant- 

Colonels. 

Majors. 

oi 

< 

E-» 

e- 

< 

O 

LIEUTENANTS. 

Sub- 

lieutenants. 

TOTALS. 

Governor-General  with  local  rank") 
of  Captain-General  - - -J 

Employed  in  Government  Admin- v 
istration,  Political  Military 
Provincial  Governments,  Staff  J 
Officers  and  Officers  at  the 
Orders  of  the  Governor-General  J 

With  command  or  attached  to  Army! 
Corps  and  Disciplinary  Corps  -J 

1 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

1 

1 

7 

7 

14 

39 

37 

23 

12 

140 

— 

— 

5 

11 

14 

88 

136 

127 

381 

Civil  Guard  - 

— 

— 

3 

3 

9 

33 

54 

54 

156 

Veteran  Civil  Guard  - 

— 

— 

— 

— 

1 

— 

6 

6 

13 

Invalid  Corps  ----- 

1 



1 

Military  Academy  - 

— 

— 

1 

— 

— 

1 

2 

— 

4 

Prisons  and  Penitentiaries 

— 

— 

— 

1 

1 

4 

3 



9 

Commissariat  Department 

— 

1 

1 

1 

— 

14 

18 

— 

35 

J udicial  Audit  Department 

— 

1 

1 

— 

2 

2 

— 

' — 

6 

In  expectation  of  Service 

In  excess  of  Active  Service  require-"! 

— 

— 

1 

3 

6 

12 

12 

12 

46 

ments  - - - - -J 

3 

1 

7 

9 

20 

Total  of  Officers 

2 

9 

19 

36 

73 

191 

262 

220 

812 

The  Archbishop  as  Vicar- General  of  the  Armed  Forces  ranked 
in  precedence  as  a Field-Marshal.  (In  the  Spanish  Airny  a Field 
Marshal  ranks  between  a Brigadier  and  Lieutenant-General.) 


ARMY  PAY. 


255 


OFFICERS’  PAY  PER  ANNUM. 


R Alt  K. 

Ordinary 

Pay. 

When 

Commanding 
a Corps. 

Extra. 

W^EN 
IN  OlVIIi 

Guard. 

WHEN 
in  Veteran 
Civii, 
Guard. 

Captain-General  was  paid  as  Gov-) 

$ 

40,000* 

12,000 

$ 

$ 

$ 

ernor-General  of  the  Colony  - j 
Lieutenant-General  (local  rank), I 

Sub-Inspector  of  Army  Corps/ 

Brigadier  - 

4,500 

800 

— 

— 

Colonel  - - - 

3,450 

600 

4,200 

— 

Lieutenant-Colonel  ... 

2,700 

400 

3,288 

— 

Major  ------ 

2,400 

— 

2,520 

2,880 

Captain-  - - - - 

1,500 

— 

1,584 

— 

Lieutenant  ----- 

1,125 

— 

1,242 

1,485 

Sub-Lieutenant  - - - - 

975 

— 

1,068 

1,275 

1 This  was  not  included  in  Army  Estimates,  but  in  Civil  Government.  Officers  from  Captain 
(inclusive)  upwards  “In  expectation  of  Service”  and  “In  excess  of  Active  Service  requirements,” 
received  only  4/'5ths  of  ordinary  pay. 


After  6 years’  and  up  to  9 years’  service,  an  officer  could  claim 
a free  passage  back  to  the  Peninsula  for  himself,  and  his  family  if 
married. 

After  9 years’  service,  his  retirement  from  the  Colony  for  3 years 
■was  compulsory.  If  he  nevertheless  wished  to  remain  in  the  Colony, 
he  must  quit  Military  service.  If  he  left  before  completing  6 years’ 
service,  he  would  have  to  pay  his  own  passage  unless  he  went  “ on 
commission  ” or  with  sick  leave  allowance. 


Estimated  Annual  Disbursements  for — 

The  Civil  Guard,  composed  of  Three  Corps  = 3,342  Men  $ cts. 
and  156  Officers 638,896  77 

The  Veteran  Civil  Guard  (Manila  Police)  One  Corps  = 

400  Men  and  13  Officers  - 73,246  88 

The  Disciplinary  Corps,  Maintenance  of  630  Convicts  and 

Material  -------  56,230  63 

(For  the  Disciplinary  Convict  Corps)  92  Non-commis- 
sioned Officers  and  23  Officers  - 47,909  51 

$104,140  14 


256 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Army  Estimate. 

$ cti. 

Estimate  according  to  the  Budget  - 3,016,185  91 


Plus  the  following  sums  charged  on  other  estimates, 
viz.  : — 

Disciplinary  Corps,  maintenance  of  630  Convicts  and 

material  - - - - - - - - 56,230  63 

The  Civil  Guard 638,896  77 

The  Veteran  Civil  Guard  ------  73,246  88 

Pensions  - - - - - - 117,200  00 

Transport  and  maintenance  of  Recruits  from  Provinces  - 6,000  00 

Expeditions  to  be  made  against  the  Natives  ofJMindanap 
Island. — Religious  ceremonies  to  celebrate  Victories 
gained  over  Mahomedans,  Maintenance  of  War 
Prisoners,  etc.  -------  11,000  00 


Total  cost  of  Army  and  Armed  Land  Forces  - $3,918,760  19 


Before  the  walls  were  built  around  Manila,  about  the  year  1590, 
each  soldier  and  officer  lived  where  he  pleased,  and,  when  required,  the 
troops  were  assembled  by  the  bugle  call. 

At  the  close  of  the  16th  century  barracks  were  constructed,  but 
up  to  the  middle  of  last  century  the  native  troops  were  so  badly  and 
irregularly  paid,  that  they  went  from  house  to  house  begging  alms  of 
the  citizens  (vide  page  52,  King  Philip  II.’s  Decree). 

Last  century,  in  the  Fort  of  Yligan  (north  of  Mindanao  Island), 
troops  died  of  sheer  want,  and  when  this  was  represented  to  the 
Governor,  generous  reforms  were  made  to  better  their  position.  The 
Spanish  soldiers  were  in  future  to  be  paid  $2  per  month  and  native 
soldiers  $1  per  month  to  hold  the  fort,  at  the  risk  of  their  lives,  against 
attack  from  the  Mussulmans. 

In  the  Forts  of  Labo  and  Taytay,  in  the  north  of  Palauan  Island, 
the  soldiers’  pay  was  only  nominal,  rations  were  often  short,  and  their 
lives  altogether  most  wretched.  Sometimes  they  were  totally  overlooked 
by  the  military  chiefs,  and  they  had  to  seek  an  existence  as  best  they 
could  when  provisions  were  not  sent  from  the  Capital. 


MILITARY  ORGANIZATION. 


257 


Mexican  soldiers  arrived  in  nearly  every  ship,  but  there  was  no 
order — no  barracks  for  them,  no  regular  mode  of  living,  no  regulations 
at  all  for  their  board  and  lodging,  etc.,  hence  many  had  to  subsist  by 
serving  natives  and  half-breeds,  much  to  the  discredit  of  the  Mother 
Country,  and  consequent  loss  of  prestige. 

Each  time  a new  expedition  was  organized  a fresh  recruiting  had 
to  be  made  at  great  cost  and  with  great  delay.  There  was  practically 
no  regular  army  except  those  necessarily  compelled  to  mount  guard,  etc. 
in  the  City. 

Even  the  officers  received  no  pay  with  regularity  and  punctuality, 
and  there  was  some  excuse  for  stealing  when  they  had  a chance,  and 
for  the  total  absence  of  enthusiasm  in  the  Service.  When  troops  were 
urgently  called  for,  the  Governor-General  had  to  bargain  with  the 
officers  to  fill  the  minor  posts  by  promises  of  rewards,  whilst  the  high 
commands  were  eagerly  sought  for,  not  for  the  pay  or  the  glory,  but 
for  the  plunder  in  perspective. 


In  1739  the  Armoury  in  Manila  contained  only — 

25  Arquebuses  of  native  manufacture. 

120  Biscayan  muskets. 

40  Flint  guns. 

70  Hatchets. 

40  Cutlasses. 

The  first  regular  military  organization  in  these  Islands  was  in  the 
time  of  Pedro  Manuel  de  Arandia  (1754),  when  one  regiment  was 
formed  of  five  companies  of  native  soldiers  together  with  four  companies 
of  troops  which  arrived  with  the  Governor  from  Mexico.  This  Corps, 
afterwards  known  as  the  “ King’s  Regiment1  ” ( Regimiento  del  Bey) 
was  divided  into  two  battalions,  each  of  which  was  increased  to  ten 
companies  as  the  troops  returned  from  the  Provinces. 


The  20  companies  were  each  composed  as  follows  : — 
1 Captain,  2 Drummers, 

1 Lieutenant,  6 First  Corporals, 

1 Sub-lieuteuant,  6 Second  Corporals, 

4 Sergeants,  88  Rank  and  File. 


1 In  1888  the  “ King’s  Regiment”  was  divided  into  two  regiments,  under  new 
denominations,  viz.,  “Castilla.  No.  1,”  (3rd  A pril),  and  “ Espaha.  No.  3,”  (ISth 

June). 

R 


258 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  Governor-General’s  body  guard  of  Halberdiers  was  reformed, 
and  thenceforth  consisted  of  18  men,  under  a Captain  and  a Corporal. 


The  monthly  pay  under  these  reforms  was  as  follows  : — 


Staff  Officers. 

$ 

Regiment  at.  Officers 
and  Staff. 

$ c. 

Governor-General’s 
Body  Guard. 

S 

Chief  of  the  Staff 

40 

Captain 

25  00 

Captain 

35 

Adjutant  Major  - 

23 

Lieutenant 

18  00 

Corporal 

10 

Adjutant 

IS 

Sub-Lieutenant 

14  00 

Guards 

Captain  • 

12 

Sergeant 

4 00 

Drummer 

3 00 

First  Corporal 

3 25 

Second  „ 

3 00 

Rank  and  File 

2 62J 

Besides  an  allow- 
ance of  about  1J 
pints  of  clean  rice 
per  day. 

From  the  1st  of  October  1754  they  were  quartered  in  barracks, 
Commissariat  Officers  were  appointed,  and  every  man  and  officer  was 
regularly  paid  fortnightly. 

The  soldiers  were  not  used  to  this  discipline,  and  desertion  was 
frequent.  They  much  preferred  the  old  style  of  roaming  about  to  beg 
or  steal,  and  live  where  they  chose  until  they  were  called  out  to  service, 
and  very  vigorous  measures  had  to  be  adopted  to  compel  them  to 
comply  with  the  new  regulations. 

In  May  1755  four  artillery  brigades  were  formed,  the  commanding 
-officer  of  each  receiving  §30  per  month  pay. 

In  1757  there  were  16  fortified  outposts  in  the  Provinces,  at  a 
total  estimated  cost  of  §37,638  per  annum  (including  Zamboanga,  the 
chief  centre  of  operations  against  the  Mahomedans,  which  alone  cost 
$18,831  in  1757),  besides  the  armed  forces  and  Camp  of  Manila, 
Fort  Santiago  and  Cavite  Arsenal  and  Fort,  which  together  cost  a 
further  sum  of  §157,934  for  maintenance  in  that  year. 


NAVAL  FORCES 


259 


THE  NAVY  AND  MARITIME  FORCES. 
Year  1888. 


Armed  Vessels. 

Class. 

3 ij 
c~  < 

3 

Marines  on 
Board. 

zn 

O 

m 

Observations. 

“ Aragon  ” 

- 

- 

1st  class  Cruiser 

5,760 

46 

220 

“Velasco” 

- 

- 

2nd  „ ,, 

4,560 

19 

101 

41  Marques  del  Duero  ” 

- 

Despatch  boat  - 

3.3G0 

— 

62 

<!  Sirena  ” 

- 

- 

Schooner 

3,360 

— 

64 

“San  Quintin ” 

- 

- 

Despatch  boat  - 

4,560 

— 

120 

" Cebu  ” - 

- 

- 

Transport 

2,280 

— 

26 

“ Argos  ” 

- 

- 

4,560 

— 

51 

“ Manila  ” 

- 

- 

3,360 

46 

“ Elcano  ” 

- 

- 

Gunboat 

3,360 

54 

“ General  Lezo  ” 

- 

- 

5> 

3,360 

54 

“ Mindanao1 ” 

- 

- 

J? 

2,280 

23 

Paragua-  ” - 

- 

- 

?> 

2.2S0 

16 

“Blasco5’’ 

- 

- 

)» 

1,980 

Marques  de  la  Victoria 

Hulk 

3,360 

— 

63 

/ In  charge  .'In 

t;  Caviteilo  ” » 

* 

— 

— 

23 

Vof  Quarter- < Su- 
C master,  (^bio3- 

“ Santa  Ana  ” 

- 

Felucca  - 

23 

“ Da.  Maria  de  Molina  ” 

- 

Hulk 

2,230 

— 

42 

In  Caroline  Islands 

“ Animosa  ” - 

- 

- 

2,280 

42 

Ia  construction  in  1S88 


f:l 


Pv  2 


of  this  Class. 


260 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS 


IN  PHILIPPINE  WATERS. 
Year  1898. 


Name. 

Class. 

Toss. 

H.r. 

“ Reina  Cristina  ” 

- 

- 

Cruiser 

- 

3,500 

3,950 

“ Castilla  ” 

- 

- 

:»  “ 

- 

3,260 

4,400 

“ Don  Ant°.  de  Ulloa ” 

• 

- 

99  * 

- 

1,200 

1,523 

“ Don  Juan  de  Austria  ” 

- 

- 

99 

- 

1,130 

1,600 

“ Isla  de  Cuba  ” 

- 

- 

99 

- 

1,04S 

2,200 

“ Isla  de  Luzon  ” 

- 

- 

99 

- 

1,048 

2,200 

“Velasco” 

- 

Gunboat  - 

- 

1,152 

1,500 

“ Elcano  ” 

- 

- 

„ 

- 

500 

600 

“ General  Lezo  ” 

- 

- 

99 

- 

520 

600 

“ Argos  ” - 

- 

99 

- 

508 

600 

“ Marques  del  Duero” 

- 

- 

99 

* 

500 

550 

“ Manila  ” - 

- 

- 

Transport  - 

- 

1,900 

750 

“ General  Alava  ” 

- 

- 

>9 

- 

1.200 

1,000 

“Cebu”  ... 

- 

- 

99 

532 

600 

“ Callao  ” - 

- 

- 

Gunboat  and 

4 

other 

very  small 

besides  3 

armed  steam  launches  built  in  Hongkong,  viz. : 

“ Lanao,”  “ Corcuero,’ 

’ and  “ General  Blanco.” 

NAVAL  DIVISIONS. 


STATIONS. 

Commander’s 

Pay. 

Forces  in  Addition 

TO  DREWS. 

South  Division 

s 

5,760 

Palauan  (Pta.  Princesa) 

- 

- 

4,560 

30  Marines. 

Isabel  de  Basilan  - 

- 

- 

3,360 

30  „ (27of  the  NavaT 

Brigade  under  a Lieut.) 

Baldbac  Island 

- 

- 

3,360 

22  Marines. 

Corregidor  Island  - 

. 

- 

3,360 

West  Caroline  Islands  - 

• 

- 

3,360 

East  „ „ 

- 

- 

4,560 

NAVAL  FORCES. 


261 


HARBOUR-MASTERS. 


STATION. 

Bank. 

Pay. 

Manila  ------ 

Frigate  Captain  - 

3,200 

Vloilo 

tt  * * 

3,200 

Cebu  ------ 

1st  Class  Ship’s  Lieutenant 

1,500 

Capis  ------ 

it  ti 

1,500 

Zamboanga  ----- 

tt  tt 

1,500 

Pangasinan  ----- 

»»  »l 

1,500 

Iloccs  Norte  y Sur  - - - - 

tt  tt 

1,500 

Cagayan  ----- 

it  it 

1,500 

Ladrone  Islands  - 

„ » 

1,500 

Laguimanoc  ----- 

Civilian  ----- 

144 

The  Chief  of  the  Philippine  Naval  Forces  was  a Rear-Admiral 
receiving  $16,392  per  annum. 

There  were  two  Brigades  of  Marine  Infantry,  composed  of  376 
men  with  18  officers. 

Cavite  Arsenal. 

The  chief  Naval  Station  was  at  Cavite,  sis  miles  from  Manila. 

The  Officer  in  command  of  the  Cavite  Arsenal  and  Naval  Station 
took  rank  after  the  Rear-Admiral,  and  received  a salary  of  $8,496  per 
annum. 

In  Cavite  there  were  90  Marines  as  Guards. 

244  J,  Reserved  Forces. 

100  Convicts  for  Arsenal  labour. 

The  Navy  Estimates  for  1888,  according  to  the  Budget  for  that 
year,  amounted  to  $2,573,776.27. 


262 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


JUDICIAL  STATISTICS. 
Civil  and  Criminal  Law  Courts. 


The  Civil  and  Criminal  Law  Courts  were  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

2 Supreme  Courts  in  Manila  and  Cebu  quite  independent  of  each  other. 
4 First  Class  Courts  of  Justice  in  Manila  (called  “ de  termino .”) 
8 „ „ in  the  Provinces  ( „ “ de  termino .”) 

10  Second  „ „ „ ,,  ( „ “ de  ascenso 

19  Third  „ „ „ „ ( „ “ de  entrada."} 

7 Provincial  Governments  with  judicial  attributions. 


Judges'  Salaries. 

President  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Manila 
,,  „ ,,  Cebu 

Judge  of  each  of  the  12  First  Class  Courts 
,,  „ „ 10  Second  „ 

19  Third 


- $7,000 

- 6,000 

- 4,000 

- 3,000 

- 2,000 


Law  Courts  Estimate  for  1888. 
Supreme  Court  of  Manila  ------ 

„ „ Cebu  

All  the  minor  Courts  and  allowances  to  Provincial 
Governors  with  judicial  attributions  - 


$ cts. 
90,382  00 
49,828  00 

192,656  00 


Estimated  total  cost  for  the  year  - $332,866  00 


Penitentiaries  and  Convict  Settlcmc/its. 

Manila  (Bilibid  Jail)  containing  on  an  average  - 900  Native  Convicts. 

And  in  1888  there  were  also  3 Spanish  „ 
Cavite  Jail  contained  „ - 51  Native  „ 

Zamboanga  Jail  contained  in  1888  - 93  „ „ 

Agricultural  Colony  of  San  Ramon,  worked  by 

convict  labour,  contained  in  1888  - - 164  „ „ 

Ladronelsland  Penal  Settlement  contained  in  1888  101  „ „ 

„ „ n 3 Spanish  „ 

In  the  Army  and  Navy  Services  - - - 730  Native  „ 

2,045  Convicts. 

Total  estimated  disbursements  for  Penitentiaries  and  Convict 

maintenance  in  the  Settlements  for  the  year  - - $82,672.71 


BRIGANDAGE. 


263 


Moreover,  an  allowance  of  $2,000  was  made  for  rewards  for  the 
capture  or  slaughter  of  brigands. 

Brigandage  first  came  into  prominence  in  Governor  Arandia’s 
time  (1754—1759),  and  he  used  the  means  of  “ setting  a thief  to  catch 
a thief,”  which  answered  well  for  a short  time,  until  the  crime  became 
more  aod  more  an  established  custom  as  provincial  property  increased 
in  value  and  capitals  were  accumulated  there.  Yet,  up  to  the  end  of 
Spanish  rule,  brigandage,  pillage  and  murder  were  treated  with  such 
leniency  by  the  judges,  and  often  condoned  by  them  for  a consideration, 
that  there  was  little  hope  for  the  extinction  of  such  crimes. 

When  a band  of  thieves  and  assassins  attacked  a village  or  a 
residence,  murdered  its  inhabitants,  and  carried  off  booty,  the  Civil 
Guard  at  once  scoured  the  country,  and  often  the  malefactors  were 
arrested.  The  Civil  Guard  was  an  excellent  institution,  and  performed 
its  duty  admirably  well,  but  as  soon  as  the  villains  were  handed  over  to 
the  legal  functionaries,  society  lost  hope.  Instead  of  the  criminals 
being  garrotted  according  to  law  after  the  charge  was  proved,  as  the 
public  had  a right  to  demand,  they  were  “ protected  ” — some  were  let 
loose  on  the  world  again,  whilst  others  were  sent  to  prison,  whence 
they  were  often  allowed  to  escape,  or  they  were  transported  to  a penal 
settlement  to  work  without  fetters,  and  where  they  were  just  as 
comfortable  as  if  they  were  working  for  a private  employer  on  a 
plantation.  I record  these  facts  from  personal  knowledge,  for  my 
wanderings  in  the  Islands  brought  me  into  contact  with  all  sorts  and 
conditions  of  men.  I have  been  personally  acquainted  with  many 
brigands,  and  I gave  regular  employment  to  an  ex -bandit  for  years. 

At  Christmas  1884  I went  to  Laguimanoc  in  the  Province  of 
Tayabas  to  spend  a few  days  with  an  English  friend  of  mine.1  On 
the  way  there,  at  Sariaya,  I stayed  at  the  house  of  the  Captain  of  the 
Civil  Guard,  when  a message  came  to  say  that  an  attack  had  been 
made  the  night  before  on  my  friend’s  house,  and  his  manager,  a Swede, 
had  been  killed,  and  many  others  in  the  village  wounded. 

The  Captain  showed  me  the  despatch,  and  invited  me  to  join  him 
as  a volunteer  to  hunt  down  the  murderers.  I agreed,  and  we 
succeeded  in  capturing  several  of  them.  Within  half  an  hour  we  were 


1 This  gentleman  has  since  retired  from  business  and  is  now  residing  in  the 
county  of  Essex,  England. 


264 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


mounted  and  on  their  track.  It  was  a dark  night,  and  the  rain  poured 
in  torrents.  We  had  four  native  soldiers  with  us  following  on  foot. 
We  jumped  over  ditches,  through  rice  paddy  fields  and  across  cocoa- 
nut  plantations,  and  then  forded  a river,  on  the  opposite  bank  of  which 
was  the  next  guards’  post  in  charge  of  a lieutenant,  who  joined  iis  with 
eight  foot  soldiers.  That  same  night,  we  together  captured  five  of  the 
wretches,  who  had  just  beached  a canoe  containing  part  of  their  spoils. 
The  prisoners  were  bound  elbows  together  at  their  backs  and  sent 
forward  under  escort.  We  rode  on  all  night  till  fiye  o’clock  the 
next  morning,  arriving  at  the  Convent  of  Pagbilao  just  as  Father 
Jesus  was  going  down  to  say  Mass.  I had  almost  lost  my  voice 
through  being  ten  hours  in  the  rain,  but  the  priest  was  very  attentive 
to  us,  and  we  went  on  iu  a prahu  to  the  village  where  the  crime 
had  been  committed.  In  another  prahu  the  prisoners  were  sent  in 
charge  of  the  soldiers. 

Iu  the  meantime,  the  Chief  Judge  and  the  Government  Doctor  of 
the  Province  had  gone  on  before  us.  On  the  way  we  met  a canoe 
going  to  Pagbilao,  and  carrying  the  corpse  of  the  murdered  Swede  for 
burial.  When  we  arrived  at  the  village,  we  found  one  uative  dead  and 
many  natives  and  Chinese  badly  wounded. 

My  friend’s  house  had  the  front  door  smashed  in — an  iron  strong 
box  had  been  forced,  and  a few  hundred  dollars,  with  some  rare  coins, 
were  stolen.  The  furniture  in  the  dining-room  was  wantouly  chopped 
and  hacked  about  with  bohie  knives,  with  no  apparent  object  further 
than  a savage  love  for  mischief.  His  bedroom  had  been  entered,  and 
there  the  brigands  began  to  make  their  harvest — the  bundles  of  wearing 
apparel,  jewellery  and  other  valuables  were  already  tied  up,  when 
lo  ! the  Virgin  herself  appeared,  casting  a penetrating  glance  of 
disapprobation  upon  the  wicked  revelry  ! The  brigands  abandoned 
their  plunder,  and  fled  iu  terror  from  the  saintly  apparition.  And  when 
my  friend  returned  to  his  house  and  crossed  the  bloodstained  floor  of 
the  dining-room  to  go  to  his  bedroom,  the  cardboard  Virgin,  with  a 
trade  advertisement  on  the  other  side,  was  still  peeping  round  the  jamb 
of  the  door  to  which  she  was  nailed,  with  the  words  “ Please  to  shut 
the  door,”  printed  on  her  spotless  bust. 

The  next  day  the  Captain  remained  there  whilst  I went  on  with  the 
Lieutenant  and  a few  Guards  in  a sailing  prahu  down  the  coast,  where 
we  made  further  captures,  and  returned  in  three  days.  I will  relate  an 


BRIGANDAGE. 


265 


incident  of  our  journey  in  the  prahu.  A strong  wind  got  up,  and  we 
thought  it  would  be  prudent  to  beach  our  craft  on  the  seashore  instead 
of  attempting  to  get  over  the  shoal  of  the  St.  John’s  River. 

We  ran  her  ashore  under  full  sail,  and  just  at  that  moment  a native 
with  a bar  of  iron  in  his  hand  rushed  towards  us.  In  the  gloom  of 
eventide  he  must  have  mistaken  us  for  a party  of  weather-beaten  native 
or  Chinese  traders  whose  skulls  he  might  smash  in  at  a stroke  and 
rifle  their  baggage.  He  halted,  however,  perfectly  amazed  when  two 
Guards  jumped  forward  with  their  bayonets  fixed  in  front  of  him. 
Then  we  got  out,  took  him  prisoner,  and  the  next  day  he  w'as  let  off 
with  a souvenir  of  the  lash,  as  there  was  nothing  to  prove  that  he  was 
a brigand  by  profession. 

Fortunately,  the  second  leader  of  the  brigand  gang  was  shot  through 
the  lungs  a week  afterwards  as  he  was  jumping  from  the  window- 
opening of  a hut,  and  there  he  died. 

The  Captain  of  the  Civil  Guard  received  an  anonymous  letter 
stating  where  the  brigand  chief  was  hiding.  This  came  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  cuadrillero  officer  (a  native)  who  had  hitherto 
supplied  his  friend,  the  brigand,  with  rice  daily,  so  he  hastened  on 
before  the  Captain  could  arrive,  and  imposed  silence  for  ever  on  the 
fugitive  bandit  by  stabbing  him  in  the  back.  In  this  way  the 
cuadrillero  avoided  the  disclosure  of  unpleasant  facts  which  wrould 
have  implicated  himself. 

The  prisoners  were  conducted  to  the  Provincial  Jail,  and  three  years 
afterwards  when  I made  inquiries  about  these  fellows,  I found  that 
two  of  them  had  died  of  their  wounds,  whilst  not  a single  one  had  been 
executed  or  even  sentenced. 

The  most  ignorant  classes  superstitiously  believe  that  certain 
persons  are  possessed  of  a diabolical  influence  called  anting -anting, 
which  preserves  them  from  all  harm.  They  believe  that  the  body  of 
a man  so  affected  is  even  refractory  to  the  effects  of  bullet  or  steel. 
Brigands  are  often  captured  wearing  medallions  of  the  Virgin  Mary  or 
the  Saints  as  a device  of  the  anting -anting.  In  Maragondon,  Cavite 
Province,  the  son  of  a friend  of  mine  wras  enabled  to  go  into  any  remote 
places  with  impunity,  because  he  was  generally  supposed  to  be 
possessed  of  this  charm.  Some  highwaymen  too  have  a curious  notion 
that  they  can  escape  punishment  for  a crime  committed  in  Easte 
W eek,  because  the  thief  on  the  Cross  was  pardoned  his  sins. 


266 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


It  frequently  happened,  that  in  the  course  of  time,  when  public 
indignation  had  somewhat  abated,  criminals  who  ought  to  have  been 
extinguished  from  society  were  transferred  to  the  Manila  Jail,  whence 
they  were  permitted  to  decamp. 

In  1885  I purchased  a small  estate,  where  there  was  some  good  wild 
boar-hunting  and  snipe-shooting,  and  I had  occasion  to  see  the  mau 
who  was  tenant  previous  to  my  purchase,  in  Manila  Jail.  He  was 
accused  of  having  been  concerned  in  an  attack  upon  a village  near 
the  Capital,  and  was  incarcerated  for  eighteen  mouths  without  being 
definitely  convicted  or  acquitted.  Three  months  after  he  came  out  of 
prison  he  was  appointed  petty  Governor  of  his  own  village,  much  to 
the  disgust  of  the  villagers,  who  in  vain  petitioned  against  it  in  writing. 

I visited  the  Penal  Settlement,  known  as  the  Agricultural  Colony 
of  San  Ramon,  situated  about  fifteen  miles  north  of  Zamboanga, 
where  I remaiued  twelve  days.  The  Director  of  the  Settlement  was 
D.  Felipe  Dujiols,  an  army  captain  who  had  defended  Onate,  in  the 
Spanish  Province  of  Guipuzcoa,  against  the  Carlist  attack  in  the  last 
civil  war ; so,  as  we  were  able  to  mutually  relate  our  personal 
experiences  of  the  Spanish  civil  war  at  that  period,  we  speedily  became 
friends.  As  his  guest,  I was  afforded  an  excellent  opportunity  of 
acquiring  more  ample  information  about  the  system  of  convict  treatment. 
With  the  25  convicts  just  arrived,  there  were  in  all  150  natives  of  the 
most  desperate  class — assassins,  thieves,  conspirators,  etc.,  working  on 
this  Penal  Settlement.  They  were  well  fed,  fairly  well  lodged,  and 
worked  with  almost  the  same  freedom  as  any  other  independent 
labourers.  Within  a few  yards  of  the  Director’s  bungalow  were  the 
barracks,  for  the  accommodation  of  a detachment  of  40  soldiers — under 
the  command  of  a lieutenant — who  patrolled  the  Settlement  during  the 
day  and  mounted  guard  at  night.  During  my  stay,  one  prisoner  was 
chained  and  flogged,  but  that  was  for  a serious  crime  committed  the 
day  before.  The  only  severe  hardship  which  these  convicts  had  to 
suffer,  and  the  sole  punishment  which  they  endured  under  the  rule  of 
my  generous  host  I).  Felipe,  was  the  obligation  to  work  like  honest 
men  in  other  countries  would  be  willing  to  do. 

In  this  same  Penal  Settlement  some  years  ago,  a party  of  convicts 
attacked  and  killed  three  of  the  European  overseers,  and  then  escaped 
to  the  Island  of  Basilan,  which  lies  to  the  south  of  Zamboanga.  The 
leader  of  these  criminals  was  a native  named  Pedro  Cuevas,  and  there 


AN  ENCOUNTER  WITH  PIRATES. 


267 


lie  became  a sort  of  petty  chief,  with  the  title  of  Paulima,  amongst  the 
Basilau  Mussulman  inhabitants,  and  living  in  perfect  security  he  was 
able  to  defy  the  Government. 

Within  half  a day’s  journey  from  Manila  there  are  several  well- 
known  marauders’  haunts,  such  as  San  Mateo,  Imus,  Silan,  Indan,  the 
mouths  of  the  Hagonoy  River  which  empties  itself  into  the  Bay,  etc. 
In  1881  I was  the  only  European  amongst  20  to  25  passengers  in  a 
canoe  going  to  Balanga  on  the  west  shore  of  Manila  Bay,  when  about 
mid-day  a canoe,  painted  black  and  without  the  usual  outriggers,  bore 
down  upon  us,  and  suddenly  two  gun-shots  were  fired,  whilst  we  were 
called  upon  to  surrender.  The  pirates  numbered  eight  ; they  had 
their  faces  bedaubed  white  aud  their  canoe  ballasted  with  stones. 
There  was  great  commotion  in  our  craft  ; the  men  shouted  and  the 
women  got  into  a heap  over  me,  reciting  Ave  Marias,  and  calling  upon 
all  the  Saints  to  succour  them. 

Just  as  I extricated  myself  and  looked  out  from  under  the  palm- 
leaf  awning,  the  pirates  flung  a stone  which  severely  cut  our  pilot’s 
face.  They  came  very  close,  brandishing  their  knives,  but  our  crew 
managed  to  keep  them  from  boarding  us  by  pushing  off  their  canoe 
Avith  the  paddles. 

When  the  enemy  came  within  range  of  my  revolver,  one  of  their 
party,  Avho  Avas  standing  up  waving  a bohie  knife,  suddenly  collapsed 
into  a heap.  This  seemed  to  discourage  the  rest,  Avho  gave  up  the 
pursuit,  and  we  went  on  to  Balanga. 

In  consequence  of  this  attack,  the  Judicial  GoATernor  of  Bataau 
Province  ordered  that  in  future  the  postal  service  boat  leaATing  that 
coast  should  carry  a swivel  gun  at  the  hows  and  lances  on  board. 

No  one  experienced  in  the  Colony  eA'er  thought  of  prosecuting 
a captured  brigand  ; for  whoever  might  be  the  legal  adviser  retained, 
a criminal  or  civil  law  suit  in  the  Philippines  A\'as  one  of  the  worst 
calamities  that  could  befall  a man.  Between  notaries,  procurators, 
solicitors,  barristers  and  the  sluggish  process  of  the  courts,  a litigant 
was  fleeced  of  his  money,  often  worried  into  a bad  state  of  health,  and 
kept  in  horrible  suspense  and  doubt  for  years.  When  judgment  was 
given,  it  was  as  hard  to  get  it  executed  as  it  was  to  win  the  case. 
Even  then,  when  the  question  at  issue  Avas  supposed  to  be  settled,  a 
defect  in  the  sentence  could  always  be  concocted  to  re-open  the  whole 
affair.  If  the  case  had  been  tried  and  judgment  given  under  the 


268 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Civil  Code,  a way  was  often  found  to  couvert  it  into  a criminal  case, 
and  when  apparently  settled  under  the  Criminal  Code,  a flaw  could 
be  discovered  under  the  Laivs  of  the  Indies , or  the  Side  Partidas, 
or  the  Roman  Law , or  the  JVovisima  Recopilacion,  or  the  Antiguos 
fueros,  Decrees,  Royal  Orders,  Ordenanzas  de  buen  Gobierno,  and  so 
forth,  by  which  the  case  could  be  re-opened. 

I knew  a man  in  Negros  Island — a planter — who  was  charged 
with  homicide.  The  judge  of  his  Province  acquitted  him,  but  fearing 
that  he  might  be  again  arrested  on  the  same  charge,  he  came  up  to 
Manila  with  me  to  procure  a ratification  of  the  sentence  in  the  Supreme 
Court.  The  expenses  of  the  legal  proceedings  were  so  enormous,  that 
he  was  compelled  to  fully  mortgage  his  plantation.  Weeks  passed,  and 
he  had  spent  all  his  money  without  getting  justice,  so  I lent  his  notary 
40/.  to  assist  in  bringing  the  case  to  an  end.  The  planter  returned  to 
Negros  apparently  satisfied  that  he  should  be  no  further  troubled,  but. 
later  on,  the  newly  appointed  judge  iu  that  island,  whilst  prospecting 
for  fees  by  turning  up  old  cases,  unfortunately  came  across  this,  and 
my  planter  acquaintance  was  sentenced  to  eight  years’  imprisonment, 
although  the  family  lawyer,  proceeding  on  the  same  lines,  had  still  a 
hope  of  finding  defects  in  the  sentence  to  reverse  it  in  favour  of  his 
client. 

Availing  one’s  self  of  the  dilatoriuess  of  the  Spanish  law,  it  was 
possible  for  a man  to  occupy  a bouse,  pay  no  rent,  and  refuse  to  quit 
on  legal  grounds  during  a couple  of  years  or  more.  A person  who  had 
not  a cent  to  lose,  could  persecute  another  of  meaus  by  a trumped  up 
accusation,  until  he  was  ruined  by  an  “informacioti  de  pobreza" — a 
declaration  of  poverty — which  enabled  the  persecutor  to  keep  the  case 
going  as  long  as  he  chose  without  needing  money  for  fees.1 

A case  of  this  kind  was  often  got  up  at  the  instigation  of  a native 
lawyer.  When  it  had  gone  on  for  a certain  time,  the  prosecutor’s 
adviser  proposed  an  “ extra-judicial  arrangement,”  to  extort  costs  from 
his  victim,  the  wearied  and  browbeaten  defendant. 

About  the  year  1886  there  was  a cause  ce/Hbrc,  the  parties  being 
the  firm  of  Jurado  and  Co.  versus  The  Hongkong  and  Shanghai 


1 Under  British  law,  a litigant  is  not  allowed  to  bring  and  conduct  an  action 
in  forma  pauperis  until  it  is  proved  that  he  is  not  worth  5 1.  after  his  debts  arc 
paid  ; and,  moreover,  he  must  obtain  a certificate  from  a barrister  that  he  has  good 
cause  of  action. 


LEGAL  DILATORINESS. 


269 


Banking  Corporation.  The  Bank  bad  agreed  to  make  advances  on 
goods  to  be  imported  by  tbe  firm  in  exchange  for  the  firm’s 
acceptances.  Tbe  agreement  was  subject  to  six  mouths’  notice  from 
tbe  Bank.  In  due  course  tbe  Bank  bad  reason  to  doubt  tbe 
genuineness  of  certain  documents.  Mr.  Jurado  was  imprisoned,  but 
shortly  released  on  bail.  He  was  dismissed  from  bis  official  post  of 
second  chief  of  Telegraphs,  worth  $4,000  a year.  Goods,  as  they 
arrived  for  bis  firm,  were  seized  and  stored  pending  litigation,  and 
deteriorated  to  only  a fraction  of  their  original  value.  His  firm  was 
forced  by  these  circumstances  into  liquidation,  and  Jurado  sued  the 
Bank  for  damages.  Tbe  case  was  open  for  several  years,  during 
which  time  the  Bank  coffers  were  once  sealed  by  judicial  warrant,  a 
sum  of  cash  was  actually  transported  from  the  Bank  premises,  the 
Bank  manager  was  nominally  arrested  but  really  a prisoner  on 
parole  in  his  house.  Several  sentences  of  the  Court  were  given  in 
favour  of  each  party.  Years  after  this  they  were  all  quashed  on 
appeal  to  Madrid.  Mr.  Jurado  went  to  Spain  to  fight  his  case.  In 
1891  I accidentally  met  him  and  his  brother  (a  lawyer)  in  the  street 
in  Madrid.  The  brother  told  me  the  claim  against  the  Bank  then 
amounted  to  $935,000,  and  judgment  for  that  sum  would  be  given  in 
a fortnight  thence.  Still,  years  after  that,  when  I was  again  in 
Manila,  the  case  was  yet  pending,  and  another  onslaught  was  made 
on  the  Bank.  The  Court  called  on  the  manager  to  deliver  up 
the  funds  of  the  Bank.  On  his  refusal  to  do  so  a mechanic  was 
sent  there  to  open  the  safes.  This  man  laboured  in  vain  for  a 
week.  Then  I learned  that  a syndicate  had  been  formed  and 
subscribed  to  by  a number  of  Philippine  capitalists  to  fleece  the 
Bank.  I had  all  the  particulars  from  one  of  the  syndicate  resident 
in  Malolos.  One  of  the  most  energetic  members  of  it  was  an 
acquaintance  of  mine — a native  private  banker  in  Manila.  Whilst 
the  case  was  in  its  first  stages  I happened  to  be  discussing  it  at  a 
shop  in  the  Escolta — the  principal  business  street — when  one  of  the 
partners,  a Spaniard,  Don  Enrique  Navarro,  asked  me  if  I should  like 
to  see  with  my  own  eyes  the  contending  lawyers  putting  their  heads 
together  over  the  matter.  “ If  so,”  said  he,  “ you  have  only  to  go 
through  my  shop  and  up  the  winding  back  staircase,  from  the  landing 
of  which  you  can  see  them  any  day  you  like  at  1 o’clock.”  I did  so 
more  than  once,  and  there,  indeed,  were  the  rival  advocates  laughing 


270 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


and  gesticulating  and  presumably  cogitating  bow  they  could  plunder 
the  litigant  who  had  most  money  to  spend.  At  one  stage  of  the 
proceedings  the  Bauk  specially  retained  a reputed  Spanish  lawyer 
(Mr.  Godinez),  who  went  to  Madrid  to  push  the  case.  Later  on  a 
British  Q.C.  was  sent  over  to  Manila  from  Hongkong  to  advise 
the  Bank.  The  Prime  Minister  was  appealed  to.  The  good 
offices  of  our  Ambassador  in  Madrid  were  solicited.  For  a long 
time  the  Bank  was  placed  in  a most  awkward  legal  dilemma.  The 
other  side  contended  that  the  Bauk  could  not  be  heard,  or  appear  for 
itself,  or  by  proxy,  on  the  ground  that  under  its  own  charter  it  had 
no  right  to  be  established  in  Manila  at  all ; that  in  view  of  the 
terms  of  that  charter  it  had  never  been  legally  registered  as  a Bank 
in  Manila,  and  that  it  had  no  legal  existence  in  the  Philippines. 
This  was  merely  a technical  quibble.  Half-a-dozen  times  over  the 
case  was  supposed  to  be  finally  settled,  but  again  re-opened.  Happily 
it  may  now  be  regarded  as  closed  for  ever. 

A great  many  well-to-do  natives  have  a mania  for  seeing  their  sous 
launched  into  the  “ learned  professiobs,”  hence  there  was  a mob  of 
native  doctors  who  made  a scanty  living,  and  a swarm  of  half-lawyers, 
popularly  called  “ abogadillos,”  who  were  a pest  to  the  Colony.  Up 
to  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century,  the  offices  of  solicitors  and 
notaries  were  filled  from  Mexico,  where  the  licences  to  practise  in 
Manila  were  publicly  sold.  Since  then,  the  Colleges  and  the 
University  issued  licences  to  natives,  thus  keeping  up  the  supply  of 
native  pettyfogging  advocates  who  stirred  up  strife  to  make  cases, 
availing  themselves  of  the  complicacy  of  the  law. 


CHAPTER 


X V. 


TEADE  OF  THE  ISLANDS. 

Its  Early  History. 

From  within  a year  after  the  foundation  of  the  Colony  up  to  the 
second  decade  of  this  century  direct  communication  with  Mexico  was 
maintained  by  the  State  galleons,  termed  the  JVaos  de  Acapulco.  The 
first  sailings  of  the  galleons  were  to  Navidad,  but  for  over  two 
centuries  Acapulco  was  the  port  of  destination  on  the  Mexican  side, 
and  this  inter-communication  with  New  Spain  only  ceased  a few  years 
before  that  Colony  threw  off  its  allegiance  to  the  Mother  Country. 
But  it  was  not  alone  the  troubled  state  of  political  affairs  which 
brought  about  the  discontinuance  of  the  galleons’  voyages,  although  the 
subsequent  secession  of  Mexico  would  have  produced  this  effect.  The 
expense  of  this  means  of  intercourse  was  found  to  be  bearing  too 
heavily  upon  the  scanty  resources  of  the  Exchequer,  for  the  condition 
of  Spain’s  finances  had  never,  at  any  period,  been  so  lamentable. 

The  Commander  of  the  State  Nao  had  the  title  of  General,  with  a 
salary  of  $40,000  per  annum.  The  chief  officer  received  $25,000  a 
year.  The  quarter-master  was  remunerated  with  9°  0 on  the  value 
of  the  merchandise  shipped,  and  this  amounted  to  a very  considerable 
sum  per  voyage. 

The  last  State  galleon  left  Manila  for  Mexico  in  1811,  and  the 
last  sailing  from  Acapulco  for  Manila  was  in  1815. 

These  ships  are  described  as  having  been  short  fore  and  aft 
but  of  great  beam,  light  draught,  and,  when  afloat,  had  a half-moon 
appearance,  being  considerably  elevated  at  bows  and  stern.  They  were 
of  1,500  tons  burden,  had  four  decks,  and  carried  guns. 

The  Governor-General,  the  clergy,  the  civil  functionaries,  troops, 
prisoners,  and  occasionally  private  persons,  took  passage  in  these  ships 
to  and  from  the  Philippines.  It  was,  practically,  the  Spanish  Mail. 


272 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


This  Colony  had  no  coin  of  its  own.1  It  was  simply  a dependency 
of  Mexico  ; and  all  that  it  brought  in  tribute  and  taxes  to  its  Royal 
Treasury  belonged  to  the  Crown,  to  be  disposed  of  at  the  King’s 
will.  For  many  years  these  payments  to  the  local  treasury  were  made 
wholly — and  afterwards  partially — in  kind,  and  were  kept  in  the  Royal 
Stores.  As  the  junks  from  China  arrived  each  spring,  this  colonial 
produce  belonging  to  the  Crown  was  bartered  for  Chinese  wares  and 
manufactures.  These  goods,  packed  in  precisely  1,500  bales,  each  of 
exactly  the  same  size,  constituted  the  official  cargo,  and  were  remitted 
to  Mexico  by  the  annual  galleon.  The  surplus  space  in  the  ship  was  at 
the  disposal  of  a few  chosen  merchants  who  formed  the  “ Consulado ,” 
— a trading  ring  which  required  each  member  to  have  resided  in  the 
Colony  a stipulated  number  of  years,  and  to  be  possessed  of  at  least 
eight  thousand  dollars. 

For  the  support  of  the  Philippine  administration  Mexico  remitted 
back  to  Manila,  on  the  return  of  the  galleon,  a certain  percentage  of 
the  realized  value  of  the  above-mentioned  official  cargo,  but  seeiug  that 
in  any  case — whether  the  Philippine  Treasury  were  flourishing  or  not — 
a certain  sum  was  absolutely  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
Colony,  this  remittance,  known  as  the  “ Real  Situado ” or  royal  subsidy, 
was,  from  time  to  time,  fixed.2 

The  Philippine  Colony  was  therefore  nominally  self-supporting, 
and  the  Situado  was  only  a guaranteed  income,  to  he  covered,  as  far  as 
it  could  be,  by  shipments  of  foreign  bartered  manufactures  and  local 
produce  to  Mexico.  But,  as  a matter  of  fact,  the  Mexican  subsidy 
seldom,  if  ever,  was  so  covered. 

By  Royal  Decree  of  6tli  of  June,  1665,  the  Mexican  subsidy  to  the 
Philippines  was  fixed  at  $2,500,000,  of  which  $2,000,000  was  remitted  in 
coin  and  $500,000  in  merchandise  for  the  Royal  Stores.  Against  this 
was  remitted  value  in  goods  (Philippine  taxes  aud  tribute)  $176,101.40 
so  that  the  net  Subsidy,  or  donation,  from  Mexico  was  - 73,898.60 

$250,000.00 


1 According  to  Zuniga  ( Hist . dc  Phil.),  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Luzon 
Island  had  a kind  of  shell-money — the  Sigury  shell.  This  statement  needs 
confirmation,  as  Siguey  shells  are  so  very  plentiful  that,  at  the  present  day,  they 
are  used  by  children  to  play  at  Sunca. 

2 Situado  is  not  literally  “Subsidy,”  but  it  was  tantamount  to  that. 


A CASCO,  SPANISH  GALLEON  (NAO.) 


THE  MEXICAN  SUBSIDY. THE  GALLEONS. 


273 


Hence,  in  the  course  of  time,  coin — Mexican  dollars — found  their 
•way  in  large  quantities  to  the  Philippines,  and  thence  to  China. 

The  yearly  value  of  the  merchants’  shipments  was  first  limited  to 
§250,000,  -whilst  the  return  trade  could  not  exceed  §500,000  in  coin 
or  stores,  and  this  was  on  the  supposition  that  100  per  cent,  profit 
■would  be  realized  on  the  sales  in  Mexico. 

The  allotment  of  surplus  freight  room  in  the  galleon  was  regulated 
by  the  issue  of  boletas — documents  which,  during  a long  period,  served 
as  paper  money  in  fact,  for  the  holders  were  entitled  to  use  them  for 
shipping  goods,  or  they  could  transfer  them  to  others  who  wished  to 
do  so. 

The  demand  for  freight  was  far  greater  than  the  carrying  power 
provided.  Shipping  warrants  were  delivered  gratis  to  the  members  of 
the  Consulado,  to  certain  ecclesiastics,  to  members  of  municipality  and 
others.  Indeed,  it  is  asserted  by  some  writers,  that  the  Governor's 
favourites  were  served  with  preference,  to  the  prejudice  of  legitimate 
trade. 

The  Spaniards  were  not  allowed  to  go  to  China  to  fetch 
merchandise  for  transhipment,  but  they  could  freely  buy  what  was 
brought  by  the  Chinese. 

Indian  and  Persian  goods  uninterruptedly  found  their  way  to 
Manila. 

The  mail  galleon  usually  sailed  in  the  month  of  July  in  each  year, 
and  the  voyage  occupied  about  five  months. 

Very  strict  regulations  were  laid  down  regarding  the  course  to 
be  steered,  but  many  calamities  befell  the  ships,  which  were  not 
unfrequently  lost  through  the  incapacity  of  the  officers  who  had 
procured  their  appointments  by  favour. 

For  a century  and  a half  there  was  practically  no  competition. 
All  was  arranged  beforehand  as  to  shape,  quantity,  size,  etc.  of  each 
bale.  There  was,  however,  a deal  of  trickery  practised  respecting  the 
declared  values,  and  the  boletas  were  often  quoted  at  high  prices. 
Even  the  selling  price  of  the  goods  sent  to  Mexico  was  a preconcerted 
matter. 

The  day  of  the  departure  of  the  galleon  or  its  arrival  with  a couple 
of  millions  of  dollars  or  more,1  and  new  faces,  was  naturally  one  of 


1 The  values  of  shipments  by  law  established  were  little  regarded. 

S 


274 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


rejoicing — it  was  almost  the  event  of  the  year.  A Te  Deum  was 
chanted  in  the  churches,  the  bells  tolled,  and  musicians  promenaded 
the  streets,  which  were  illuminated  and  draped  with  bunting. 

So  far  as  commercial  affairs  were  concerned,  the  Philippiue 
merchants  passed  very  easy  lives  in  those  palmy  days.  One, 
sometimes  two,  days  in  the  week  were  set  down  in  the  calendar  as 
Saint-days  to  be  strictly  observed,  hence  an  active  business  life 
would  have  been  incompatible  with  the  exactions  of  religion.  The 
only  misadventure  they  had  to  fear,  was  the  loss  of  the  galleon. 
Market  rises  and  falls  were  unknown.  During  the  absence  of  the 
galleon,  there  was  nothing  for  the  merchants  to  do  but  to  await  the 
arrival  of  the  Chinese  junks  in  the  mouths  of  March,  April  and  May, 
and  prepare  their  bales.  For  a century  and  a half  this  sort  of  trading 
was  lucrative ; it  required  no  smartness,  no  spirit  of  enterprise  or 
special  tact.  Shippers  were  busy  for  only  three  months  in  the  year, 
and  during  the  remaining  nine  months,  they  could  enjoy  life  as  they 
thought  fit — cut  off  from  the  rest  of  the  world. 

Some  there  were  who,  without  means  of  their  own,  speculated  with 
the  Obras  Pias  funds,  lent  at  interest.1 

By  disasters  at  sea — shipwreck  and  seizure  by  enemies — the 
Philippiue  merchants  often  lost  the  value  of  their  shipments  in  the 
State  galleons.  Mexico  frequently  lost  the  Philippiue  remittances  to 
her,  and  the  specie  she  sent  to  the  Philippines.  The  State  galleon 
made  only  one  voyage  a year  there  and  back,  if  all  went  well,  but,  if 
it  were  lost,  the  shipment  had  to  be  renewed,  and  it  often  happened 
that  several  galleons  were  seized  in  a year  by  Spain’s  enemies. 


1 The  Obras  Pias  funds  were  legacies  left  by  pious  persons.  Two-thirds  of 
the  capital  were  to  be  lent  at  interest,  to  stimulate  trade  abroad,  and  one-third  was 
to  be  reserved,  to  cover  possible  losses.  When  the  accumulated  interest  on  the 
original  capital  had  reached  a certain  amount,  it  was  to  be  applied  to  the  payment 
of  masses  for  the  repose  of  the  donors’  souls. 

The  peculations  of  the  Governor-General,  Pedro  Manuel  de  Arandia  (17.74-1759), 
permitted  him  to  amass  a fortune  of  a quarter  of  a million  dollars  in  less  than  five 
years’  service,  which  sum  he  left  to  pious  works.  On  the  separation  of  Mexico,  (in 
1819)  the  Government  appropriated  the  Obras  Pias  funds,  on  the  pretext  of 
administering  them.  This  measure  was  quite  just,  if,  as  there  is  reason  to  believe, 
many  of  the  donations  were  the  fruits  of  the  corrupt  administration  of  the 
country’s  wealth  by  high  officials. 

The  institution  existed  up  to  the  close  of  Spanish  rule  and  lent  money  to 
private  persons  on  house  property  and  lands  in  and  near  the  capital  at  six  per 
cent,  interest  per  annum.  In  olden  times  it  operated  as  a bank. 


THE  GALLEONS  INTERCEPTED. SMUGGLERS. 


2 75 


The  abortive  attempt  to  annex  the  British  Isles  to  the  Spanish 
Crown  in  1588,  brought  about  the  collapse  of  Spain’s  naval  supremacy, 
enabling  English  mariners  to  play  havoc  Avith  her  galleons  from 
America.  The  Philippine  Islands,  as  a colony,  had,  at  that  date,  only 
just  come  into  existence,  but  during  the  series  of  Anglo- Spanish 
wars  Avhich  preceded  the  “Family  Compact”  (vide  page  94), 
Philippine-Mexican  galleons  laden  with  treasure  became  the  prey  of 
British  commanders,  notably  Admiral  Anson.  The  coasts  Avere 
infested  with  Anson’s  Fleet.  He  was  the  terror  of  the  Philippines 
from  the  year  1743.  His  exploits  gave  rise  to  consternation,  and 
numerous  councils  Avere  held  to  decide  what  to  do  to  get  rid  of  him. 
The  captured  galleon  “ Pilar  ” gaA*e  one-and-a-half  million  dollars 
to  the  enemy — the  “ Covadonga  ” was  an  immense  prize.  All  over 
the  Islands  the  Spaniards  were  on  the  alert  for  the  dreaded  foe  ; every 
provincial  Governor  sent  out  his  spies  to  high  promontories  with 
orders  to  signal  by  beacons  if  the  daring  Britisher’s  ships  were  seen 
hovering  about,  whilst,  in  Manila,  the  citizens  wrere  forewarned  that, 
at  any  moment,  they  might  be  called  upon  to  repel  the  enemy. 

Not  only  in  fleets  of  gold-laden  \ressels  did  Spain  and  her 
dependencies  lose  immense  wealth  through  her  hostile  ambition,  for  in 
\riew  of  the  restrictions  on  Philippine  trade,  and  the  enormous  profits 
accruing  to  the  Spanish  merchants  on  their  shipments,  English,  Dutch, 
French,  and  Danish  traders  entered  into  competition  against  them. 
Shippers  of  these  nationalities  bought  goods  in  Canton,  Avhere  they 
established  their  own  factories,  or  collecting  stores.  In  1731,  over 
three  millions  of  Mexican  dollars  Avere  taken  there  for  making  purchases, 
and  these  foreign  ships  landed  the  stuffs,  etc.,  in  contraband  at  the 
American  ports,  Avhere  Spaniards  themsehres  co-operated  in  the  illicit 
trade.  The  Rights  of  Man  conscientiously  asserted  themselves  aboA-e 
the  merciless  restraint  imposed  by  His  Catholic  Majesty  on  his  own 
subjects,  who  had  a natural  right  to  trade. 

As  the  Southern  (Peninsula)  Spanish  merchants  Avere  helpless  to 
stay  this  competition,  which  gradually  annihilated  their  profits,  their 
rancorous  greed  made  them  clamour  against  the  Philippine  trade,  to 
Avhich  they  chose  to  attribute  their  misfortunes,  anti  the  King  was 
petitioned  to  curtail  the  commerce  of  this  Colony  with  Mexico  for  their 
exclusive  benefit.  But  it  was  not  Spanish  home  trade  alone  which 
suffered  : Acapulco  was  so  beset  with  smugglers,  whose  merchandise, 

S 2 


27  G 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


surreptitiously  introduced,  found  its  way  to  Mexico  City,  that,  iu  latter 
days,  the  Philippine  galleons’  cargoes  did  not  always  find  a market. 
Moreover,  all  kinds  of  frauds  were  practised  about  this  time  iu  the 
quality  of  the  goods  baled  for  shipment,  and  the  bad  results  revealed 
themselves  on  the  Mexican  side.  The  shippers,  unwisely,  thought  it 
possible  to  deceive  the  Mexicans  by  sending  them  inferior  articles  at 
old  prices,  hence  their  disaster  became  partly  due  to  “ the  vaulting 
ambition  that  o’erleaps  itself  and  falls  on  t’other  side.”  The  Governor 
commissioned  four  of  the  most  distinguished  Manila  citizen  traders  to 
inspect  the  sorting  and  classification  of  the  merchandise  shipped. 
These  citizens  distinguished  themselves  so  effectually  to  their  own 
advantage,  that  the  Governor  had  to  suppress  the  commission  and 
abandon  the  control,  in  despair  of  finding  honest  colleagues.  Besides 
this  fraud,  contraband  goods  were  taken  to  Acapulco  in  the  galleons 
themselves,  hidden  in  water  jars. 

In  the  time  of  Governor  Pedro  Arandia,  1754,  the  hundred  per  cent, 
fixed  profit  was  no  longer  possible.  Merchants  came  down  to 
Acapulco  and  forced  the  market,  by  waiting  until  the  ships  were 
obliged  to  catch  the  monsoon  back,  or  lie  up  for  another  season,  so  that 
often  the  goods  had  to  be  sold  for  cost,  or  a little  over.  Iu  1754, 
returns  were  so  reduced,  that  the  Consulado  was  owing  to  the  Obras 
Pias  over  $300,000,  and  to  the  Casa  Misericordia  $147,000,  without 
any  hope  of  repayment.  The  Casa  Misericordia  lent  money  at  40°  0, 
then  at  3 5°/0,  and  in  1755  at  20 °/0  interest,  but  the  state  of  trade  made 
capital  hardly  acceptable  even  at  this  last  rate. 

As  early  as  the  beginning  of  last  century,  the  Cadiz  merchants 
began  to  evince  jealousy  towards  the  Philippine  shippers,  alleging  that 
the  home  trade  was  much  injured  by  the  cargoes  carried  to  Mexico  iu 
Philippine  bottoms.  So  effectually  did  they  influence  the  King  in  their 
favour,  that  he  issued  a decree  prohibiting  the  trade  between  China  and 
the  Philippines  of  all  woven  stuffs,  skein  and  woven  silk  and  clothing, 
except  the  finest  linen.  Manila  imports  from  China  were  thereby 
limited  to  fine  linen,  porcelain,  wax,  pepper,  cinnamon  and  cloves.  At 
the  expiration  of  six  months  after  the  proclamation  of  the  decree, 
any  remaining  stocks  of  the  proscribed  articles  were  to  be  burnt ! 
Thenceforth  trade  in  such  prohibited  articles  was  to  be  considered 
illicit,  and  such  goods  arriving  in  Mexico  after  that  date  were  to  be 
confiscated. 


RESTRICTIONS  ON  PHILIPPINE  TRADE. 


277 


By  Royal  Decree  dated  27th  of  October,  1720,  and  published  in 
Mexico  by  the  Viceroy  on  the  loth  of  February,  1724,  the  following 
was  enacted,  viz.  : — That  in  future  there  should  be  two  galleons  per 
annum,  instead  of  one  as  heretofore,  carrying  merchandise  to  Acapulco, 
each  to  be  of  500  tons.  That  the  value  of  the  merchandise,  sent  in 
the  two,  was  to  be  $300,000,  to  be  precisely  in  gold,  cinnamon,  wax, 
porcelain,  cloves,  pepper,  etc.,  but  not  silks,  or  stuffs  of  any  kind 
containing  silk,  under  pain  of  confiscation,  to  be  allotted  in  three  equal 
parts,  namely,  to  the  Fiscal  officer,  the  Judge  intervening,  and  the 
informer,  and  perpetual  banishment  from  the  Indies  of  all  persons 
concerned  in  the  shipment.  That  the  number  of  Manila  merchants 
was  to  be  fixed,  and  any  one  not  included  in  that  number  was  to  be 
prohibited  from  trading.  No  ecclesiastic,  or  professor  of  religion,  or 
foreigner  could  be  included  in  the  elected  few  whose  rights  to  ship 
were  non-transferable.  That  if  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  happened  to 
exceed  the  fixed  sum  of  $600,000,  on  account  of  market  prices  being 
higher  than  it  was  anticipated,  only  that  amount  could  be  brought 
back  in  money,  and  the  difference,  or  excess,  in  goods.  If  it  turned 
out  to  be  less  than  that  amount,  the  difference  could  not  be  added  and 
remitted  in  money,  under  penalties  of  confiscation  and  two  years’ 
banishment  from  the  Indies. 

By  Royal  Decree  of  the  year  1726,  received  and  published  in 
Manila  on  the  9th  of  August,  1727,  the  following  regulations  were 
made  known,  viz.  : — That  the  prohibition  relating  to  silk  and  all-silk 
goods  was  revoked.  That  only  one  galleon  was  to  be  sent  each  year 
(instead  of  two)  as  formerly.  That  the  prohibition  on  clothing 
containing  some  silk,  and  a few  other  articles,  was  maintained.  That 
certain  stuffs  of  fine  linen  ware  permitted  for  five  years  to  be 
shipped,  to  the  limit  of  4,000  pieces  per  annum,  precisely  in  boxes 
containing  each  500  pieces. 

The  Southern  Spanish  traders  in  1729  petitioned  the  King  against 
the  Philippine  trade  in  woven  goods,  and  protested  against  the  five 
years’  permission  granted  in  the  above  decree  of  1726,  declaring  that 
it  would  bring  about  the  total  ruin  of  the  Spanish  weaving  industry, 
and  that  the  galleons,  on  their  return  to  the  Philippines,  instead  of 
loading  Spanish  manufactures,  took  back  specie  for  the  continuance  of 
their  traffic  to  the  extent  of  three  to  four  millions  of  dollars  each  year. 


278 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  King,  however,  refused  to  modify  the  decree  of  1726  until  the 
live  years  had  expired,  after  which  time,  the  Governor  was  ordered  to 
load  the  galleons  according  to  the  former  decree  of  1720. 

The  Manila  merchants  were  in  great  excitement.  The  Governor, 
under  pretext  that  the  original  Royal  Decree  ought  to  have  been 
transmitted  direct  to  the  Philippines  and  not  merely  communicated  by 
the  Mexican  Viceroy,  agreed  “ to  obey  and  not  fulfil  ” its  conditions. 

From  the  year  1720,  during  the  period  of  prohibitions,  the  Royal 
Treasury  lost  about  $50,000  per  annum,  and  many  of  the  taxes  were 
uot  recovered  in  full.  Besides  this,  the  donations  to  Government  by 
the  citizens,  which  sometimes  had  amounted  to  $40,000  in  one  year, 
ceased.  A double  loss  was  also  caused  to  Mexico,  for  the  people  there 
had  to  pay  much  higher  prices  for  their  stuffs  supplied  by  Spanish 
(home)  monopolizers,  whilst  Mexican  coffers  were  being  drained  to 
make  good  the  deficits  in  the  Philippine  Treasury.  The  Manila 
merchants  were  terribly  alarmed,  and  meeting  after  meeting  was  held. 
A Congress  of  Government  officials  and  priests  was  convened,  and  each 
priest  was  asked  to  express  his  opinion  on  the  state  of  trade. 

Commercial  depression  in  the  Philippines  had  never  been  so 
marked,  and  the  position  of  affairs  was  made  known  to  the  Kiug  in  a 
petition,  which  elicited  the  Royal  Decree  dated  8th  of  April  1734.  It 
provided  that  the  value  of  exports  should  henceforth  not  exceed 
$500,000,  aud  the  amount  permitted  to  return  was  also  raised  to 
$1,000,000  (always  on  the  supposition  that  100°/o  over  cost  laid  down 
would  be  realized).  The  dues  and  taxes  paid  in  Acapulco  on  arrival, 
and  the  dues  paid  in  Manila  on  starting,  amounted  to  1 7°/0  of  the 
million  expected  to  return.1  This  covered  the  whole  cost  of  rnain- 


1 It  happened  at  this  date  that  the  dues,  etc.  equalled  1”%  on  the  anticipated 
one  million  dollars,  but  they  were  not  computed  by  per  centage.  The  Royal  Dues 
were  a fixed  sum  since  about  the  year  1625,  so  that  when  the  legal  value  of  the 
shipments  was  much  less,  the  dues  and  other  expenses  represented  a much  higher 
per  centage.  These  charges  were  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

Royal  Dues  -------  $160,000 

Port  Dues  at  Acapulco  - 2,000 

Disbursements  paid  in  Manila  on  the  ship’s  departure  - - 7,500 

Port  and  Anchorage  dues  on  arrival  in  Philippines  - - 500 


$170,000 


RESTRICTIONS  ON  PHILIPPINE  TRADE. 


279 


tenance  of  ships,  salaries,  freight  arul  charges  of  all  kinds  which  were 
paid  by  Government  in  the  first  instance. 

The  fixed  number  of  merchants  was  to  be  decided  by  the  merchants 
themselves  without  Government  intervention. 

Licence  was  granted  to  allow  those  of  Cavite  to  be  of  the  number, 
and  both  Spaniards  and  natives  were  eligible.  Military,  and  other 
professional  men,  except  ecclesiastics,  could  henceforth  be  of  the 
number.  Foreigners  were  strictly  excluded.  The  right  to  ship  ( boleta ) 
was  not  to  be  transferable,  except  to  poor  widows.  A sworn  invoice 
of  the  shipment  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Royal  officials  and  magistrate  of 
the  Supreme  Court  in  Mexico  for  the  value  to  be  verified.  The  official 
in  charge,  or  supercargo,  was  ordered  to  make  a book  containing  a list 
of  the  goods  and  their  respective  owners  and  hand  this  to  the  commander 
of  the  fortress  in  Acapulco,  with  a copy  of  the  same  for  the  Viceroy. 
The  Viceroy  was  to  send  his  copy  to  the  Audit  Office  to  be  again 
copied,  and  the  last  copy  was  to  be  forwarded  to  the  Royal  Indian 
Council. 

Every  soldier,  sailor  and  officer  was  at  liberty  to  disembark  with 
a box  containing  goods,  of  which  the  Philippine  value  should  not 
exceed  $30,  in  addition  to  his  private  effects. 

All  hidden  goods  were  to  be  confiscated,  one  half  to  the  Royal 
Treasury,  one  fourth  to  the  Judge  intervening,  and  one  fourth  to  the 
informer,  but,  if  such  confiscated  goods  amounted  to  $50,000  in  value, 
the  Viceroy  and  Mexican  Council  were  to  determine  the  sum  to  be 
awarded  to  the  Judge  and  the  informer. 

If  the  shipment  met  a good  market  and  realized  more  than  one 
million  dollars,  only  one  million  could  be  remitted  in  money,  and  the 
excess  in  duty-paid  Mexican  merchandise. 

If  the  shipment  failed  to  fetch  one  million,  the  difference  could  not 
be  sent  in  money  for  making  new  purchases. 

The  object  of  these  measures  was  to  prevent  Mexicans  supplying 
trading  capital  to  the  Philippines  instead  of  purchasing  Peninsula 
manufactures.  It  was  especially  enacted  that  all  goods  sent  to  Mexico 
from  the  Philippines  should  have  been  purchased  with  the  capital  of 
the  Philippine  shippers,  and  be  their  exclusive  property  without  lien. 
If  it  were  discovered  that  on  the  return  journey  merchandise  was 
carried  to  the  Philippines  belonging  to  Mexicans,  it  was  to  be 


280 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


confiscated,  and  a fine  imposed  on  the  interested  parties  of  three  times 
the  value,  payable  to  the  Royal  Treasury  on  the  first  conviction.  The 
second  conviction  entailed  confiscation  of  all  the  culprits’  goods,  and 
banishment  from  Mexico  for  ten  years. 

The  weights  and  measures  were  to  be  Philippine,  and,  above  all, 
wax  was  to  be  sent  precisely  in  pieces  of  the  same  weight  and  size  as 
by  custom  established. 

The  Council  for  freight  allotment  in  Manila  was  to  comprise  the 
Governor,  the  senior  Magistrate — and  failing  this  latter,  the  Minister 
of  the  Supreme  Court  next  below  him — also  the  Archbishop,  or  in  his 
stead  the  Dean  of  the  Cathedral — an  ordinary  judge,  a Municipal 
Councillor,  and  one  merchant  as  commissioner  iu  representation  of  the 
eight  who  formed  the  Consulado  of  merchants. 

The  expulsion  of  the  non-Christian  Chinese  in  1755  (vide 
page  118)  caused  a deficit  in  the  taxes  of  $30,000  per  annum.  The 
only  exports  of  Philippine  produce  at  this  date  were  cacao,  sugar, 
wax  and  sapanwood.  Trade  was  iu  a deplorable  state,  and  conse- 
quently the  Treasury  was  the  same.  To  remedy  matters,  and  to  make 
up  the  above  $30,000,  the  Government  proposed  to  levy  an  export 
duty.  This  tax  was  to  be  applied  to  the  cost  of  armaments  fitted 
out  against  pirates.  Before  the  tax  was  approved  of  by  the  King, 
some  priests  loaded  a vessel  with  export  merchandise  and  abso- 
lutely refused  to  pay  the  impost,  alleging  immunity.  The  Governor 
argued  that  there  could  be  no  such  thing  as  religious  immunity 
in  trade  concerns.  The  priests  appealed  to  Spain,  aud  the  tax  was 
disapproved  of  ; meantime,  most  of  the  goods  and  the  vessel  itself 
rotted,  pending  the  solution  of  the  question,  by  the  Royal  Indian 
Council. 

There  have  been  three  or  four  periods  during  which  no  galleon 
arrived  at  the  Philippines  for  two  or  three  consecutive  years,  aud  coin 
became  very  scarce,  giving  rise  to  rebellion  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese 
aud  misery  to  the  Philippine  population.  After  the  capture  of  the 
“Covadonga”  by  the  English,  six  years  elapsed  before  a galleon 
brought  the  subsidy  ; then  the  “ Rosario  ” arrived  with  5,000  gold 
ounces  (nominally  $80,000). 

However,  besides  the  Subsidy,  the  Colony  had  certain  other  sources 
of  public  revenue,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  following  : — 


COMMERCIAL  CRISIS. 


281 


Philippine  Budget  for  the  year  1757. 


Income.  $ cts. 

Stamped  Paper  12,199  87£ 

Port  and  Anchorage  Dues...  25,93S  00 

Saleof  Offices,  such  as  Nota- 
ries, Public  Scribes,  Secre- 
taryships, etc 5,S39  12£ 

Offices  hired  out 4,718  75' 

Taxes  rented  out  28,500  00 

Excise  duties  4,195  00 

Sale  of  Encomiendas,  and  22 


provincial  govts,  hired  out  263,588  00 
Divers  taxes,  fines,  pardons, 

etc 

Tribute,  direct  tax .... 

Subsidy  from  Mexico 
Deficit  


Expenditure.  $ cts. 

Supreme  Court 34,219  75 

Treasury  and  Audit  Office  ...  12,092  00 

University 800  00 

Cost  of  the  annual  Galleon...  23,465  00 

Clergy  103,751  00 

Land  and  Sea  forces  all  over 
Philippines  — Staff  and 

Material *312,864  00 

Salaries,  Hospitals  and  Divers 

expenses 70,158  00 

Remittance  in  Merchandise 
on  account  of  the  Subsidy  140,106  00 


697,455  75 


18.156  00 
4,477  00 
250,000  00 
79,844  00 


697,455  75 


* Including  cost  of  expeditions  and  defence  against  tlie  Mussulmans. 


When  the  merchant  citizens  of  Manila  were  in  clover,  they  made 
donations  to  the  Government  to  cover  the  deficit,  and  loans  were 
raised  amongst  them  to  defray  extraordinary  disbursements,  such  as 
expeditions  against  the  Mussulmans,  etc. 

In  the  good  years,  too,  the  valuation  of  the  merchandise  shipped 
and  the  returns  were  under-rated  in  the  sworn  declarations,  so  that  an 
immensely  profitable  trade  was  done  on  a larger  scale  than  was  legally 
permitted.  Between  1754  and  1759,  in  view  of  the  reduced  profits, 
due  to  the  circumstances  already  mentioned,  the  merchants  in  Manila 
prayed  the  King  for  a reduction  of  the  Royal  dues,  which  had  been 
originally  fixed  on  the  basis  of  the  gross  returns  being  equal  to  double 
the  cost  of  the  merchandise  laid  down  in  Acapulco. 

To  meet  the  case,  another  Royal  Decree  was  issued  confirming  the 
fixed  rate  of  Royal  dues  and  disbursements,  but  in  compensation  the 
cargo  was  thenceforth  permitted  to  include  4,000  pieces  of  fine  linen, 
without  any  restriction  whatsoever  as  to  measure  or  value  ; the  sworn 
value  was  abolished,  and  the  maximum  return  value  of  the  whole 
shipment  was  raised  to  one  and-a-half  millions  of  dollars.  Hence  the 
total  dues  and  disbursements  became  equal  to  11  j per  cent,  instead  of 
17  per  cent.,  as  heretofore,  on  the  anticipated  return  value. 

In  1763,  the  Subsidy,  together  with  the  Consulado  shippers’ 
returns,  amounted  in  one  voyage  to  two-and-a-half  millions  of  dollars 
{vide  page  96).  After  the  independence  of  Mexico,  tribute  in  kind 


282 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


(tobacco)  was,  until  recently,  shipped  direct  to  Spain,  and  Peninsula 
coin  began  to  circulate  in  these  Islands. 

Consequent  on  the  banishment,  of  the  non-Christian  Chinese  in 
1755,  trade  became  stagnant.  The  Philippines  now  experienced 
what  Spain  had  felt  since  the  reign  of  Philip  III.,  when  the  expulsion 
of  900,000  Moorish  agriculturists  and  artisans  crippled  her  home 
industries,  which  it  took  a century  and  a half  to  revive. 

The  Acapulco  trade  was  fast  on  the  wane,  and  the  Spanish  element 
were  anxious  to  get  the  local  trade  into  their  own  hands. 

Every  Chinese  shop  was  closed  by  order,  and  a joint-stock 
trading  company  of  Spaniards  and  half-breeds  was  formed  with  a 
capital  of  $76,500,  in  shares  of  $500  each.  Stores  were  opened  in  the 
business  quarter,  each  under  the  control  of  two  Spaniards  or  half- 
breeds,  the  total  number  of  shopmen  being  21. 

The  object  of  the  company  was  to  purchase  clothing  aud  staple 
goods  of  all  kinds  required  in  the  Islands,  and  to  sell  the  same  at 
30  per  cent,  over  cost  price.  Out  of  the  30  per  cent,  were  to  be  paid 
an  8 per  cent,  tax,  a dividend  of  10  per  cent,  per  annum  to  the  share- 
holders, and  the  remainder  was  to  cover  salaries  and  form  a reserve 
fund  for  new  investments.  The  company  found  it  impossible  to  make 
the  same  bargains  with  the  Chinese  sellers  as  the  Chinese  buyers  had 
done,  and  a large  portion  of  the  capital  was  soon  lost. 

The  funds  at  that  date  in  the  Obras  Pias  amounted  to  $159,000, 
aud  the  trustees  were  applied  to  by  the  company  for  financial  support, 
which  they  refused.  The  Governor  was  petitioned  ; theologians  aud 
magistrates  were  consulted  on  the  subject.  The  theological  objections 
were  overruled  by  the  judicial  arguments,  aud  the  Governor  ordered 
that  $130,000  of  the  Obras  Pias  funds  should  be  loaned  to  the 
company  on  debentures;  nevertheless,  within  a year  the  company 
failed. 

A commercial  company,  known  as  the  “ Compania  Guipuzcoana 
de  Cardcas ,”  was  created  under  Royal  sanction,  and  obtained  certain 
privileges.  During  the  term  of  its  existence,  it  almost  monopolized  the 
Philippine-American  trade  which  was  yet  carried  on  exclusively  in  the 
State  galleons.  On  the  expiration  of  its  charter,  about  the  year  1783, 
a petition  was  presented  to  the  Home  Government,  praying  for  a 
renewal  of  monopolies  and  privileges  in  favour  of  a Trading 
Corporation,  to  be  founded  on  a modified  basis.  Consequently,  a 


283 


THE  “ REAL  COMPANIA  DE  EILIPINAS.” 

charter  ( Real  Cedula ) was  granted  on  the  10th  March,  1785,  to  a new 
company,  bearing  the  style  and  title  of  the  “ Real  Compania  de 
Pilipinas."  Its  capital  was  $8,000,000,  in  32,000  shares  of  $250  each. 
King  Charles  III.  took  up  4,000  shares — 3,000  shares  were  reserved 
for  the  Friars  and  the  Manila  residents,  the  balance  being  allotted  in 
the  Peninsula. 

The  defunct  company  had  engaged  solely  in  the  American  trade, 
employing  the  galleons — the  present  one  left  that  sphere  of  commerce, 
and  proposed  to  trade  with  the  East  and  Europe. 

“ 1 To  the  ‘ Real  Compania  de  Filipinas ’ was  conceded  the 
“ exclusive  privilege  of  trade  between  Spain  and  the  Archipelago, 
“ with  the  exception  of  the  traffic  between  Manila  and  Acapulco.  Its 
“ ships  could  fly  the  Royal  Standard,  with  a signal  to  distinguish 
“ them  from  war  vessels.  It  was  allowed  two  years,  counting  from 
“ the  date  of  charter,  to  acquire  foreign-built  vessels  and  register 
“ them  under  the  Spanish  flag,  free  of  fees.  It  could  import,  duty 
“ free,  any  goods  for  the  fitting  out  of  its  ships,  or  ships’  use.  It 
“ could  take  into  its  service  Royal  naval  officers,  and,  whilst  these 
“ were  so  employed,  their  seniority  would  contiuue  to  count,  and  in 
“ all  respects  they  would  enjoy  the  same  rights  as  if  they  were 
“ serving  in  the  navy.  It  could  engage  foreign  sailors  and  officers, 
“ always  provided  that  the  captain  and  chief  officer  were  Spaniards.” 

“ All  existing  decrees  and  Royal  orders,  forbidding  the  importation 
“ into  the  Peninsula  of  stuffs  and  manufactured  articles  from  India, 
“ China  and  Japan  were  abrogated  in  favour  of  this  company. 
“ Philippine  produce,  too,  shipped  to  Spain  by  the  Company,  could 
“ enter  duty  free.” 

“ The  prohibition  on  direct  traffic  with  China  and  India  was 
“ henceforth  abolished  in  favour  of  all  Manila  merchants,  and  the 
“ Company’s  ships  in  particular  could  call  at  Chinese  ports.” 

“ The  company  undertook  to  support  Philippine  agriculture  and 
“ to  spend,  with  this  object,  4°/0  of  its  nett  profits.” 

In  order  to  protect  the  company’s  interests,  foreign  ships  Avere  not 
allowed  to  bring  goods  from  Europe  to  the  Philippines,  although  they 
could  land  Chinese  and  Indian  wares. 

By  the  Treaties  of  Tordesillas  and  Antwerp  (vide  pages  19  and 
76),  the  Spaniards  had  agreed  that  to  reach  their  Oriental  possessions 


1 “ La  Libertad  del  comercio  de  Filipinas,”  by  Manuel  Azcarraga. 


284 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


they  would  take  only  the  Western  route,  which  would  be  via  Mexico 
or  round  Cape  Horn.  These  Treaties,  however,  were  virtually 
quashed  by  King  Charles  III.  on  the  establishment  of  the  Real 
Campania.  Holland  only  lodged  a nominal  protest  when  the 
company’s  ships  were  authorised  to  sail  to  the  Philippines  vid  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope ; for  the  Spaniards’  ability  to  compete  had, 
meanwhile,  vastly  diminished. 

With  such  important  immunities,  and  the  credit  which  ought  to  be 
procurable  by  a company  with  $8,000,000  paid  up  capital,  its  operations 
might  have  been  relatively  A'ast.  However,  its  balance  sheet,  closed 
to  the  31st  October,  1790  (o^  years  after  it  started),  shows  the  total 
assets  to  be  only  $10,700,194.  The  working  account  is  not  set  out. 
Although  it  was  never,  in  itself,  a flourishing  concern,  it  brought 
immense  benefit  to  the  Philippines  (at  the  expense  of  its  shareholders) 
by  opening  the  way  for  the  Colony’s  future  commercial  prosperity. 
These  advantages  operated  in  two  ways.  1°.  It  gave  great  impulse 
to  agriculture,  which  thenceforth  began  to  make  important  strides. 
By  large  sums  of  money,  distributed  in  anticipation  of  the  4 °/0  on  nett 
profit,  aud  expended  in  the  rural  districts,  it  imparted  life,  vigour  aud 
development  to  those  germs  of  husbandry — such  as  the  cultivation  of 
sugar-cane,  tobacco,  cotton,  indigo,  pepper,  etc. — which,  for  a long 
time  since,  were,  and  to  a certain  extent  are  still,  the  staple  dependence 
of  many  provinces.  2°.  It  opened  the  road  to  final  extinction  of  all 
those  vexatious  prohibitions  to  trade  with  the  Eastern  ports  aud  the 
Peninsula  which  had  checked  the  spirit  and  energy  of  the  Philippine 
merchants.  It  was  the  precursor  of  free  trade — the  stepping-stone  to 
commercial  liberty  in  these  regions. 

The  causes  of  its  decline  are  not  difficult  to  trace.  Established 
as  it  was  on  a semi-official  basis,  all  kinds  of  intrigues  were  resorted 
to — all  manner  of  favouritism  was  besought,  to  secure  appointments, 
more  or  less  lucrative,  in  the  Great  Company.  Influential  incapacity 
prevailed  over  knowledge  aud  ability,  and  the  men  intrusted  with  the 
direction  of  the  company’s  operations  proved  themselves  inexperienced 
and  quite  unfit  to  cope  with  unshackled  competition  from  the  outer 
world.  Their  very  exclusiveness  was  an  irresistible  temptation  to 
contrabandists.  Manila  private  merchants,  viewing  with  displeasure 
monopoly  in  any  form,  lost  no  opportunity  of  putting  obstacles  in 
the  way  of  the  company.  Again,  the  willing  concurrence  of  native 


FREE  TRADE. MANILA  OPENED  TO  THE  WORLD.  285 


labourers  in  an  enterprise  of  magnitude  was  as  impossible  to  secure 
then  as  it  is  now.  The  native  had  a high  time  at  the  expense  of  the 
company,  revelliug  iu  the  enjoyment  of  cash  advances,  for  which  some 
gave  little,  others  nothing.  Success  could  only  be  achieved  by  forced 
labour  and  this  right  was  not  included  in  the  charter. 

In  1825,  the  company  was  on  the  point  of  collapse,  when,  to 
support  the  totteriug  fabric,  its  capital  was  increased  by  $12,500,000 
under  Real  Cedula  of  that  year,  dated  22nd  June.  King  Charles  IV. 
took  15,772  ($250)  shares  of  this  new  issue.  But  nothing  could  save 
the  wreck,  and  finally,  it  was  decreed,  by  Real  Cedula  of  28th  May, 
1830,  that  the  privileges  conceded  to  the  “ Real  Compania  de 
Filipinos  ” had  expired — and  Manila  was  then  opened  to  Free  Trade 
with  the  whole  world. 

In  1820  the  declared  independence  of  Mexico,  acknowledged 
subsequently  by  the  European  Powers,  forced  Spain  to  a decision,  and 
direct  trade  between  the  Philippines  and  the  mother  country  became  a 
reluctant  necessity.  No  restrictions  were  placed  on  the  export  to  Spain 
of  Colonial  produce,  but  value  limitations  were  fixed  with  regard  to 
Chinese  goods.  The  export  from  the  Philippines  to  Acapulco,  Callao 
and  other  South  American  ports  was  limited  to  $750,000  at  that  date. 
Twenty-two  years  afterwards,  one  third  of  all  the  Manila  export  trade 
was  done  with  China. 

When  the  galleons  fell  into  disuse,  communication  was  definitely 
established  with  Spain  by  merchant  sailing  ships  via  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  whilst  the  opening  of  the  Suez  Canal  has  now  brought  the 
Philippines  -within  32  days’  journey  by  steamer  from  Barcelona. 

The  voyage  via  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  occupied  from  three  to  six 
months  ; the  sailings  were  less  frequent  than  at  the  present  day,  and 
the  journey  was  invariably  attended  with  innumerable  discomforts. 
A few  old  Spanish  residents  now  compare  their  privations,  when  they 
journeyed  from  the  Peninsula,  with  the  travelling  facilities  of  these 
times.  What  is  to-day  a pleasure,  was  then  a hardship,  consequently 
the  number  of  Spaniards  in  the  Islands  was  small  ; their  movements 
were  always  known.  It  was  hardly  possible  for  a Spaniard  to  acquire 
a sum  of  money  and  migrate  secretly  from  one  island  to  another,  and 
still  less  easy  was  it  for  him  to  leave  the  colony  clandestinely. 

The  Spaniard  of  that  day  who  settled  in  the  Colony  usually  became 
well  known  during  the  period  of  the  service  which  brought  him  to  the 


286 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Far  East.  If,  after  his  retirement  from  public  duty,  on  the  conclusion 
of  his  tenure  of  office,  he  decided  to  remain  in  the  Colony,  it  was  often 
due  to  his  being  able  to  count  on  the  pecuniary  support  and  moral 
protection  of  the  priests.  Hence  it  is,  that  the  majority  of  needy 
Spaniards  in  the  Philippines,  in  the  course  of  time,  came  to  entertain 
a kind  of  socialistic  notion  that  those  who  have  means,  ought  to  aid 
and  set  up  those  who  have  nothing,  without  guarantee  of  any  kind  : 
“ Si  hubiera  quien  me  protrja  ! ” was  the  common  sigh — the  outcome 
of  Cassarism  nurtured  by  a Government  which  discountenanced 
individual  effort.  Later  on,  too,  many  natives  seemed  to  think  that 
the  foreign  firms,  and  others  employing  large  capitals,  might  well 
become  philanthropic  institutions,  paternally  assisting  them  with 
unsecured  capital.  The  natives  were  bred  in  this  moral  bondage — 
they  had  seen  trading  companies,  established  under  royal  sanction, 
benefit  the  few  and  collapse — they  had  witnessed  extensive  works, 
undertaken  q>or  via  de  administracion , miscarry  in  their  ostensible 
objects,  but  prosper  in  their  real  intent,  namely,  the  providing  of  berths 
for  those  who  lived  by  their  wits. 

The  patriarchal  system  was  essayed  by  a wealthy  firm  of  American 
merchants  (Russell  and  Sturgis)  with  most  disastrous  results  to 
themselves.  They  distributed  capital  all  over  the  Colony,  and  the 
natives  abused  their  support  in  a most  abominable  manner.  A native, 
on  the  pretext  that  he  had  opened  up  a plantation,  would  present 
himself  to  the  firm,  and  procure  advances  against  future  crops  with 
every  facility.  Having  once  advanced,  it  was  necessary  to  continue 
doing  so  to  save  the  first  loans. 

Under  the  auspices  of  the  late  Mr.  Nicholas  Loney,  great  impulse 
was  given  to  the  commerce  of  Yloilo,  and,  due  to  his  efforts,  the  Island 
of  Negros  was  first  opened  up.  His  memory  is  still  revered,  and  he  is 
often  spoken  of  as  the  original  benefactor  to  the  trading  community 
of  that  district.  Messrs.  Russell  and  Sturgis  subsequently  extended 
their  operations  to  that  locality.  The  result  was,  that  they  were 
deceived  in  every  direction  by  the  natives  who,  instead  of  bringing  in 
produce  to  pay  off  advances,  sent  their  sous  to  colleges,  built  fine 
houses,  bought  pianos,  jewellery,  etc.,  and  in  a hundred  ways  satisfied 
their  pride  and  love  for  outward  show  in  a manner  never  known  before, 
at  the  expense  of  the  American  capitalists.  As  bankers,  the  firm 
enjoyed  the  unlimited  confidence  of  those  classes  who  had  something 


CONCESSIONS  TO  FOREIGN  MERCHANTS. 


287 


to  lose  as  well  as  to  gain.  Hence,  it  is  said  that  the  original  partners 
having  withdrawn  their  money  interest,  the  firm  endeavoured  to 
continue  the  business  with  a working  capital  chiefly  derived  from  the 
funds  deposited  by  private  persons  at  8 °/Q  per  annum.  All  might  have 
gone  well,  had  not  the  unprineipledness  of  the  native  agriculturists, 
who  had  all  to  gain  and  extremely  little  to  lose,  brought  about  the 
failure  of  the  house  in  1875.  The  news  amazed  everybody.  Trade 
was,  for  the  moment,  completely  paralysed.  The  great  firm,  which 
had  for  years  been  the  mainspring  of  all  Philippine  mercantile 
enterprise,  had  failed  ! 

But  whilst  many  individuals  suffered  (principally  depositors  at 
interest)  fifty  times  as  many  families  to-day  owe  their  financial  position 
to  the  generosity  of  the  big  firm,  and  I could  mention  the  names  of 
half-a-dozen  real  estate  owners  in  Yloilo  Province  who,  having  started 
with  nothing,  somehow  found  themselves  possessing  comparatively 
large  fortunes  at  the  time  of  the  liquidation. 

Consequent  on  the  smash  a reaction  set  in  which  soon  proved 
beneficial  to  the  Colony  at  large.  Foreign  and  Spanish  houses  of  minor 
importance,  which  had  laboured  in  the  shade  during  the  existence  of 
the  great  firm,  were  now  able  to  extend  their  operations  in  branches  of 
trade  which  had  hitherto  been  practically  monopolized. 

*»#**#* 

Before  Manila  was  opened  to  foreign  trade,  even  in  a restricted 
form,  special  concessions  appear  to  have  been  granted  to  a few  traders. 
One  writer  mentions  that  a French  mercantile  house  was  founded  in 
Manila  many  years  prior  to  1787,  and  that  an  English  firm  obtained 
permission  to  establish  itself  in  1809. 

In  olden  times,  the  demand  for  ordinary  commodities  was  supplied 
by  the  Chinese  traders  and  a few  Americans  and  Persians.  During 
the  latter  half  of  the  last  century,  occasionally  a Spanish  man-o’-war 
arrived,  bringing  European  manufactures  for  sale,  and  loaded  a return 
cargo  of  Oriental  goods. 

Fifty  years  ago  the  Philippine  Islands  were  but  little  known  in  the 
foreign  markets  and  commercial  centres  of  Europe.  Notwithstanding 
the  special  trading  concessions  granted  to  one  foreigner  and  another 
from  the  beginning  of  this  century,  it  was  not  until  the  Port  of  Manila 
was  unrestrictively  opened  to  resident  foreign  merchants  in  1834  that 


288 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


a regular  export  trade  with  the  whole  mercantile  world  gradually  came 
into  existence. 

It  is  said  that  before  this  time  (during  the  existence  of  the  “ Real 
Compai  a de  Filipinas  ”)  a Mr.  Butler  solicited  permission  to  reside 
in,  and  open  up,  a trade  betwqeu  Manila  and  foreign  ports,  but  his 
petition  was  held  to  be  monstrous  and  grievously  dangerous  to  the 
political  security  of  the  Colony,  hence  it  was  rejected.  No  doubt  the 
same  spirit  of  exclusiveness  and  abhorrence  of  foreign  intercourse 
obtained  at  this  time  as  in  1738,  when  the  Spaniards  preferred  a war 
with  England  to  the  fulfilment  of  the  Asiento  contract  entered  into 
under  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht.1 

Subsequently  the  American  firm  already  mentioned — Russell  and 
Sturgis — made  a similar  request,  which,  having  the  support  of  the 
Governor-General  of  that  day  was  granted.  Then  Mr.  Butler,  taking 
advantage  of  this  recent  precedent,  succeeded  in  founding  a commercial 
house  in  Manila.  Since  then  a great  number  of  foreigners  have 
followed  their  example,  so  that  in  the  ports  of  Manila,  Yloilo,  and  Cebu 
there  were  about  a dozen  British  and  a dozen  German  and  Swiss  firms, 
besides  a few  smaller  merchants  of  divers  nationalities,  trading  with 
Europe,  America,  China,  Australia,  etc. 

The  same  distrustful  sentiment  of  olden  times,  in  the  Spanish 
commercial  and  colonial  policy,  continued  up  to  the  last  day.  Pro- 
posed reforms  and  solicitations  for  permission  to  introduce  modern 
improvements  were  by  no  means  welcomed.  In  the  provinces,  clerical 
opposition  was  cast  against  all  liberal  innovations,  and  in  the  Government 

1 The  Peace  of  Utrecht,  signed  in  1713,  settled  the  succession  of  Philip,  the 
French  Dauphin,  to  the  Spanish  throne,  whilst  among  the  concessions  which 
England  gained  for  herself  under  this  treaty,  was  a convention  with  Spain,  known 
as  the  Asiento  contract.  This  gave  the  English  the  right,  which  had  hitherto 
been  denied  them,  of  trading  with  the  Spanish  colonies  of  America.  Nevertheless, 
the  exercise  of  this  right  was  disputed  in  1 738.  An  armed  contest  ensued,  and  the 
Spaniards  lost  several  galleons  in  a naval  combat,  undertaken  by  Admiral  Vernon 
and  Commodore  Anson,  who  attacked  Peru  and  Chili. 

So  prejudicial  to  the  vital  interests  of  Spain  was  the  ceded  right  held  to  be, 
that  the  earliest  efforts  of  the  first  new  Cabinet  under  Ferdinand  VI.  were 
engaged  in  a revision  of  the  commercial  differences  between  that  country  and 
England.  England  was  persuaded  to  relinquish  the  Asiento  contract  in  exchange 
for  advantages  of  greater  consideration  in  another  direction. 

Less  than  a century  ago  England  took  over  from  Spain  Nootka  Sound,  a 
station  on  the  Pacific  coast,  where  a flourishing  fur  trade  was  carried  on  by  British 
settlers  ; the  cession  was  accorded  under  a solemn  promise  not  to  trade  thence 
with  the  Spanish  colonies  of  South  America. 


BENEFITS  FROM  FOREIGN  CAPITAL. 


289 


bureaux  they  were  encompassed  with  obstructive  formalities,  objections 
and  delays.1 

By  Royal  Ordinance  of  1811,  strangers  were  excluded  from  the 
interior  ; in  1857,  unrepealed  decrees  were  brought  forward  to  urge  the 
prohibition  of  foreigners  to  establish  themselves  in  the  Colony — and, 
as  late  as  1886,  their  trading  here  was  declared  to  be  prejudicial  to  the 
“ material  interests  of  the  country.”  2 

The  support  of  the  Friars  referred  to  in  these  pages  became  a 
thing  of  the  past.  Colonists  had  increased  tenfold — the  means  of 
communication  and  of  exit  were  too  ample  for  the  security  of  the 
lenders,  who,  as  members  of  religious  communities,  could  not  seek 
redress  at  law,  and,  moreover,  those  “ lucky  hits  ” — which  were  made 
by  peuniless  Europeans  in  former  times  by  pecuniary  help  “ just  in  the 
nick  of  time  ” — were  no  longer  possible,  for  every  known  channel  of 
lucrative  transaction  was,  in  time,  taken  up  by  capitalists. 

It  was  the  capital  brought  Originally  to  the  Philippines  through 
foreign  channels  which  developed  the  modern  commerce  of  the  Colony, 
and  much  of  the  present  wealth  of  the  inhabitants  engaged  in  trade 
and  agriculture  is  indirectly  due  to  foreign  enterprise.  Xegros  Island 
was  entirely  opened  up  by  foreign  capital.  In  Manila,  many  of  the 
half-castes,  pure  natives,  and  some  Spaniards,  who  at  this  day  figure  as 
men  of  position  and  standing,  commenced  their  careers  as  messengers, 
warehouse-keepers,  scriveners,  etc.  of  the  foreign  houses  established. 

There  were  a great  many  well-to-do  Spaniards  in  trade,  but  few 
whose  funds  on  starting  were  brought  by  them  from  the  Peninsula. 
The  first  Spanish  steamer-owner  in  the  Colony  was  a baker  by  trade, 


1 For  example  : ride  “ Memoria  leida  por  el  Secretario  de  la  Camara  de 
Comercio  de  Manila,  Don  F.  de  P.  Rodoreda,  en  28  de  Marzo  de  1890,”  page  6, 
(pub.  Manila  1890  by  Diaz  Puertas  y Compania). 

It  says  thus  : — “ Jurado  Mercantil — El  expediente  siguio  la  penosa  peregri- 
u nacion  de  nuestro  pesado  y complicado  engranaje  administrative  y llevaba  ya 
“ muy  cerca  de  dos  aiios  empleados  en  solo  recorrer  dos  de  los  rnuchos  Centros 
i:  consultivos  a que  debia  ser  sometido,  etc.” 

2 The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  text  of  the  preamble  to  a Decree, 
dated  19th  March,  1886, — relative  to  the  organization  of  the  Philippine  Exhibition 
held  in  Madrid — signed  by  the  Colonial  Minister,  Don  German  Gamazo  : — 

“ Con  el  se  lograra  que  la  gran  masa  de  numerario  que  sale  dc  la  Metropoli 
“ para  adquirir  en  paises  extranjeros  algodon,  azficar,  cacao,  tabaco  y otros 
“ productos  vaya  a nuestras  posesiones  de  Oceania  donde  comerciantes  extranjeros 
“ los  acaparan  con  daiio  exidente  de  los  intereses  materiales  del  pais," 


T 


290 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


and,  due  to  the  support  of  Russell  & Sturgis,  he  made  his  way.  One 
of  the  richest  Spanish  merchants  (who  died  in  1894)  once  kept  a little 
grocer’s  shop,  and  after  the  failure  of  Russell  & Sturgis,  he  developed 
into  a merchant  and  shipowner,  his  firm  being  now  considered  the 
largest  Spanish  house  operating  iu  hemp  and  other  produce. 

There  are  two  foreign  Bank  Branches1  and  three  Bank  Agencies 
in  Manila  ; also  one  foreign  Bank  Branch  in  Yloilo.  About  fourteen 
Spanish  firms  of  a certain  importance  were  established  in  Manila,  Yloilo 
and  Cebu  in  addition  to  the  Europeans  trading  here  and  there  on  the 
coasts  of  the  Islands.  In  Manila  there  was  a Spanish  private  banking 
house  ; also  the  “ Banco  Espahol  de  Isabel  II.,"  which  was  instituted 
in  1852,  with  a capital  of  $400,000,  iu  2,000  shares  of  $200  each. 
The  capital  was  subsequently  increased  to  $600,000.  Authorised  by 
charter,  it  issued  notes  payable  to  bearer  on  demand  from  $10  upwards. 

The  legal  maximum  limit  of  Xote  issue  was  $1,200,000,  whilst 
the  actual  circulation  was  about  $100,000  short  of  that  figure.  This 
bank  did  a very  limited  amount  of  very  secure  business,  and  it  has 
paid  dividends  of  12  to  150(0  ; hence  the  shares  Avere  ahv-ays  at  a 
premium.  In  1888,  when  12°  0 dividend  Avas  paid,  this  stock  was 
quoted  at  $420  ; in  1895  it  rose  to  $435. 

During  the  reign  of  Isabella  II.  (1833-1868)  Philippine  coin  was 
issued.  Thirty-five  years  ago  gold  coin  really  obtained  less  than 
its  nominal  value  in  silver,  and  as  much  as  10°'o  was  paid  to 
exchange  an  onza  of  gold  ($16)  for  silver.  In  1878  gold  and  silver 
were  worth  their  nominal  relative  values.  Gold,  however,  has  gradually 
disappeared  from  the  Colony,  large  quantities  having  beeu  exported  to 
China.  In  1881  the  current  premium  for  purchasing  gold  was  2°/c, 
and  at  the  close  of  1884  or  beginning  of  1885,  as  much  as  10°/o 
premium  was  paid  for  Philippine  gold  of  the  Isabella  II.  or  any 
preATious  coinage.  The  gold  currency  of  Alfonso  XII.  (1875-1885) 
Avas  always  of  less  intrinsic  A-alue  than  the  coin  of  earlier  date,  the 


1 1°.  The  “ Hongkong  and  Shanghai  Banking  Corporation,”  incorporated  in 
IS67.  Present  position:  Capital  paid  up,  $10,000,000.  Keserve  fund,  $10,000,000 
(held  in  London  at  Ex.  2.?.  per  $ = £1,000,000,  invested  in  Consols  aud  other 
Sterling  securities).  Reserve  liability  of  proprietors,  $10,000,000. 

2°.  l;  The  Chartered  Bank  of  India,  Australia,  and  China,”  incorporated  in 
1853.  Capital  paid  up,  £800,000.  Reserve  fund,  £500.000.  Reserve  liability  of 
proprietors,  £800,000. 


MONETARY  NOTES. 


291 


difference  averaging  about  2 °/0.  At  the  present  day,  gold  could  only 
be  obtained  in  very  limited  quantities  at  about  the  same  rate  as  sight 
drafts  on  Europe.  Philippine  gold  pieces  are  rare. 

In  1883  Mexican  dollars  of  a later  coinage  than  1877  were  called 
in,  and  a term  was  fixed  after  which  they  would  cease  to  be  legal 
tender.  In  July  1886  a Decree  was  published  calling  iu  all  foreign 
and  Chinese  marked  coins  (chop  dollars1)  within  six  months,  after 
which  date  those  not  brought  iu  would  cease  to  be  legal  tender,  and 
any  person  who  introduced  such  coin  into  the  Colony  would  be  subject 
to  the  penalty  of  a fine  equal  to  20 °/0  of  the  value  imported — the 
obligation  to  immediately  re-export  the  coin — and  civil  action  for  the 
misdemeanour.  At  the  expiration  of  the  six  months,  the  Treasury  was 
not  in  a position  to  effect  the  conversion  of  the  foreign  medium  in 
private  hands  prior  to  the  publication  of  the  decree.  The  term  was 
extended,  but  in  time  the  measure  became  practically  void,  so  far  as 
the  legal  tender  was  concerned.  However,  the  importation  of  Mexican 
dollars  was  still  prohibited,  but  as  they  remained  current  in  Manila,  at 
par  value,  whilst  in  Hongkong  and  Singapore  they  could  be  bought  for 
8 to  12%  (and  in  1894,  25° '0)  less  than  Manila  dollars,  large  quan- 
tities were  smuggled  into  the  Colony.  It  is  estimated  that  in  the 
year  1887  the  clandestine  introduction  of  Mexican  dollars  into  Manila 
averaged  about  $150,000  per  month.  I remember  a Chiuaman  was 
caught  in  September,  1887,  with  $164,000,  imported  in  cases  declared 
to  contain  matches.  In  1890  there  was  a “boom”  in  the  silver 
market.  Owing  to  the  action  of  the  American  Silverites,  the  Wash- 
ington Treasury  called  for  a monthly  supply  of  four  millions  of  silver 
dollars,  consequently  sight  rate  on  London  iu  Hongkong  touched  3;  10|- 
and  in  Manila  rose  to  3/1 0^,  but  a rapid  reaction  set  in  when  the 
Treasury  demand  ceased.  In  1895  we  heard  in  Manila  that  the 
Government  were  about  to  coin  Philippine  dollars  and  absolutely 
demonetize  Mexicans  as  a medium  iu  the  islands.  But  this  measure 
was  never  carried  out,  probably  because  the  government  had  not  the 
necessary  cash  with  which  to  effect  the  conversion. 

In  June  1893,  the  s.s.  Don  Juan,  owned  by  Francisco  L.  Rojas, 
of  Manila,  took  on  board  in  Hongkong  about  $400,000  Mexicans  for 


1 Chop  dollars  are  those  defaced  by  private  Chinese  marks. 

T 2 


292 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  purpose  of  smuggling  them  into  Manila.  On  board  there  were 
also,  as  passengers,  a Sehor  Eodoreda  and  a crowd  of  Chinese  coolies. 
The  vessel  caught  fire  off  the  W.  coast  of  Luzon.  The  captain,  the 
crew,  and  the  Spanish  passenger  abandoned  the  ship  iu  boats,  leaving 
the  Chinese  to  their  awful  fate.  A steam  launch  was  sent  alongside 
and  saved  a few  dollars,  whilst  the  despairing  Chiuese  became  victims 
to  the  flames  and  sharks.  The  ship’s  burnt-out  hull  was  towed  to 
Manila  Bay.  The  remaining  dollars  were  confiscated,  aud  the  captain 
and  chief  engineer  were  prosecuted. 

The  universal  monetary  crisis  due  to  the  depreciation  of  silver  was 
experienced  here,  and  the  Government  made  matters  still  worse  by 
coining  half-dollars  and  20-ceut  pieces,  which  had  not  the  intrinsic  value 
expressed,  and  exchange  consequently  fell  still  lower.  In  September, 
1887,  a Madrid  periodical,  Corrco  de  Espana,  stated  that  the 
Philippine  50  cent  pieces  were  rejected  in  Madrid  both  by  money- 
changers aud  merchants  iu  the  Government  offices.  In  May,  1888, 
the  dollar  was  quoted  at  3/2|  (over  19%  below  nominal  value),  and 
shippers  to  the  Colony,  who  had  already  suffered  considerably  by  the 
loss  on  exchange,  had  their  interests  still  further  impaired  by  the 
iniquitous  action  of  the  Treasury. 


Exchange  Fluctuations. 


Sight  on  LONDON. 

Quotations  in  the  Year  1889. 

Year. 

Highest. 

Lowest. 

Sight  on 

Highest. 

Lowest. 

1869 

4/5J 

41  3 

London 

3/61 

3/3, 

1879 

3/11 

3/9 

Hongkong  - 

14  % dis. 

1 °/o  dis. 

1880 

3/1  If 

39f 

Singapore  - 

13  ,>  j, 

1 „ „ 

1881 

m 

3/11 

Amoy 

192 

1-8  ” 

1 S’  ss 

1882 

4/1 

3/1 1 2 

Madrid 

20  „ prem. 

10!  »prem. 

1883 

4/01 

3/91 

Paris 

fcs.  4 45. 

fcs.  4 os. 

1884 

3/91 

3/71 

1885 

3/101 

3/81 

1886 

3/9f 

3/71 

PROVINCIAL  PORTS  OPENED. 


293 


Exchange  Fluctuations. — continued. 


Sight  on  LONDON. 

Compared  with  quotations 
on  15th  September,  1898. 

Year. 

Highest. 

Lowest. 

Sight  on 

Rate. 

1887 

3/8  (y 

3/3 

London 

mi 

1888 

3/6| 

3/2| 

Hongkong- 

i °/o  dis- 

1889 

3/61 

3/3 

Singapore  - 

i „ prem. 

1890 

3/101 

m 

Amoy 

1 

2 

1892 

3/3 1 

3/ 

Madrid 

30  „ „ 

1897 

2/2 

1/2| 

Paris 

fcs.  2 42. 

A Custom  House  was  established  and  port  opened  in  Zamboanga 
(6°  56"  X.  lat.)  for  direct  communication  with  abroad  in  1831  ; those 
of  Sual  (16°  5"  X.  lat.)  and  Yloilo  (10°  42"  X.  lat.)  in  1855,  and  that 
of  Cebu  (10°  20"  X.  lat.)  in  1863.  The  Custom  House  of  Sual  was 
subsequently  abolished,  and  the  port  closed  to  direct  trading  with 
foreign  countries.  The  place  having  therefore  lost  its  former  importance, 
it  has  since  lapsed  into  a miserable  lifeless  village. 

Special  permission  could  be  obtained  for  ships  to  load  in  and  sail 
direct  from  harbours  where  there  were  no  Custom  Houses  established, 
on  a sum  of  money  being  paid  beforehand  into  the  Caja  de  Depositos 
in  Manila,  to  cover  duties,  dues,  etc. 

After  the  opening  of  the  Port  of  Yloilo,  three  years  passed  before 
a cargo  of  produce  sailed  thence  to  a foreign  port.  Since  then,  it  has 
gradually  become  the  shipping  centre  for  the  crops  (chiefly  sugar  and 
sapanwood)  raised  in  the  Islands  of  Panay  and  Xegros,  whilst  from 
about  the  year  1882  it  has  attracted  a portion  of  what  was  formerly 
the  Cebu  trade.  The  development  of  Yloilo  as  a port,  trading  with 
abroad,  is  entirely  due  to  foreigners. 

The  opening  of  the  Port  of  Yloilo  was  a considerable  aid  to 
agriculture  in  the  Yisayas.  Previous  to  this  event,  the  small  output 
of  sugar  (which  had  never  reached  one  thousand  tons  in  any  year)  had 
to  be  sent  up  to  Manila  ; the  expense  of  local  freight,  brokerages  and 
double  loading  and  reloading  left  so  little  profit  to  the  planters  that 
the  results  were  then  quite  discouraging. 


294 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


None  but  wooden  sugar-cane  mills  were  employed  at  that  time, 
but  since  then,  many  small  steam-power  factories  have  been  erected, 
although  they  are  all  far  behind  the  latest  modern  improvements  iu  the 
apparatus  relating  to  this  industry.  The  produce  shipped  in  Yloilo 
is  principally  carried  to  the  United  States  in  American  sailing  ships. 
The  following  figures  will  serve  to  show  the  commercial  importance  of 
this  district  : — 

Chief  Exports  from  Yloilo.1 


1S80. 

1381. 

1882. 

1883. 

1834. 

I 

1385.  | 18S6. 

1887. 

1888. 

1889. 

j Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons.  | Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Sugar  - - 62,773 

87,163 

56,497 

93.396 

41,496 

109,609  S3, 436 

77,847 

76,977 

114,207 

SAPAXWOOD  - j — 

— 

1,014 

1,5S8 

2,041 

1,100  2,943 

4,260 

5,848 

4,013 

— 

1S30. 

1891. 

1892. 

1S93. 

1894. 

1805. 

1398. 

1897. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons . 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

SUGAR 

96,000 

85,101 

165,407 

137,716 

88,533 

110,527 

124,648 

130,542 

Sapaxwood  - 

3,415 

3,317 

2,267 

l,5S6 

1,633 

694 

2,743 

3,165 

The  opening  of  the  port  of  Cebu  has  undoubtedly  been  beneficial 
to  the  Colony,  but  the  inhabitants  of  that  island,  notably  docile,  are 
little  fond  of  work,  and  the  exports  of  local  produce  are  small.  In  the 
same  years  as  above,  they  have  been  as  follows,  viz.  : — • 


Chief  Exports  from  Ce ntf. 


— 

1830. 

1881. 

1882. 

1883. 

1884. 

18S5. 

1886.  | 1887. 
1 

1888. 

1889. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons.  ! Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons, 

SUGAR 

20,098 

17,285 

23,879 

22,500 

17,274 

28,195 

18,140  17,815 

16,694 

11,362 

Hemp  - - - 

7,551 

12,771 

S,114 

6,567 

7,716 

8,214 

7,192  | 7,663 

11,298 

11,616 

— 

1390. 

1891. 

1892. 

1893. 

1894. 

1895. 

1896. 

1897. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Ton*. 

Tons. 

Sugar 

- 

3,455 

8,762 

18,388 

16,962 

10,198 

13,335 

7,701 

15,257 

Hemp  - 

- 

7,068 

11,087 

11,035 

10,010 

16,804 

10,445 

12,564 

10,034 

1 Yloilo  had  its  “ Gremio  do  Comerciantes  ” (Board  of  Trade),  constituted  by 
Philippine  General-Government  Decree  of  the  5th  September,  1881— and  Manila 
had  a Chamber  of  Commerce. 


Total  Chief  Exports  from  the  Philippine  Islands. 


TRADE  STATISTICS 


295 


00 

CO 

CO 

rH 

Tons. 

91,628 

16,694 

76,997 

185,319 

71,381 

11,298 

82,679 

750 

5,853 

CD 

O 

CD 

o' 

CMCIOCDCMO-HCM 
OOCMCOCDCOCMrH 
t>-^  H CM  CO  CM  CO  rH 

o'  cT  cT  r-T 

O rH 

. 

OlON 

O CO 

Ol  o 

Ol 

CO  CM  rH  O —H  —H  ID  CD 

CO 

O CD 

1- 

CD  CD 

CM 

OO-t^OrHOt-r-H 

oo 

a:  -*  00  GO 

r- • 

I--  CD 

CD 

CO  CM 

CM 

05  ID  CO  ID  rH  rH  rH 

CO 

^ co  r- 

05 

CD* 

rH 

rH 

ID 

rH  05  rH 

T-H 

GO  r-(  t> 

t- 

ID 

CD 

05 

rH 

. 

-H  © O 

o 

CO  CM 

O 

ID  CD 

CO 

NNCO-fnCNCO 

*,•  © -h  >o 

o 

CD  05 

CD 

CO  rH 

CM 

CO  rH  CO  O O O CO 

oo 

RW»-^ 

oo 

CM  f-t 

rH 

Q0  05 

CO 

CDNO'O  CM  rH 

00 

pi  ^ 00  CO 

ID 

crT 

CD 

rH  CM 

rh 

t-  CM  O 

r— < 

CO  rH  CO 

Xj 

CD 

rH 

O 

rH 

pH 

QOWC5 

CM 

t—  rH 

rH  O 

OHC-N^WIOO 

IO 

«-*  r>-  05  O 

CO 

CM  — i 

-f 

rH  O 

O CM  05  CO  CO  05  CD  M 

CO 

s CD  I-H  CD 

rH 

05  CM 

rH 

05  rH 

O 

CM  CO  l'-  CD  rH  CM 

CO 

^Itiooci 

CD 

CO  COr 

CM 

CM  rH 

rH 

ID  rH  o' 

r— 1 

O CM  © 

o 

rH 

O 

1—1 

CM 

. 

00  rH  O 

CO 

O CD 

CD 

M rH 

CO 

HHHtDOiCOO 

<;0  N C5 

t— 

CD  -h 

l- 

CM  -« 

O 

ID  05  CO  CO  rH  -H  CO  rH 

CO 

r<N  W 

05 

CM 

C5 

CO  O 

CO 

CM  O rH  CD  CM  CD 

CO 

pi  CO  t—  »—l 

_ 

CD  t>- 

o" 

CM 

CM 

t>  ID  t>r 

r— I 

O rH  rH 

CM 

rH 

»D 

CM 

r“ 1 

T— 

. 

CD  O CD 

CM 

CD  M 

O 

CD  CO 

H 05  t>-  05  -H  ID  O CO 

v;ooc3 

05 

rH  CD 

CO 

CD  CO 

CM 

ID  l—  CD  CM  CD  CD  O CM 

CO 

=:  O iD  CO 

ID 

rH  ID 

«e 

CD  ID 

05 

rH  O CM  rH  CM  CD 

oo 

pi  i d oi  cd 

rH 

O CD 

CD 

r r-T 

CM 

oV' 

r— 1 

05  CM  C5 

r-H 

-H 

rH 

05 

CM 

. 

iM  D.  N 

CO 

ID 

CO  -H 

CD 

W N ID  h t>  D MO 

ca 

M N D 

o 

05  rH 

O 

CO  rH 

o 

ID  C5  05  05  -H  CO  ID  CM 

00 

sOco^ 

rH 

O rH 

CM 

Cl  o 

o 

O ID  rn  CM  rH  CD  rM 

CO 

£ -h  CO  CD 

r-H 

CD  CO 

-H 

CO  rn 

ID 

ID  CD  O 

rH 

L-  CM  lO 

ID 

CD 

rf 

o 

CM  40  O 

CD 

»D  rH 

CD 

CD 

CD 

CO  CM  N CO  O O M id 

H 

• 05  CO  CD 

~H 

co  m 

O 

ID 

ID 

CO  O Ol  r o H O CO 

CO 

SIC  N rH 

O 

ID  m 

CD 

<N  I 

CM 

CD  ID  O rH  rH  -H 

oo 

rH 

~H  CM 

-H 

f * 

-H 

ID*  05  t"» 

i-H 

CM  -H  CD 

i— i 

-H  rH 

ID 

CO 

CM 

-*-H  CO  ID 

CO  t-H 

-H 

DDNhCOhHO 

o 

o,*  CM  05 

Ci 

CO  ID 

CD 

CM 

IDCOID-H-HCDOO 

CO 

scoO^ 

CD 

CD  ID 

05 

1 1 

ID 

O O CD  H -H  O CM 

oo 

[2  CO  O <N 

r-H 

CM  t> 

05 

1 1 

ID 

ID  CM  00 

© C*  CO 

CO 

•H4 

rH 

CO 

'd 

rQ 


O 


^ ^ o 


c3 

~ C> 


£ ^ 
0)  — < 

O 

J-S 

So 

cC 

O 

H 

Y 

H 

Sugar 

Hemp 

Sap  an- 
wood 

5 cs  o 

~ <D  'Tj 

^ ^ 5 


<L> 

S3 


*§  -SP-o  3 ■§  I '3  ^ 
pOH W hOoB 

•Hiuo 

vifuv/f  iuoj / poddiyg 


Total  Chief  Exports  from  tiie  Philippine  Islands — continued. 


296 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS, 


According  to  Sir  John  Bowring. 

00 

, 

. 

O 21  co  21  CO 

in 

CM 

X 

o 

CO  r O O X 

CO 

21 

12  H rH  pt» 

CO 

r— 

r— < 12*  ~V 

CO 

21 

X 

. 

12 

21  12 

N 

to  to  to  X X X 25  21 

OO 

21  05 

O 

21  CO 

X 

X— «X21X21X— * 

CD 

Si  CO  21  i2 

rH 

h-  O 

h- 

O rH 

rH 

r-  25  X h-  21  21 

OO 

gw'oo' 

-rs 

2f  O 

21 

pH  X 

■H 

X 12 

r-H 

C r. 

o 

O r-H 

rH 

rH 

21 

1—1 

,“H 

f_H 

12  X 

21  H 

X X 

ON2NXNHCO 

. o o — 

o 

h-  tO 

X 

O H 

XOXOWNC5- 

5 t-  — 

o 

■ 15 

t— 

X h- 

12 

to  25  X rH  rH 

05 

IS-  h 

o' 

05  Cl 

21 

X 

X O 

CO 

Ch  — i ?M 

CO 

CC  — 

X rH 

rH 

21 

T’H 

-ON 

CO 

XO  12 

o 

25  H 

X 

XOXh-t—  12X25 

. 21  X 21 

CO 

— C5 

rH 

25  X X CO  21  f - 25  t- 

! 

!2  21  X 12 

o 

12  -H 

o 

CO  CO 

X 

f—  ~r  X X 21  rH 

05 

r3 t-t  ~ o' 

~ 

05  O' 

r*( 

pH 

21 

H o' 

CO 

CN  —v 

X 

C5  rH 

o 

CO  rH 

i-H 

rH 

21 

— * 

1—1 

CO  CO  CO 

t— 

05  H 

hr 

21  X 

12 

25N-12X21250H 

o 2;  x 

CO 

25  O 

25 

21 

O 25  |>  X hr  12 

^ CO  r—  12 

05 

CO  00 

H 

21  CO 

C5 

X X 12  X r-<  pH 

05 

50 

21  CO 

c 

h—  25 

i 00 

n<  2:  n co 

25 

X 

25 

X 

1 ~ 

1 

X 21  CO 

-H  O 

H 

21  CO 

X 

NCOH 

CC 

l—  — 

X 

X X 

— < 

O 12  X 

t CO 

■ — 1 o 

rH 

02  12 

25 

X H 12 

05 

t-T  cc  r~ 

o o 

o 

X rH 

-* 

t-r_: 

CO 

X 

rH 

f-H  rH 

21 

CC0N 

X 1-2 

X 

-H  1- 

_ 

COHNXOOO 

.r.  x o 

25 

N 05 

r-  co 

21  »2  — 21  N X O rH 

oi 

^ Cl  X H 

t- 

h-  O 

X 

12  21 

X 

X O 1-  X 21  rH  r— 

05 

_i 

hr*  — 

X* 

rH  <N 

X 

hr  21 

CO 

io 

X rn 

« rH 

rH 

r“H 

21 

- 

CO  21  H 

21 

O N- 

« 

O r- 

h- 

25  o X 21  25  X 25  X 

12  X 

X — 

C-ONXO-Tr- 

i rH 

-r-i  i 

21  O 

X X 

X tr  CC  21  X r- 

05 

e£  x~  x~  »cT 
^ I - co 

OO  H 

or 

of  hr*  25* 

CO 

CO  rH 

t- 

25 

rH 

- 

_ ^ 

rr  00 

35 

12  12 

CO  CO  21  -H  25  X CO  — i 

. h-  >2  O 

21 

X — 

o 

12 

21  O 

21 

X H 

X 

05 

t'  OO  05  to 

t-" 

eft- 

ph  rH 

21 

CO 

H 

‘= 

rH 

1 

CNN 

1 

12  CO 

1 

H X 

21 

— -H-HXrHOrHX 

..  i2  tO  O 

21 

12  — 

1 0 

- C L5  N 05  25  N 

05 

5 CO  CX  N 

C5 

H CO 

o 

12  O 

cr/c  r-  1-  N - 

CO 

^ 2>  — H 

CO 

C5  - 

rH 

o -•  O 

CO 

12  r— 

l- 

21  rH 

rH 

r"H 

21 

1 

Manila 

Cebu 

Yloilo 

1 

O 

f Manila  - 
[ Cebu 

1 

o 

*>$ 

^ rS  -? 
§ CQ 

S r* 

Total  - 

-H 

.a  1 

• ^ ^ • ~en  i CQ 
o je  g ^ c S 6®®^ 

tS  il  = S ’S  o 

OOHM^OOS 

x / 

1 

« 

H 

H 

C-I 

s 

H 

5§ 

£ o 

D 

H 

*<  £ 

•fijuo 

X/l 

rn 

XU 

ti/  mii/T  7//cu / p»ddiyg 

EXCISE  AND  CUSTOMS. SMUGGLING. 


297 


The  total  Values  declared  in  the  Customs  Houses  were  as  follows, 


viz. 


In  1841 — $ 3,230,000  Imports. 
In  1885— $19,171,468  „ 

In  1888— $21,208,445  „ 

In  1891— $24,860,000  „ 

In  1892— $27,000,604  „ 

In  1896— $17,740,010  „ 

In  1897— $16,350,328  „ 


$ 4,370,000  Exports. 
$24,553,685  „ 

$26,358,640  ,, 

$25,751,843  „ 

$33,478,924  „ 

$28,210,032 

Wo  official  returns  procurable. 


The  Excise  and  Customs  Revenue  in  1889  was  as  follows,  viz.  : — 


Custom  House 
op 

Import. 

Export. 

Naviga- 

tion. 

Fixes. 

Excise. 

Totals. 

$ 

cts. 

8 

cts. 

8 

CtS. 

8 

cts. 

S 

cts. 

S cts. 

Manila 

1,538,834 

10 

545,929 

44 

23,414 

94 

1,027 

13 

157,946 

21 

2,267,151 

82 

Tloilo  - - 

530,391 

97 

1,402 

44 

12,311 

52 

— 

- 

544,105 

93 

Cebil  - 

12,151 

33 

27,549 

83 

4,103 

40 

10 

00 

1,747 

59 

45,562 

15 

Zamboanga 

307 

12 

- 

38 

47 

3 

34 

- 

348 

93 

Atimonan 

- 

- 

42 

09 

- 

- 

42 

09 

Totals  - 

2,081,684 

52 

574,881 

71 

39,910 

42 

1,040 

47 

159, G93 

80 

2,857,210 

92 

Against  a total  of  $2,650,304.41  in  1888  ancl  $2,217,505.55  in  1896. 

Most  of  the  carrying  Import  trade  was  in  the  hands  of  subsidized 
Spanish  steamer  owners  whilst  the  larger  portion  of  the  Exports  was 
conveyed  in  foreign  vessels,  which  arrived  in  ballast  from  Eastern 
ports  where  they  had  left  cargoes. 

Smuggling  was  carried  on  to  a considerable  extent  for  years,  and 
iu  1891  a fresh  stimulus  was  given  to  contraband  by  the  introduction  of 
a Protectionist  Tariff,  which  came  into  force  on  April  1 st  of  that  year, 
and  under  which  Spanish  goods  brought  in  Spanish  ships  were 
allowed  to  enter  free  of  duty.1 

In  order  to  evade  the  payment  of  the  Manila  Port  Works  Tax  (for 
which  no  value  was  given,  nor  ever  likely  to  he,  vide  Chap.  XXII.), 
large  quantities  of  piece  goods  for  Manila  were  shipped  from  Europe 
to  Yloilo,  passed  through  the  Custom  House  there  and  re-shipped  in 
inter-island  steamers  to  Manila.  In  1890  some  two-thirds  of  the 
foreign  imports  into  Yloilo  were  for  re-shipment  as  above. 


1 Vide  “ Board  of  Trade  Journal  ” for  February  and  April  1891. 


298 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Tlie  circumstances  which  directly  led  to  the  opening  of  Zamboanga, 
as  a port  of  commerce,  are  interesting,  when  it  is  remembered  that  the 
island  (Mindanao)  is  independent  in  the  interior — inhabited  by  races 
indomitable  by  the  Spaniards,  and  where  agriculture,  by  civilized 
settlers,  is  as  yet  nascent.  It  appears  that  the  free  and  open  Port  of 
Sulu  had  been,  for  a long  time,  frequented  by  foreign  ships,  whose 
owners  or  officers  (chiefly  British)  unscrupulously  supplied  the  Sulus 
with  sundry  manufactured  goods,  including  arms  of  warfare , much  to 
the  detriment  of  Spanish  interests  there,  in  exchange  for  mother-of-pearl, 
pearls,  gums,  etc.  The  Spaniards  claimed  suzerain  rights  over  the 
island,  but  were  uot  strong  enough  to  establish  and  protect  a Custom 
House,  so  they  imposed  the  regulation  that  ships  loading  in  Sulu 
should  put  in  at  Zamboanga  for  clearance  to  foreign  ports.  The 
foreigners  who  carried  on  this  illicit  traffic  protested  against  a 
sailing-ship  being  required  to  go  out  of  her  homeward  course  about 
120  miles  to  put  into  Zamboanga,  for  the  mere  formality  of  customs 
clearance.  A British  ship  (and  perhaps  many  before  her)  sailed  straight 
away  from  Sulu,  in  defiance  of  the  Spaniards,  who  had  naturally  sought 
their  own  protection.  The  matter  was  then  brought  to  the  notice  of 
the  British  Government,  who  intimated  that  either  Sulu  must  be 
declared  a free  port  or  a Custom  House  must  be  established  there. 
The  former  alternative  was  chosen  by  the  Spaniards. 

Zamboanga  would  have  been  a convenient  port  of  call  for  vessels 
cominsr  from  Australia  if  the  harbour  dues  had  not  been  so  excessive. 

The  supreme  control  of  merchant  shipping  and  naval  forces  was 
vested  iu  the  same  high  official.  ]So  foreigner  was  permitted  to  own  a 
vessel  trading  between  Spain  and  her  colonies,  or  between  one  Spauish 
colony  and  another,  or  doing  a coasting  trade  within  the  Colony.  This 
difficulty  was  however  readily  overcome,  and  reduced  to  a mere 
ineffective  formality,  by  foreigners  employing  Spaniards  to  become 
nominal  owners  of  their  vessels.  Thus  a very  large  portion  of  the 
inter-island  carrying  trade  in  steamers  was  virtually  conducted  by 
foreigners,  who  were  chiefly  British. 

Mail  steamers,  subsidized  by  the  Government,  left  the  Capital 
every  fortnight  for  the  different  islands,  and  there  was  a quarterly 
Pacific  Mail  Service  to  the  Ladrone  Islands.1  Regular  mails  arrived 

1 Manila  to  Yap,  1,160  miles.  Yap  to  Ponapd,  1,270  miles.  Ponape  to  Apra, 
880  miles. 


MAIL  SERVICE. MIDDLEMEN. 


299 


from,  and  left  for,  Europe  every  fortnight,  hut  there  were  frequeut 
intermediate  opportunities  of  remitting  and  receiving  correspondence, 
so  that  there  were  really  about  three  mails  received  and  three  despatched 
every  month.  The  mail  route  for  Europe  is  via  Singapore,  but  there 
were  some  seven  or  eight  sailings  of  steamers  per  month  between 
Manila  and  Hongkong  (the  nearest  foreigu  colony — 640  miles),  whence 
mails  were  forwarded  to  Europe,  Australia,  Japan,  United  States,  etc. 

Between  the  Capital  and  several  ports  in  the  adjacent  provinces, 
there  was  a daily  service  of  passenger  and  light  cargo  steamers. 

Between  Yloilo  and  the  adjoining  Province  of  Antique,  the  District 
of  Concepcion  and  the  Islands  of  Isegros  and  Cebu,  there  were  some 
half-dozen  small  steamers,  belonging  to  Filipinos  and  Spaniards, 
running  regularly  with  passengers  and  merchandise,  whilst  in  the 
sugar-producing  season — from  January  to  May — they  were  fully 
freighted  with  cargoes  of  this  staple  article. 

The  carrying  trade  in  sailing  craft  between  the  Islands  was  chiefly 
in  the  hands  of  natives  and  half-castes.  There  were  also  a few  Spanish 
sailing  ship-owners,  aud  in  the  above-mentioned  Port  of  Yloilo,  a few 
schooners  (called  lore  has),  loading  from  40  to  100  tons  of  sugar,  were 
the  property  of  foreigners,  under  the  nominal  ownership  of  Spanish 
subjects,  for  the  effects  of  the  law. 

The  principal  exporters  employ  middlemen  for  the  collecting  of 
produce  and  usually  require  their  guarantee  for  sales  at  credit  to  the 
provincial  purchasers  of  imports.  These  middlemen  are  always  persons 
of  means,  born  in  the  Colony,  and  understanding  both  the  intricacies 
of  the  native  character  and  the  European  mode  of  transacting  business, 
they  serve  as  very  useful — almost  indispensable — intermediaries. 

It  was  only  when  the  crisis  in  the  Sugar  trade  affected  the  whole 
world,  and  began  to  be  felt  in  the  Philippines  in  1884,  that  the  majority 
of  the  natives  engaged  in  that  industry  slowly  yielded  to  the  conviction 
that  quotations  depended  upon  circumstances  quite  beyond  the  control 
of  the  foreign  buyers  and  exporters.  Until  that  period,  the  idea 
obtained  amongst  the  small  planters,  that  the  current  price  of  produce 
fluctuated  according  to  the  caprice  of  the  foreign  buyer,  instead  of 
supply  and  demand — hence  many  have  lost  money  by  perversely 
refusing  to  take  advantage  of  market  rises.  Before  transactions  were  so 
thoroughly  in  the  hands  of  middlemen,  small  producers  used  to  take  their 
samples  to  the  purchasers,  “ to  see  how  much  they  were  disposed  to 


300 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


pay  ” as  they  expressed  it — the  term  “ market  price  ” seldom  being- 
used  or  understood  in  the  provinces. 

Accustomed  to  deal,  during  the  first  centuries  of  the  Spauish 
occupation,  with  the  Chinese,  the  natives,  even  amongst  themselves, 
rarely  have  fixed  prices  in  retail  dealings,  and  nearly  every  quotation 
in  small  traffic  is  taken  only  as  a fancy  price,  subject  to  considerable 
rebate  before  closing.  The  Chinese  understand  the  native  pretty  well  ; 
they  study  his  likings,  and  they  so  fix  their  prices  that  an  enormous 
reduction  can  be  made  for  his  satisfaction.  He  goes  away  quite 
contented,  whilst  the  Chinaman  chuckles  over  having  got  the  best  of 
the  bargain.  Even  the  import  houses,  when  they  publish  their  goods 
for  sale,  seldom  state  the  prices  ; it  seems  as  if  all  regarded  the  question 
of  price  as  a shifty  one. 

The  system  of  giving  credit  in  the  retail  trade  of  Manila,  and  a few 
provincial  towns,  was  the  ruin  of  a great  many  shopkeepers.  Without 
a dollar  in  his  pocket,  and  often  unworthy  of  credit,  a person  went  into 
a shop  and  expected  to  be  served  with  whatever  he  might  select  against 
his  I.O.U.  There  were  few  retail  tradesmen  who  had  fixed  prices  ; 
most  of  them  fluctuated  according  to  the  race,  or  nationality,  of  the 
intending  purchaser.  The  Chinese  dealer  made  no  secret  about  his 
price  being  merely  nominal.  If  on  the  first  offer  you  were  about  to 
move  away,  he  would  call  after  you  and  politely  invite  you  to  haggle 
with  him1  over  what  you  were  to  pay  for  the  chosen  article. 

##*#*** 

The  only  real  basis  of  wealth  in  the  Colony,  is  the  raw  material 
obtained  by  Agriculture  and  Forest  produce.  Nothing  was  done  by 
the  conquerors  to  foster  the  Industrial  Arts,  and  the  Manufacturing 
Trades  were  of  insignificant  importance.  Cigars  were  the  only 
manufactured  export  staple,  whilst  a little  cordage,  and  occasionally  a 
a parcel  of  straw  or  finely-split  bamboo  hats  were  shipped. 

In  the  Provinces  of  Bulacan  and  Pampanga,  split  cane  and  Nito 
( lygodium ) hats,  straw  mats,  and  cigar  cases  are  made.  Some  of 
the  finest  worked  cigar  cases  require  so  much  time  for  making  that 
they  cost  up  to  $20  each.  Hats  can  only  be  obtained  in  quantities  by 
shippers  through  native  middlemen. 

In  Yloilo  Province  a rough  cloth  called  Sinamay  is  woven2  from 

1 ii  yd  cui(iado  de  regatear.” 

2 Weaving  was  taught  to  the  natives  by  a Spanish  priest  about  the  year  1595. 


MANUFACTURES. RAILWAYS. 


301 


selected  hemp  fibre.  Also  iu  this  province  and  that  of  Antique  (Panay 
Island),  Pina  muslin  of  pure  pine-leaf  fibre  and  Ilusi  of  mixed  pine-leaf 
and  hemp  filament  are  made.  I locos  Province  has  a reputation  in  these 
Islands  for  its  woollen  and  dyed  cotton  fabrics.  Taal,  in  Batangas 
Province,  also  produces  a special  make  of  cotton  stuffs.  Pasig,  on  the 
river  of  that  name,  and  Sulipan  in  Pampauga,  are  locally  known  for 
their  rough  pottery. 

Paete,  at  the  extreme  east  of  the  Laguna  de  Bay,  is  the  centre  for 
white  Avood  furniture  and  wood-carving.  In  Mariquina,  near  Manila, 
wooden  clogs  and  native  leather  shoes  are  made.  Santa  Cruz,  a ward 
of  Manila,  is  the  gold  and  silver  workers’  quarter.  The  native  women 
iu  nearly  all  the  civilized  provinces  produce  some  very  handsome 
specimens  of  embroidery  on  European  patterns.  Mats  to  sleep  upon 
( petates ) ; straw  bags  ( bayones ),  alcohol,  bamboo  furniture,  buffalo- 
hide  leather,  wax  candles,  soap,  etc.  have  their  centres  of  manufacture 
on  a small  scale.  The  first  Philippine  brewery  was  opened  4th  October, 
1890,  in  San  Miguel  (Manila)  by  Don  Enrique  Barretto.  Native 
capital  alone  supports  these  manufactures.  The  traffic  and  consumption 
being  entirely  local,  the  consequent  increase  of  wealth  to  the  Colony  is 
the  economized  difference  between  them  and  imported  articles.  These 
industries  bring  no  fresh  capital  to  the  Colony,  by  way  of  profits,  but 
they  contribute  to  check  its  egress  by  the  returns  of  agriculture 
changing  hands  to  the  local  manufacturer  instead  of  to  the  foreign 
merchant. 

Want  of  cheap  means  of  land  transport  has,  so  far,  been  the  chief 
drawback  to  Philippine  manufactures,  which  are  of  small  importance 
in  the  total  trade  of  the  Colony. 

Philippine  Railways  were  first  officially  projected  in  1875,  when  a 
Royal  Decree  of  that  year,  dated  6th  of  August,  determined  the 
legislative  basis  for  works  of  that  nature.  The  Inspector  of  Public 
Works  was  instructed  to  form  a general  plan  of  a railway  system  in 
the  Island  of  Luzon.  On  the  11th  of  November  following,  this  task 
was  undertaken  by  Don  Eduardo  Lopez  Navarro,  an  engineer  personally 
known  to  me.  The  projected  system  included  (1°)  a line  running  north 
from  Manila  through  the  Provinces  of  Bulacan,  Pampanga  and 
Pangasinan.  (2°)  A line  running  south  from  Manila  and  then  along 
the  Laguna  de  Bay  shore  eastwards  through  Tayabas,  Camarines  and 
Albay  Provinces.  (3°)  A branch  from  this  line  on  the  Laguna  de  Bay 


302 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


shore  to  rim  almost  due  south  to  Batangas.  The  lines  to  he  constructed 
’were  classed  under  two  heads,  viz.:  1°.  Those  of  general  public 
utility  to  be  laid  down  either  by  the  State  or  by  subsidized  companies  ; 
the  concession  in  this  case  being  given  by  the  Home  Government, 
and  2°.  Those  of  private  interest,  for  the  construction  of  which 
concessions  could  be  granted  by  the  Governor-General. 

In  1885  the  Government  solicited  tenders  for  the  laying  of  the 
first  line  of  railway  from  Manila  to  Dagupan — a port  on  the  Gulf  of 
Lingayen,  and  the  only  practicable  outlet  for  produce  from  the  Province 
of  Pangasinan  and  Tarlac  District.  The  distance  by  sea  is  216  miles — 
the  railway  line  196  kilometres  (say  120  miles). 

The  subsidy  offered  by  the  Government  amounted  to  about  $7,650 
per  mile,  but  on  three  occasions  no  tender  was  forthcoming  either 
from  Madrid  or  in  Manila,  where  it  was  simultaneously  solicited. 
Subsequently  a modified  offer  was  made  of  a guaranteed  annual  interest 
of  8 °/0  on  a maximum  outlay  of  $4,961,473.65,  and  the  news  was 
received  in  Manila  in  October,  1886,  that  the  contract  had  been  taken 
up  by  a London  firm  of  contractors.  The  prospectus  of  “The  Manila 
Railway  Co.,  Limited,”  was  issued  in  February,  1888.  The  line  was 
to  be  completed  within  four  years  from  the  21st  of  July,  1887,  and  at 
the  end  of  99  years  the  railway  and  rolling  stock  revert  to  the 
Government  without  compensation.  The  rails,  locomotives  (36  tons 
and  12  tons  each),  tenders,  coaches,  waggons,  and  ironwork  for  bridges, 
all  came  from  England.  The  first  stone  of  the  Central  Station  in 
Manila  (Bilibid  Road,  Tondo)  was  laid  by  Goveruor-Geueral  Emilio 
Terrero  on  the  31st  of  July,  1887.  In  1890,  the  contractors,  Messrs. 
Hett,  Mayler  & Co.,  failed,  and  only  the  first  section  of  28  miles  was 
opened  to  traffic  on  the  24th  of  March,  1891. 

Many  other  circumstances,  however,  contributed  to  delay  the  opening 
of  the  whole  line. 

Compensation  claims  were  very  slowly  agreed  to — the  Govern- 
ment engineers  slightly  altered  the  plans — the  Company’s  engineers 
could  not  find  a hard  strata  in  the  bed  of  the  Calumpit  River  (a  branch 
of  the  Rio  Grande  de  Pampanga)  on  which  to  build  the  piers  of  the 
bridge ; and  lastly,  the  Spanish  authorities,  who  had  direct  intervention 
in  the  work,  found  all  sorts  of  excuses  for  postponing  the  opening  of 
the  line.  Probably  the  Company  did  not  choose  to  “ grease  the  palm  ” 
any  further.  When  the  Civil  Director  was  applied  to,  he  calmly  replied 


FIRST  PHILIPPINE  RAILWAY  OPENED. 


303 


that  he  Avas  going  to  the  baths  and  Avould  think  about  it.  Finally,  on 
appeal  to  the  highest  authority,  Governor-General  Despujols  himself 
Avent  up  to  Tarlac,  and  in  an  energetic  speech,  reflecting  on  the 
dilatoriness  of  his  subordinates,  he  declared  the  first  Philippine  Rail- 
Avay  open  to  traffic  on  the  23rd  of  November,  1892.  For  about  a year 
and  a half  passengers  and  goods  Avere  ferried  across  the  Calumpit 
River  in  pontoons.  Large  caissons  had  to  be  sunk  in  the  river  in 
Avhich  to  build  the  piers  for  the  iron  bridge,  Avhicli  cost  an  enormous 
sum  of  money  in  excess  of  the  estimate.  Later  on  hea\_y  rains  caused 
a partial  inundation  of  the  line,  the  embankment  of  Avhich  yielded  to 
the  accumulated  mass  of  Avater,  and  traffic  to  Dagiipan  Avas  temporarily 
suspended.  The  total  outlay  on  the  line  turned  out  to  be  far  more 
than  the  Company  had  originally  calculated,  and  to  aA’ert  a financial 
collapse,  fresh  capital  had  to  be  raised  by  the  issue  of  6 °/0  Prior  Lien 
Mortgage  Bonds,  ranking  before  the  debenture  stock.  The  folloAving 
official  quotations  on  the  London  Stock  Exchange  Avill  shoAv  hoAV  the 
Manila  Railway  Company’s  shares  and  bonds  were  appreciated  : — 


Official  Quotations. 


December. 

7°/0 

Cum.  Pref. 
£10  Shares. 

6°/0 

Deb.  £100 
Stock. 

6 °/c  Prior  Lien 
Mort.  Bonds, 
Series  A.,  £100. 

G°/0  Prior  Lien 
Mort.  Bonds, 
Series  B.,  £100. 

£ 

£ 

£ 

£ 

1893 

- 

2 

49 

98 

87 

1894 

- 

1 

32 

104 

91 

1895 

- 

1 

2 

29 

107 

85 

1896 

- 

i 

4 

22 

96 

64 

1897 

- 

i 

19 

101 

75 

1898 

- 

1! 

45 

110 

98 

Up  to  December,  1898,  the  interest  had  been  regularly  paid  on  the 
Prior  Lieu  Bonds.  Up  to  the  same  date  no  interest  had  been  paid  on 
the  debentures  since  1st  of  July,  1891,  nor  on  the  7 °/0  Cumulative 
Preference  Shares  since  27th  of  July,  1890,  when  3s.  l|rf.  per  share 
was  distributed.  On  the  26th  of  January,  1895,  these  shares  were 
officially  quoted,  for  sellers,  0. 


304 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Including  tlie  termini  in  Manila  (Tondo)  and  Dagupan,  there  are 
29  stations  and,  along  the  line,  16  bridges.  The  journey  over  the 
whole  line  occupies  eight  hours.  From  the  Manila  terminus  there  is 
a short  line  (about  a mile)  runniug  down  to  the  quay  in  Binondo  for 
goods  traffic  only. 

The  country  through  which  this  line  passes  is  flat,  and  has  vast 
natural  resources,  the  development  of  which — without  a railway — had 
not  been  feasible  owing  to  the  ranges  of  mountains — chiefly  the 
Cordillera  of  Zambales — which  run  parallel  to  the  coast. 

In  1887  a concession1  was  applied  for  by  a British  commercial  firm 
in  Manila  to  lay  a 21-mile  line  of  railway,  without  subsidy,  from  Manila 
to  Antipolo,  to  be  called  the  “ Centre  of  Luzon  Railway.” 

The  basis  of  the  anticipated  traffic  was  the  conveyance  of  pilgrims 
to  the  Shrine  of  Our  Lady  of  Good  Voyage  and  Peace  ( vide  page  198), 
but,  moreover,  the  proposed  line  connected  the  Parishes  of  Dilao 
(4,380  pop.),  Santa  Ana  (2,115  pop.),  Mariquina  (10,000  pop.),  Cainta 
(2,300  pop.),  Taytay  (6,500  pop.) — branching  to  Pasig  and  Augono — 
with  Antipolo  (3,800  pop.).  The  estimated  outlay  was  about 
§1,000,000,  but  the  concession  was  abandoned. 

There  is  a Telegraph  Service  from  Manila  to  all  civilized  parts  of 
Luzon  Island — also  in  Panay  Island  from  Capiz  to  Yloilo,  and  in  Cebu 
Island  from  the  City  of  Cebu  across  the  island  and  up  the  west  coast 
as  far  north  as  Tuburan.  There  is  a land  line  from  Manila  to  Bolinao 
(Zambales),  from  which  point  a submarine  cable  was  laid  in  April  1880, 
by  the  Eastern  Extension  Australasia  and  China  Telegraph  Company, 
Limited,  whereby  Manila  was  placed  in  direct  telegraphic  communi- 
cation with  the  rest  of  the  world.  For  this  service  the  Spanish 
Government  paid  the  Company  $4,000  a month  for  a period  of  10 
years,  which  expired  in  June,  1890.  In  April,  1898,  the  same  Company 
detached  the  cable  from  Bolinao  and  carried  it  on  to  Manila,  in  the 
s.s.  Sherard  Osborn,  207  nautical  miles  having  been  added  to  the 
cable  for  the  purpose.  In  return  for  this  service  the  Spanish 
Government  gave  the  Company  certain  exclusive  rights  and  valuable 
concessions,  which,  up  to  the  end  of  the  year  1898,  had  not  been 

1 This  concession  was  granted  to  Messrs.  Smith,  Bell  & Company,  Manila,  for 
99  years,  under  Koyal  Order  No.  508,  dated  June  11th,  1890.  The  work  to  be 
commenced  within  one  year  and  finished  in  two  years. 


SUBMARINE  TELEGRAPHS. TOURISTS. 


305 


confirmed  by  the  American  Government.  In  May,  1898,  the  American 
Admiral  Dewey  ordered  the  Manila-Hongkong  cable  to  be  cut,  but 
the  connection  was  made  good  again  after  the  Preliminaries  of  Peace 
with  Spain  were  signed  (12th  of  August,  1898).  Cable  communication 
was  suspended,  therefore,  from  the  2nd  of  May  until  the  21st  of 
August  of  that  year. 

In  1897  another  submarine  cable  was  laid  by  the  above  Company, 
under  contract  with  the  Spanish  Government,  connecting  Manila  with 
the  Southern  Islands  of  Panay  and  Cebu  (Tuburan).  The  Manila- 
Panay  cable  was  also  cut  by  order  of  Admiral  Dewey  (23rd  of  May, 
1898),  but  after  the  12th  of  August,  under  an  arrangement  made  with 
the  American  and  Spanish  Governments,  it  was  re-opened  on  a neutral 
basis,  a claim  for  compensation  against  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  having  been  lodged  by  the  Telegraph  Company.  Under  the 
above  arrangement,  the  Company’s  own  staff  worked  direct  with  the 
Manila  public,  instead  of  through  the  medium  of  Spanish  officials. 

* # * * # =» 

Owing  to  their  geographical  position,  none  of  the  Philippine  ports 
are  places  of  call  for  regular  lines  of  vessels  en  route  elsewhere,  hence, 
unlike  Hongkong,  Singapore  and  other  Eastern  ports,  there  is  little 
profit  to  be  derived  from  a floating  population. 

Due,  probably,  to  the  tedious  Customs  regulations — the  obligation 
of  every  person  to  procure,  and  carry  on  his  person,  a document  of 
identity — the  requirement  of  a passport  to  enter  and  complicated 
formalities  to  recover  the  passport  on  leaving  the  Islands — the  absence 
of  railroads  and  hotels  in  the  interior  and  the  personal  insecurity  and 
difficulties  of  travelling — this  Colony,  during  the  Spanish  regime , was 
apparently  outside  the  region  of  tourists  and  “ globe-trotters.” 

Indeed  the  Philippine  Archipelago  formed  an  isolated  settlement  in 
the  Far  East  which  traders  or  pleasure-seekers  rarely  visited  en  passant 
to  explore  and  reveal  to  the  world  its  natural  wealth  and  beauty.  It 
was  a Colony  comparatively  so  little  known,  that  old  residents  on 
visiting  Singapore  and  Hongkong  wrere  often  highly  amused  by  the 
extravagant  notions  which  prevailed,  even  there,  concerning  the  Philip- 
pines. But  the  regulations  above  referred  to  were  an  advantage  to  the 
respectable  resident,  for  they  had  the  desirable  effect  of  excluding  many 
of  those  nondescript  wanderers  and  social  outcasts  who  invade  other 
colonies. 




U 


CHAPTER  X Y I. 


AGRICULTURE. 

In  years  gone  by,  before  so  many  colonies  were  opened  up  all  over 
the  world,  the  few  who,  in  the  Philippines,  had  the  courage  to  face 
the  obstacles  to  agriculture  iu  a primitive  country  made  fairly  large 
fortunes  in  the  main  staple  products,  Sugar  and  Hemp.  Prices  were 
then  treble  what  they  have  since  been — labour  was  cheaper,  because 
the  necessities  of  the  labouring  class  were  fewer,  and,  owing  to  the 
limited  demand,  buffaloes  for  tilliug  were  worth  one-fifth  of  what  they 
cost  at  the  present  day.  Although  the  amount  of  trade  was  vastly  less, 
those  natives  engaged  in  it  were  in  sounder  positions  than  the  same 
class  generally  is  now. 

Within  the  last  few  years,  there  are  hundreds  who  have  embarked 
in  agricultural  enterprises  with  only  one-tenth  of  the  capital  necessary 
to  make  them  a success.  A man  will  start  planting  with  only  a few 
hundred  dollars  and  a tract  of  cleared  land,  without  title  deeds,  and 
consequently  of  no  negotiable  value.  Iu  the  first  year  he  inevitably 
falls  into  the  hands  of  money-lenders,  who  reasonably  stipulate  for  a 
very  high  rate  of  interest  in  view  of  the  want  of  guarantees.  The 
rates  of  interest  on  loans  under  such  circumstances  vary  as  a rule  from 
12  to  24  per  cent.  I knoAV  a Visayo  native  who,  by  way  of  interest, 
commission  and  charges,  demanded  as  much  as  30  per  cent.  I need 
not  refer  to  the  isolated  cases  which  have  come  to  my  knowledge  of 
over  100  per  cent,  being  charged.  As  at  the  present  day,  agriculture 
in  the  Philippines  does  not  yield  30  per  cent,  nett  profit,  it  naturally 
follows  that  the  money-lender  at  that  rate  has  to  attach  the  estate  upon 
which  he  has  made  loans,  and  finally  becomes  owner  of  it.  In  the 
meantime,  the  colonist  who  has  directed  the  labour  of  converting  a 
tract  of  land  into  a plantation,  simply  gets  a living  out  of  it.  Some 
few  are  able  to  disencumber  their  property  by  paying,  year  by  year,  not 
only  the  whole  of  the  nett  returns  from  the  plantation,  but  also  the 


VALUE  OF  ARABLE  LAND. 


307 


profits  on  small  traffic  in  which  they  may  have  speculated.  It  seldom 
happens,  however,  that  the  native  planter  is  sufficiently  loyal  to  his 
financial  supporter  to  do  this  ; ou  the  contrary,  although  he  may  owe 
thousands  of  dollars,  he  will  spend  money  in  feasts,  and  undertake 
fresh  obligations  of  a most  worthless  nature.  He  will  buy  on  credit, 
to  be  paid  for  after  the  next  crop,  an  amount  of  paltry  jewellery  from 
the  first  hawker  who  passes  his  way,  or  let  the  cash  slip  out  of  his 
hands  at  the  cock-pit  or  the  gambling  table. 

Even  the  most  fortunate  seem  to  make  no  provision  for  a bad  year, 
and  the  consequence  was,  that  in  1887,  I think  I may  safely  assert,, 
that  if  all  the  Philippine  plauters  had  had  to  liquidate  within  twelve 
months,  certainly  50%  of  them  would  have  been  insolvent.  One  of 
the  most  hazardous  businesses  in  the  Colony  is  that  of  advancing  to 
the  native  planters,  unless  it  be  done  with  the  express  intention  of 
eventually  becoming  owner  of  an  estate,  which  is  really  often  the  case. 

The  value  of  land  suitable  for  sugar-cane  growing  varies  con- 
siderably, being  dependent  on  proximity  to  a port,  or  sugar  market, 
and  on  quality,  facilities  for  drainage,  transport,  site,  boundaries,  etc. 

In  the  Province  of  Bulacan,  which  adjoins  that  of  Manila,  land, 
which  in  a great  measure  is  exhausted  and  yields  only  an  average  of 
21  tons  of  cane  per  acre,  is  valued,  on  account  of  its  nearness  to  the 
Capital,  at  $115  per  acre.  In  Pampanga  Province,  a little  farther 
north,  the  average  value  of  land,  yielding  say  30  tons  of  cane  per  acre, 
is  $75  per  acre.  Still  farther  north,  in  the  Province  of  Nueva  Ecija, 
whence  transport  to  the  sugar  market  is  difficult,  and  can  only  be 
economically  effected  in  the  wet  season  by  river,  land  producing  an 
average  of  35  tons  of  cane  per  acre  will  hardly  fetch  more  than  $30 
per  acre.  Railroads  will  no  doubt  eventually  level  these  values. 

In  reality,  Bulacan  land  is  priced  higher  than  its  intrinsic  value  as 
ascertained  by  yield,  and  economy  of  produce  transport.  The  natives 
are,  everywhere  in  the  Colony,  more  or  less  averse  to  alienating  real 
estate  inherited  from  their  forefathers,  and  as  Bulacan  is  one  of  the 
first  provinceswhere  lands  were  taken  up,  centuries  ago,  an  attachment 
to  the  soil  is  particularly  noticeable.  In  that  province,  as  a rule,  only 
genuine  necessity,  or  a fancy  price  far  in  excess  of  producing-worth, 
would  induce  an  owner  to  sell  his  land. 

Land  grants  were  obtainable  from  the  Spanish  Government  by 
proving  priority  of  claim,  but  the  concession  was  only  given  after 

U 2 


308 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


wearisome  delay.  Then  large  capital  was  requisite  to  utilize  the  pro- 
perty, the  clearance  often  costing  more  than  the  virgin  tract,  whilst  the 
eviction  of  squatters  was  a most  difficult  undertaking  ; “ J'y  suis  et  j'y 
reste,"  thought  the  squatter,  and  the  grantee  had  no  speedy  redress  at 
law.  On  the  other  hand,  the  soil  is  so  wonderfully  rich  and  fertile,  that 
the  study  of  geoponics  and  artificial  manuring  is  never  thought  essential. 

The  finest  Sugar-cane  producing  island  in  the  Archipelago  is 
Negros,  in  the  Yisaya  district,  between  N.  latitudes  9°  and  1 1°.  The 
area  of  the  island  is  about  equal  to  that  of  Porto  Rico,  but  for  want  of 
capital,  is  only  about  one-half  opened  up.  Nevertheless,  it  sent  to  the 
Yloilo  market  in  1892  over  115,000  tons  of  raw  sugar — the  largest 
crop  it  has  yet  produced.1 

The  price  of  uncleared  laud  there,  suitable  for  sugar-cane  cidtivation, 
in  accessible  spots,  is  say  $35  per  acre,  and  cleared  land  may  be 
considered  worth  about  $70  per  acre.  The  yield  of  sugar-cane  may 
be  estimated  at  40  tons  per  acre  on  the  estates  opened  up  within  the 
last  ten  years,  whilst  the  older  estates  produce  per  acre  nearer  30  tons 
of  cane,  but  of  a quality  which  gives  such  a high-class  sugar  that  it 
compensates  for  the  decrease  in  quantity,  taking  also  into  account  the 
economy  of  manipulating  and  transporting  less  bulk. 

Otaheiti  cane  is  generally  planted  in  Luzon,  whilst  Java  cane  is 
most  common  in  the  Southern  islands. 


The  following  equivalents  of  Philippine  land  measure  may  be 
useful,  viz.  : — 

1 Quinon  - - = 40,000  square  varas  = 10,000  square  brazas. 

= 5 cabaus  = 6*9444  acres  = 2*795  hectares. 

1 Balita  - - = 4,000  square  varas  = 1,000  square  brazas. 

= *69444  acre  = *2795  hectare. 

1 Loan-  - - = 400  square  varas  = 100  square  brazas. 

= *06944  acre  = *02795  hectare. 

1 Square  Braza  = 3*361 1 square  English  yards. 

= 4355*98  „ inches. 

1 Square  Vara  = *8402  ,,  yards. 

:=  1088*89  ,,  inches. 

1 Acre  - - - = 5760  square  varas  = 1*44  balitas. 

= *72  cabau  *404671  hectare. 


1 Tn  the  year  1850  Negros  yielded  G25  tons  of  sugar. 


Total  Export  or  Sugar  from  the  Philippine  Islands  during  18  Years. 


CANE  SUGAR  STATISTICS, 


309 


o 

00 

00 

o 

03 

VO 

P- 

© 

00 

05 

co 

Ol 

05 

O 

© 

X 

r-H 

05 

i-H 

00 

K 

00 

x^ 

© 

© 

© 

X 

hH 

© 

CO 

oo 

g 

CO 

x^ 

r- 1 

CO 

CO 

CD 

03 

© 

VO 

CD 

03 

05 

l-H 

r-H 

i- 

i- 

X 

P- 

03 

05 

»o 

© 

VO 

Ol 

VO 

x^ 

l-H 

N 

CD 

o 

CD 

CD 

VO 

r-H 

03 

03 

CO 

00 

5 

•— < 

CO 

tJi 

I- 

© 

00 

X^ 

l-H 

X 

l-H 

OO 

t"h 

g 

03 

i— H 

CO 

Ol 

VO 

I- 

r-t 

CD 

© 

© 

03 

00 

r-H 

r-H 

X- 

X— 

O 

o 

© 

© 

VO 

© 

© 

CD 

• 

05 

l-H 

o 

© 

»o 

© 

»o 

VO 

© 

00 

=: 

»o 

© 

03 

© 

r-H 

03 

03 

X 

00 

g 

03 

*— H 

Tjl 

VO 

of 

00 

r-H 

<N 

co 

VO 

r-H 

CO 

03 

00 

r-H 

l-H 

X 

X 

X 

,"H 

<N 

CD 

00 

CD 

05 

VO 

05 

© 

© 

03 

VO 

co 

1- 

i- 

l-H 

© 

CD 

'TT< 

o 

X 

00 

55 

‘ 0 

CD 

CD 

»o 

M 

X 

Ol 

CD 

00 

g 

p-p 

00 

»o 

co 

Tt< 

00 

03 

x>r 

05 

CO 

■TfH 

r-H 

© 

Ol 

© 

© 

© 

© 

r-H 

03 

I - 

00 

© 

VO 

CD 

X 

. 

CO 

I- 

o 

o 

X— 

~Tl 

»o 

© 

X- 

00 

s; 

rH 

T- 

Ol 

tJ8 

00 

03 

X 

© 

05 

GO 

g 

vo 

x-T 

co 

CO 

CO 

X^ 

05 

r— 1 

r—l 

r_ 

r-H 

© 

rH 

i—l 

CO 

03 

Ol 

CD 

X- 

co 

© 

Ol 

© 

CO 

o 

© 

© 

o 

C5 

© 

© 

05 

05 

© 

OO 

R 

© 

© 

CD 

00 

CD 

VO 

© 

X 

VO 

00 

g 

Ol 

co 

VO 

© 

VO 

03 

© 

Ol 

co 

, — , 

CD 

CO 

© 

l-H 

<N 

X 

r-H 

05 

r-H 

Ol 

03 

© 

P- 

X 

CO 

I- 

© 

© 

GO 

cr 

1 

1 

o 

1 

1 

X 

1 

1 

CO 

g 

i 

1 

1 

I 

CO 

1 

1 

crT 

X— 

03 

VO 

VO 

r”H 

Ol 

VO 

05 

CD 

05 

© 

CD 

HT* 

OO 

55 

i 

1 

VO 

1 

1 

Ol 

1 

— H 

© 

00 

g 

i 

1 

c o 

1 

1 

p^ 

1 

1 

P^ 

__p 

H 

Ol 

r-H 

CD 

r-H 

1— ( 

03 

X 

»o 

r- 

© 

Ol 

05 

© 

00 

i 

1 

00 

1 

l 

o 

I 

I 

I- 

CD 

00 

g 

I 

1 

0 0 

1 

1 

©~ 

1 

1 

or 

H 

© 

03 

CD 

X 

i 

i 

1 

• 

1 

1 

• 

i 

i 

i 

1 

• 

• 

• 

1 

c3 

c5 

c3 

— 

o 

o 

O 

O 

>-» 

S-4 

O 

Wet 

H 

F* 

Q 

"3 

H 

F. 

p 

Wet 

H 

H 

r3 

a 

c3 

< 

i 

o 

t-i 

o 

•— 1 

G 

£ 

P5 

o 

< 

fc3 

h) 

3 

o 

H 

Total  Export  of  Sugar  from  the  Philippine  Islands  during  18  Years — continued. 


310 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS 


NB. — The  total  export  of  sugar  in  the  year  1861  was  53,114  tons. 

Dry  sugar  is  chiefly  exported  to  the  United  States  in  sailing  ships,  and  wet  sugar  to  England  in  steamers. 


CANE  SUGAR  STATISTICS. 


311 


The  average  yield  of  sugar  per  acre  is  approximately  as  follows, 
viz.  : — 

Pampanga  Province,  say  @6.)  % extraction  - - = T95  Tons  of  Sugar. 

Other  Northern  provinces,  say  @ 5.’  °/Q  extraction  - = T65  „ „ „ 

Negros  Island  (with  almost  exclusively  European 

mills),  say  @ 7\  % extraction  - - - = 2-75  „ „ „ 

From  Yloilo  the  sugar  is  chiefly  exported  to  the  United  States, 
where  there  is  a demand  for  raw  material  only  from  the  Philippines  for 
the  purpose  of  refining,  whilst  from  Manila  a certain  quantity  of 
crystal  grain  sugar  is  sent,  ready  for  consumption,  to  Spain.  Conse- 
quently, in  the  Island  of  Luzon,  a higher  class  of  machinery  is 
employed.  In  1890  there  were  five  private  estates,  with  vacuum  pans 
erected,  and  one  refinery,  near  Manila  (at  Malabon).  Also  in  1885  the 
Government  acquired  a sugar  machinery  plant  with  vacuum  pan  for 
their  model  estate  at  San  Ramon  in  the  Province  of  Zamboanga  ; the 
sugar  turned  out  at  the  trial  of  the  plant  was  equal  to  21  D.  S.  of  that 
year.  Convict  labour  was  employed. 

It  is  a rare  thing  to  see  others  than  European  mills  in  the  Island 
of  Negros,  whilst  in  every  other  sugar-producing  province  roughly 
made  vertical  cattle-mills  of  wood,  or  stone  (wood  in  the  south  and 
stone  in  the  north),  as  introduced  by  the  Chinese,  are  still  in  use.  The 
triple  effect  refining  plant  is  altogether  unknown  in  this  colony. 

The  sugar  estates  generally  are  small.  There  are  not  a dozen  estates 
in  the  whole  colony  which  produce  over  1,000  tons  of  raw  sugar  each, 
per  season.  An  estate  turning  out  500  tons  of  sugar  is  considered 
a large  one.  I know  of  one  estate  which  yields  1,500  tons,  and  another 
1,900  tons  in  a good  season.  In  the  Island  of  Negros  there  is  no  port 
suitable  for  loading  ships  of  large  tonnage,  and  the  crops  have  to  be 
carried  to  the  Yloilo  market,  in  small  schooners,  loading  from  40  to  100 
tons  ( vide  page  299).  From  the  estates  to  the  coast  there  are  neither 
canals  nor  railroads,  and  the  transport  is  by  buffalo  cart.  Five-year-old 
buffaloes,  in  good  condition,  are  worth  in  Negros  Island  about  $30,  and 
labourers’  wages  are  about  a dollar-and-a-half  per  week.  In  Luzon 
Island,  especially  in  Camarines  and  Tayabas,  good  buffaloes  can  be 
purchased  for  half  the  above  price. 

The  highest  table-lands  are  used  for  cane-planting,  which 
imperatively  require  a good  system  of  drainage.  In  Luzon  Island  the 


312 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


output  of  Sugar  would  be  far  greater  if  more  attention  were  paid  to 
the  seasons.  The  cane  should  be  cut  in  December,  and  the  milling 
should  never  last  over  ten  weeks.  The  new  cane-point  setting  should 
be  commenced  a fortnight  after  the  milling  begins,  and  the  whole 
operation  of  manufacture  and  planting  for  the  new  crop  should  be 
finished  by  the  middle  of  March.  A deal  of  sugar  is  lost  by  delay  in 
each  branch  of  the  field  labour. 

In  the  West  Indies  the  planters  set  the  canes  out  widely,  leaving 
plenty  of  space  for  the  development  of  the  roots,  and  the  ratoons  serve 
up  to  from  five  to  twenty  years.  In  the  Philippines  the  setting  of 
cane-points  is  renewed  each  year,  with  few  exceptions,  and  the  planting 
is  comparatively  close. 

Bulacau  sugar  land,  being  more  exhausted  that  Pampanga  land, 
will  not  admit  of  such  close  planting,  hence  Bulacan  land  can  only  find 
nourishment  for  14,300  points  per  acre,  whilst  Pampanga  land  takes 
17,800  points  on  average  computation. 

In  Negros,  current  sugar  is  raised  from  new  lands  (among  the 
best)  and  from  lands  which  are  hardly  considered  suitable  for  cane 
planting.  Good  lands  are  called  “ new  ” for  three  crops  in  Negros,  and 
during  that  period  the  planting  is  close,  to  choke  the  cane  and  prevent 
its  becoming  aqueous  by  too  rapid  development. 

In  the  Northern  Philippines  ‘‘clayed”  sugar  is  made.  The 
rnassecuite , when  drawn  from  the  pans,  is  turned  into  earthenware  pots 
containing  about  150  lbs.  weight.  When  the  mass  has  set,  the  pot  is 
placed  over  a jar  into  which  the  molasses  drains.  In  six  months, 
if  allowed  to  remain  over  the  jar,  it  will  drain  about  20°'o  of  its 
original  weight,  but  it  is  usually  sold  before  that  time,  if  prices  are 
favorable. 

The  molasses  is  sold  to  the  distilleries  for  making  Alcohol,1 2  whilst 
there  is  a certain  demand  for  it  for  mixing  with  the  drinking  water 
given  to  horses. 

From  nine  tests  which  I made  with  steam  machinery,  of  small 
capacity,  in  different  places  in  the  Northern  provinces,  without 


1 Molasses  is  sold  by  the  Tinaja , which  is  an  earthenware  jar  measuring 
19  inches  in  height  and  17£  inches  at  the  maximum  diameter;  it  contains  16 
gantas  (liquid  measure)  = 48  litres. 

2 The  sale  of  alcohol  was  a Government  monopoly  until  the  year  1862. 


SUGAR  PLANTING  AND  MANUFACTURE. 


313 


interfering  with  the  customary  system  of  manipulating  the  cane  or  the 
adjustment  of  the  mill  rolls,  I found  the — 

Average  juice  extraction  to  be  - - - - 56-37  °/Q 

„ Moisture  in  the  megass  on  leaving  the  mill  - 23-27  „ 

„ Amount  of  dry  megass1 2  ...  20-36  „ 

100-00  % 

The  average  density  of  juice  in  the  cane  worked  off  as  above  was  10^°  Beaume. 

In  Negros  the  process  is  very  different.  The  juice  is  evaporated 
in  the  pan  battery  to  a higher  point  of  concentration,  so  that  the 
molasses  becomes  incorporated  with  the  saccharine  grain.  It  is  then 
turned  out  into  a wooden  trough,  about  eight  feet  long  by  four  feet 
wide,  and  stirred  about  with  shovels,  until  it  has  cooled  so  far  as  to  be 
unable  to  form  into  a solid  mass,  or  lumps.  When  quite  cold,  the  few 
lumps  visible  are  pounded,  and  the  whole  is  packed  in  grass  bags 
( bayones ).  Sugar  packed  in  this  way  is  deliverable  to  shippers,  whereas 
“ clayed  ” sugar  can  only  be  sold  to  the  assorters  and  packers  ( farderos ) 
who  sun-dry  it  on  mats  and  then  bag  it  after  making  up  the  colour  and 
quality  to  exporter’s  sample. 

The  Labour  system  in  the  Northern  Philippines  is  quite  distinct 
from  that  adopted  in  the  South.  The  plantations  in  the  North  are 
worked  on  the  co-operative  principle  ( sistema  dc  inquilinosj.  The 
landowner  divides  his  estate  into  tenements,  each  tenaut  being  provided 
with  a buffalo  and  agricultural  implements  to  work  up  the  plot — plant — 
and  attend  to  the  cane  growth  as  if  it  were  his  own  property.  When 
the  cutting  season  arrives,  one  tenant  at  a time  brings  in  his  cane  to  the 
mill,  and  when  the  sugar  is  worked  oft',  usually  one-third,  but  often  as 
much  as  one-half  of  the  output,  according  to  arrangement,  belongs  to 
the  tenant.  The  tenant  provides  the  hands  required  for  the  operations 
of  cane-crushing  and  sugar-making  ; the  cost  of  machinery  and  factory 
establishment  is  for  the  account  of  the  landowner,  who  also  has  to  take 
the  entire  risk  of  typhoons,  inundations,  drought,  locusts,  &c. 


1 British  patents  for  paper-making  from  sugar-cans  fibre  were  granted  to  Berry 
in  1838,  Johnson  in  1855,  Jullionin  1855,  Buck  and  Touche  in  1856,  and  Hook  in  1857. 

2 Since  about  the  year  1885,  a weed  has  been  observed  to  spontaneously  germinate 
around  the  roots  of  the  sugar-cans  in  the  Laguna  Province.  The  natives  have 
given  it  the  name  of  Bulaclac  nang  tubo  (Sugar-cane  flower).  It  destroys  the 
saccharine  properties  of  the  cane.  The  bitter  juice  of  this  weed  has  been  found  to 
be  a useful  palliative  for  certain  diseases. 


314 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


During  the  year,  whilst  the  caue  is  maturing,  the  tenants  receive 
advances  against  their  estimated  share,  some  even  beyond  the  full 
value,  so  that,  in  nearly  every  case,  the  full  crop  remains  in  the  hands 
of  the  estate  owner.  In  the  general  working  of  the  plantation  hired 
day  labour  is  not  required,  the  tenants,  in  fact,  being  regarded,  in  every 
sense,  as  servants  of  the  owner,  who  employs  them  for  whatever  service 
he  may  need.  Interest  at  ten  to  twelve  per  cent,  per  annum  is  charged 
upon  the  advances  made  in  money,  rice,  stuffs,  etc.  during  the  year ; 
and  on  taking  over  the  tenant’s  share  of  output,  as  against  these 
advauces,  a rebate  on  current  price  of  the  sugar  is  often  agreed  to. 

In  the  South,  plantations  are  worked  on  the  daily  wages  system, 
( sistema  de  jornal ),  and  the  labourer  will  frequently  exact  his  pay  for 
several  weeks  in  advance.  Great  vigilance  is  requisite,  and  on  estates 
exceeding  certain  dimensions,  it  is  often  necessary  to  sub-divide  the 
management,  apportioning  it  off  to  overseers,  or  limited  partners,  called 
“ Axas.”  Both  on  European  and  native  owners’  estates  these  axas  were 
often  Spaniards.  The  axas ’ interest  varies  on  different  properties,  but 
generally  speaking,  he  is  either  credited  with  one-third  of  the  product 
and  supplied  with  necessary  capital,  or  he  receives  two-thirds  of  the 
vield  of  the  laud  under  his  care  and  he  finds  his  own  working  capital 
for  its  tilth,  whilst  the  sunk  capital  in  laud,  machinery,  sheds,  stores, 
etc.  is  for  the  account  of  the  owner. 

In  1877  a British  Company — the  “Yengarie” — was  started  with 
a large  capital  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  cane  juice  all  over  the 
Colonv  and  extracting  from  it  highly  refined  sugar.  The  works,  fitted 
with  vacuum  pans  and  all  the  latest  improvements  connected  with  this 
class  of  apparatus,  were  established  at  Mandaloyan,  about  three  miles 
from  Manila  up  the  Pasig  River.  From  certain  parts  of  ,Luzon 
Island  the  juice  was  to  be  conveyed  to  the  factory  in  tubes,  and  the 
promoter,  who  visited  Cebu  Island,  proposed  to  send  schooners  there 
fitted  with  tanks,  to  bring  the  defecated  liquid  to  Mandaloyan.  The 
project  was  an  entire  failure  from  the  beginning  (for  the  ordinary 
shareholders  at  least),  and  in  1880  the  machinery  plant  was  being 
realised  and  the  company  wound  up. 

The  classification  of  the  sugar  in  the  South  differs  from  that  iu 
the  North.  In  the  former  market  it  is  ranked  as  Nos.  0,  1,  2,  3 Superior 
and  Current.  For  the  American  market  these  qualities  are  blended, 
to  make  up  what  is  called  “ Assorted  Sugar,”  in  the  proportion  of 


SUGAR  ESTATE  HOUSE,  SOUTHERN  PHILIPPINES. 


COST  OF  SUGAR  MAKING ESTIMATE. 


315 


one-eightli  of  No.  1,  two-eighths  of  No.  2 and  five-eighths  of  No.  3. 
In  the  North  the  quality  is  determined  on  the  Dutch  standard,  and 
No.  9 D.  S.  is  about  equivalent  to  No.  1 Yloilo.  The  New  York  and 
London  markets  fix  the  prices,  which  are  cabled  daily  to  Manila. 

The  following  pro  forma  Estimates  (the  final  result  depends  on 
the  selling  price  of  the  day)  may  serve  for  comparison  with  the  nett 
cost  of  production  in  other  sugar-yielding  Colonies  : — • 

Estimated  cost  of  producing  Philippine  Sugar, — known  in  the 
market  as  “ Yloilo  Superior,” — in  the  Island  of  Negros. 

300  cabans  of  land  (=  420  acres)  taken -up  in  the  fourth  year  of 
clearance,  suitable  for  cane  planting,  the  half  of  which — 150  cabans 
(—  210  acres)  being  planted  at  one  time — the  other  half  lying  fallow. 

Each  caban  producing  an  average  of  61’60  piculs  of  sugar  = 
9240  piculs  (0  7£°/0  extraction  = 3'85  tons  of  sugar  per  caban 
= 2*75  tons  per  acre  = 577i  tons  yield  from  the  210  acres  or  150 
cabans. — It  is  customary  to  plough  five  times  in  Negros. 

Invested  Capital. 


$ cts. 

300  cabans  of  cleared  land  purchased  0 $98  per  caban  - 29,400  00 

Machinery  for  milling  cane,  sugar  pan  battery,  etc.  - 6,000  00 

Machinery  shed,  and  sugar  store  - - - 1,500  00 

Manager’s  residence  .....  1,500  00 

150  buffaloes  © $30  each  = $4,500,  fencing  $500  - - 5,000  00 

For  making  roads,  draining  dykes  and  canals  $1,000,  two 

vehicles  and  six  horses  $350  - 1,350  00 

For  say  20  three  feet  diameter  culverts  under  roads  - - 400  00 


Advances  to  labourers  unrecoverable  $500  ; 40  cottages  $800  1,300  00 

40  carts  © $50  = $2,000  ; 20  oxen  and  cows  © $25  = $500  2,500  00 

50  ploughs,  100  spare  shares,  60  wood  knives,  60  shovels, 

100  yokes,  60  pairs  steel  wire  rope  traces,  spare  bolts 


and  nuts,  tar,  general  stores,  etc.  - - 1,500  00 

Small  band  saw  and  bench  $150  ; portable  forge  $25  - 175  00 

Smith’s  tools  $125,  carpenter’s  tools  $25  ...  250  00 

General  shop  for  smith  and  carpenter  - - - 500  00 

Transport  by  land  or  by  sea  of  above  requirements  to  the 

estate  from  the  place  of  purchase  - - - 275  00 


Total  Invested  Capital  - $51,650  00 


316 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Working  Expenses. 


4 Overseers  @ $6  per  month  each,  the  whole  year 
40  Labourers  @ §4  „ „ „ „ „ „ 

1 Machinist  @ $30  „ „ „ „ „ „ 

1 Assistant  Machinist  @ $15  per  month  for  the  season 

of  3 months  - - 

100  Labourers  ® $1.50  per  week  for  the  season  of  3 
months  - 

Food  for  labourers  during  the  whole  time  of  service  - 
20,000  half-picul  grass  bags  (bay ones)  @ $4.50  per  100 
Wood  fuel  - - - - 

Oil,  lamps,  lime,  ladles  and  divers  milling  expenses  - 
Freight  on  9,240  piculs  sugar  to  Yloilo  @ 12^  cents  per 
picul  - 

Loading,  discharging  and  divers  expenses  on  delivery  at 
Yloilo  @ 12i  cents  per  picul  - 
Machinery  licence  and  charges  - 

Animal  and  vehicle  licences  - - - - 

Maintenance  of  vehicles  and  horses  ... 

Preservation  of  roads,  dykes,  canals,  fences  and  machinery  - 
To  renew  live  stock  and  divers  petty  losses 
For  general  improvements  on  estate,  yearly  average,  say  - 
Renovation  of  ploughs,  bohie-knives,  shovels,  yokes,  carts, 
roofing,  &c.  .... 

Transport  from  Yloilo  or  elsewhere  of  estate  requirements  : 
Manager  journeying  to  and  from  Yloilo  and  up  the 
coast  during  the  year  - - 

Manager’s  salary  (or  owner’s  living  expenses,  if  acting  as 
manager)  - - - - - 


S cts. 
288  00 
1,920  00 
360  00 

45  00 

1,800  00 
2,000  00 
900  00 
135  00 
632  00 


1,155  00 


1,155  00 
70  00 
20  00 
50  00 
500  00 
500  00 
1,000  00 

1,320  00 


150  00 
1,500  00 


Total  Working  Capital  - - $15,500  00 


Result. 

Prime  cost  to  the  producer  of  “ Yloilo  superior  ” (assorted)  raw 
sugar  delivered  in  the  Yloilo  market,  say  $26-84  per  ton,  or  $1'67|  per 
picul.  The  margin  of  profit  between  above  cost  and  average  Yloilo 


CANE  SUGAR  OUSTED  BY  BEET-ROOT. RICE. 


317 


selling  price  in  the  year  of  greatest  depression  in  the  trade  (1885)  was 
say  15 °/D  on  the  total  capital  employed.  With  the  present  data  the 
profit  can  be  easily  estimated  by  comparison  with  the  current  quotation 
of  the  day;  taking  “ assorted  ” sugar  at  say  $3'25  per  picul  selling 
price,  the  profit  would  be  21  §°/0.  From  a series  of  estimates  compiled 
by  me  I find  that  to  produce  only  up  to  7,000  piculs,  the  cost  laid  down 
in  Yloilo  would  be  say  $2.00  per  picul  ($32.00  per  ton) — and  in  like 
manner,  the  smaller  the  output  the  larger  is  the  prime  cost. 

Fortunes  have  been  made  in  this  Colony  in  cane  sugar,  and  until 
the  end  of  1883  sugar-planting  paid  the  capitalist  and  left  something 
to  the  borrowing  planter  ; now  it  pays  only  interest  on  capital.  From 
the  year  1884  the  subsidized  beet-root  sugar  manufacturers  on  the 
continent  of  Europe  turned  out  such  enormous  quantities  of  this  article 
that  the  total  yield  of  sugar,  at  length,  far  exceeded  the  world’s 
requirements. 

The  consequence  was  that  the  cane-sugar  manufacture  declined 
almost  at  the  same  ratio  as  that  of  beet-root  advanced,  as  will  be  seen 
from  the  subjoined  figures  : — 

Tons. 

The  world’s  production  in  1880,  cane  sugar  - 3,285,714 

„ „ „ „ beet  „ - 1,443,349 

4,729,063 


The  world’s  production  in  1887,  cane  sugar 
..  ..  ,,  beet  ,, 


Tons. 

2,333,004 

2,492,610 


4,825,614 

Tons. 

Beet  sugar  - Increase  1,049,261 

Cane  „ Decrease  952,710 


The  world’s  output  was  only  - - Increased  96,551 


by  reason  of  the  beet-root  sugar  competition. 

####### 

The  staple  food  of  the  native  being  Rice,  this  grain  is  cultivated 
more  or  less  largely  in  every  province  of  the  Colony.  Its  market  value 
fluctuates  considerably  according  to  the  stocks  in  hand  and  the  season 
of  the  year.  It  appears  to  be  the  only  branch  of  agriculture  in  which 


318 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  lower  classes  of  natives  take  a visible  pleasure  and  which  they 
understand  thoroughly.  In  1897  about  80,000  tons  were  raised. 

The  natives  measure  and  sell  rice  and  paddy  by  the  caban  and  its 
fractious  ; the  caban  dry  measure  is  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

4 Apatans  = 1 Chupa  ; 8 Chupas  — 1 Ganta  ; 25  Gantas  = 1 Caban, 
the  equivalent  of  which  in  English  measure  is  thus,  viz.  : — 

1 Atapan  = ’16875  of  a pint. 

1 Chupa  = ’675  of  a pint. 

1 Ganta  = 2 quarts,  1J-  pint. 

1 Caban  = 16  gallons,  3 quarts,  1 pint. 

Rice  of  foreign  importation  is  weighed  and  quoted  by  the  picul 
of  133^-  lbs.  avoirdupois. 

16  Taels  = 1 Catty  ; 10  Catties  = 1 Chinanta  ; 10  Chinantas  = 1 Picul. 

Twenty-five  years  ago  rice  was  exported  from  the  Philippines,  but 
now  not  even  sufficient  is  produced  for  home  consumption,  hence  this 
commodity  is  imported  in  large  quantities  from  Siam,  Lower  Burmah, 
and  Cochin  China  to  supply  the  deficiency.1  Sual,  to  the  north  of 
Pangasinau  Province,  on  the  Gulf  of  Lingayen,  was,  thirty  years  ago, 
a port  of  importance,  whence  rice  was  shipped  to  China.  It  has,  since 
that  period,  declined  to  the  rank  of  an  insignificant  village.  This 
falling  otf  of  rice  production  does  not,  however,  imply  a loss  to  the 
population.  Land  which,  in  many  provinces,  was  used  for  rice-growing, 
is  now  turned  to  better  account  for  raising  other  crops  which  pay  better 
in  a fairly  good  market. 

The  natives  everywhere  continue  to  employ  the  primitive  method  of 
treating  rice  paddy  for  domestic  and  local  use.  The  grain  is  generally 
husked  by  them  in  a large  mortar  hewn  from  a block  of  molave,  or 
other  hard  wood,  in  which  it  is  beaten  by  a pestel.  Sometimes  two 
or  three  men  or  women  with  wooden  pestles  work  at  the  same  mortar. 
This  mortar  is  termed,  in  Tagalog  dialect,  Luzon,  the  name  given  to 
the  largest  island  of  the  group.  However,  I have  seen  in  the  towns  of 
Candava,  Province  of  Pampanga  ; Pagsanjau,  Province  of  La  Laguna  ; 
near  Calamba  in  the  same  Province  ; in  Naig,  Province  of  Cavite  ; in 
Camarines  Province,  and  a few  other  places,  an  attempt  to  improve 
tipon  the  current  system  by  employing  an  ingenious  wooden  mechanical 

‘ In  1897  nearly  G5,000  tons  of  rice  were  imported. 


RICE  CULTIVATION. 


319 


apparatus  worked  by  buffaloes.  It  consisted  of  a vertical  shaft  ou 
which  was  keyed  a bevel  wheel  revolving  horizontally  and  geared  into 
a bevel  pinion  fixed  upon  a horizontal  shaft.  In  this  shaft  were 
adjusted  pins,  which,  at  each  revolution,  caught  the  corresponding  pins 
in  vertical  sliding  columns.  These  columns  (five  or  six)  — being 
thereby  raised  and  allowed  to  fall  of  their  own  weight  when  the  raising 
pins  had  passed  on — acted  as  pounders,  or  pestles,  in  the  mortars 
placed  below  them.  Subsequently,  unexampled  progress  was  made  in 
Camarines  Province  by  Spaniards,  who,  in  1888,  employed  steam  power, 
whilst  in  Pagsanjan  the  animal  motive  power  was  substituted  by  that 
of  steam,  the  owner  having  purchased  a small  engine  and  accessories 
from  a planter  of  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Laguna.  Also  near  Calamba,  water 
power  was  eventually  employed  to  advantage.  In  Negros,  near  the 
village  of  Candaguit,  I have  seen  one  small  rice  machinery  plant 
worked  by  steam  power,  it  having  been  brought  by  a Spaniard  from 
Valencia  in  Spain.  I presume  it  was  not  a success,  as  it  remained 
only  a short  time  in  use. 

Finally  the  Manila-Dagupan  Railway  gave  a great  stimulus  to  the 
rice  husking  and  pearling  industry,  which  vras  taken  up  by  foreigners. 
There  are  now  important  rice  steam  power  mills  established  at 
Calumpit,  Gerona,  Moncada,  Bayambang,  and  other  places  along  the 
line  from  Calumpit  towards  Dagiipau  which  supply  large  quantities  of 
cleaned  rice  to  Manila  and  other  provinces,  where  it  is  invariably  more 
highly  appreciated  than  the  imported  article.  Also,  at  Nueva  Ciiceres 
(Camarines)  in  1896  a large  steam-power  rice  mill  was  being  worked 
by  Don  Manuel  Pardo,  who  had  a steamer  specially  constructed  in 
Hongkong  for  the  transport  of  his  output  to  the  provincial  markets. 

The  average  yield  of  cleaned  rice  from  the  paddy  is  50%,  whilst 
no  special  use  is  found  for  the  remaining  50%  of  paddy  bran. 

The  customary  charge  for  husking  and  winnowing  a caban  of 
paddy  is  12^  cents,  so  that  as  two  cabans  of  paddy  give  one  caban  of 
rice,  the  cost  of  this  labour  would  be  25  cents  per  caban  of  rice. 

The  average  amount  of  rice  consumed  by  a working  man  per  day 
is  estimated  at  four  chupas.  or  say  close  upon  eight  cabans  per  annum, 
and  taking  an  average  price  of  $1  per  caban  of  paddy,  equals  §2  per 
caban  of  rice,  plus  25  cents  for  cleaning  = $2.25  per  caban  of  clean 
rice,  amounting  to  $18  per  annum.  A native’s  further  necessities  are 
fish,  an  occasional  piece  of  buffalo,  betel-nut,  tobacco,  six  yards  of 


320 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


cotton  print-stuff  and  payment  of  taxes,  all  of  -which  (including  rice) 
amounts  to  say  $.50  in  the  year,  so  that  a man  earning  20  cents  per  day 
during  300  days,  can  live  in  luxury,  provided  he  has  no  unforeseen 
misfortunes. 

There  are,  it  is  said,  over  twenty  different  kinds  of  rice  paddy. 
These  are  comprised  in  two  common  groups — the  one  is  called  Macan 
rice  (iu  Spanish,  Arroz  de  Semillero ) which  is  raised  on  alluvial  soil 
ou  the  low  lands  capable  of  being  flooded  conveniently  with  water,  and 
the  other  has  the  general  denomination  (iu  Luzon  Island)  of  Paga  (iu 
Spanish,  Arroz  Secano)  and  is  cultivated  on  high  lauds  and  slopes 
where  inundation  is  impracticable. 

The  Macau , or  low  land  rice,  is  much  the  finer  quality,  the  grain 
being  usually  very  white,  although  Macan  rice  is  to  be  found  containing 
up  to  25%  of  red  grain.  The  white  grain  is  that  most  esteemed.  The 
yield  of  grain  varies  according  to  the  quality  of  the  soil.  In  the  uortli 
of  Bulacan  Province  the  average  crop  of  Macan  rice  may  be  taken  at 
80  cabans  of  grain  for  one  caban  of  seed.  Iu  the  south  of  the  same 
province  the  return  reaches  only  one-half  of  that.  In  the  east  of 
Pampauga  Province,  iu  the  neighbourhood  of  Arayat,  Magalang  and 
Candava  villages,  the  yield  is  still  higher,  giving,  in  a good  year,  as 
much  as  100  cabans  for  one  of  seed.  In  Xegros  a return  of  50  cabans 
to  one  may  be  taken  as  a fair  average. 

Paga.  rice  always  shows  a large  proportion  of  red  grain,  and  the 
return  is,  at  the  most,  half  that  of  Macan  yield,  but  Avhilst  rarely  more 
than  one  crop  per  annum  is  obtained  from  low  lands  ( Macan  rice) — 
taking  the  average  in  all  the  islands — in  most  places  up  to  three  crops 
of  Paga  rice  can  be  got. 

Besides  the  ordinary  agricultural  risks  to  which  rice  cultivation  is 
exposed,  a special  danger  often  presents  itself.  The  Paga  rice  is 
frequently  attacked  by  flies  which  suck  the  flower  just  before  seeding. 
This  is  called  iu  Tagalog  dialect  Ahitangia,  and  the  person  iu  charge 
of  the  plantation  has  to  stroll  iu  the  evenings  and  mornings  among  the 
setting  to  wrhisk  off  these  insects  with  a bunch  of  straws  ou  the  end  of 
a stick,  or  catch  them  with  a net  to  save  the  grain.  Both  Macan  and 
Paga  are  sometimes  damaged  by  an  insect,  known  iu  Ilocos  Province 
as  Talibatab , which  eats  through  the  stalk  of  the  plant,  causing  the 
head,  or  flower,  to  droop  over  and  wither,  but  this  does  not  happen 
with  regularity  every  season. 


RICE  PLANTING. — MAC  AN  PADDY. 


321 


To  plant  Macau  rice  the  grain  or  seed  is  sown  in  the  month  of 
June  on  a piece  of  land  called  the  “seeding  plot,”  where,  in  six  weeks, 
it  attains  a height  of  about  one  foot,  and,  provided  the  rains  have  not 
failed,  it  is  then  pulled  up  by  the  roots  and  transplanted,  stem  by  stem, 
in  the  flooded  fields.  Each  field  is  embanked  with  earth  (in  Tagalog 
pildpil ) so  that  the  water  shall  not  run  off,  and  just  before  the  setting 
is  commenced,  the  plough  is  passed  for  the  last  time.  Then  men, 
women  and  children  go  into  the  inundated  fields  with  their  bundles  of 
rice  plant  and  stick  the  stalks  in  the  soft  mud  one  by  one.  It  would 
seem  a tedious  operation,  but  the  natives  are  so  used  to  it  that  they 
quickly  cover  a large  field.  In  four  months  from  the  transplanting 
the  rice  is  ripe,  but  as  at  the  end  of  November  there  is  still  a risk  of 
rain  falling,  ihe  harvest  is  usually  commenced  at  the  end  of  December, 
after  the  grain  has  hardened  and  the  dry  season  has  fairly  set  in.  If, 
at  such  an  abnormal  period,  the  rains  were  to  return  (and  such  a 
thing  has  been  known),  the  cropped  harvest,  which  is  put  in  heaps  in 
sheaves  for  about  a mouth  to  dry,  would  he  greatly  exposed  to  mildew 
owing  to  the  damp  atmosphere.  After  the  heaping — at  the  end  of 
January — the  paddy,  still  in  the  straw,  is  made  into  stacks  (in  Tagalog 
Maud  aid).  In  six  weeks  more  the  grain  is  separated  from  the  straw, 

and  this  operation  has  to  be  concluded  before  the  next  wet  season 
begins — say  about  the  loth  of  April.  On  the  Pacific  coast  (Camarines 
and  Albay),  where  the  seasons  are  reversed  (vide  page  16),  rice  is 
planted  out  in  September  and  reaped  in  February. 

The  separation  of  the  grain  is  effected  in  several  ways.  Some  beat 
it  out  with  their  feet,  others  flail  it,  whilst  in  Cavite  Province  it  is  a 
common  practice  to  spread  the  sheaves  in  a circular  enclosure  within 
which  a number  of  ponies  and  foals  are  trotted. 

In  Negros  Island  there  is  what  is  termed  Ami  rice — a small  crop 
which  spontaneously  rises  in  succession  to  the  regular  crop  after  the 
first  ploughing. 

It  seldom  happens  that  a “ seeding  plot  ” is  obliged  to  be  allowed 
to  run  to  seed  for  want  of  rain  for  transplanting,  but  in  such  an  event 
it  is  said  to  yield  at  the  most  ten-fold. 

Paddy-planting,  commercially  considered,  is  not  a lucrative  under- 
taking, and  few  take  it  up  on  a large  scale.  None  of  the  large  millers 
employing  steam  power  are,  at  the  same  time,  grain  cultivators. 
There  is  this  advantage  about  the  business,  that  the  grower  is  less 

X 


322 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


likely  to  be  coufrouted  with  the  labour  difficulty,  for  the  work  of 
planting  out  and  gathering  in  the  crop  is,  to  the  native  and  his  family, 
a genial  occupation. 

llice  harvest  time  is  a lively  one  among  the  poor  tenants,  who,  as 
a rule,  are  practically  the  landowner’s  partners  working  for  half  the 
crop,  against  which  they  receive  advances  during  the  year.  Therefore, 
cost  of  labour  may  be  taken  at  oO°0  plus  10°  0 stoleu  from  the  owner’s 
share.  After  further  deducting  cost  of  transport  to  market  and  $750 
per  annum  for  manager's  (or  owner’s)  living  expenses,  the  nett  return 
on  a rice  plantation,  employing  some  $11,000  capital,  would  be  say, 
13c0,  presuming  an  average  yield  of  fifty-fold  @ $1  per  caban  of 
paddy.  To  compare  with  sugar-cane  planting  (which  takes  a larger 
amount  of  invested  capital  of  doubtful  realization),  it  must  be 
remembered  that  rice  producing  has  maintained  its  normal  state  of 
prosperity,  whilst  sugar,  at  the  lowest  price  known  here,  gave  a larger 
profit  on  outlay  than  rice  does.  The  minimum  profit  on  sugar  exceeds 
the  maximum  profit  on  rice  to  the  grower. 

Nothiug  iu  Nature  is  more  lovely  than  a valley  of  green  half- 
ripened  rice  paddy,  surrounded  by  verdant  hills. 


RICE  PLANTING  IN  TERRACES. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


MANILA  HEMP— (ABACA). 

Hemp  (Musa  textilis ) — referred  to  by  some  writers  as  M.  troglo  - 
dytarum — is  a wild  species  of  the  plantain  (M.  paradisaica ),  found 
growing  in  many  parts  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  It  greatly  resembles 
the  M.  paradisaica , which  bears  the  well-known  and  agreeable  fruit — 
the  edible  banana. 

Only  connoisseurs  can  perceive  the  difference  in  the  density  of 
colour  and  size  of  the  green  leaves — those  of  the  hemp  plant  being  of  a 
somewhat  darker  hue,  and  shorter.  The  fibre  of  a number  of  species  of 
Musa  is  used  for  weaving,  cordage,  etc.  in  tropical  countries. 

This  herbaceous  plant  seems  to  thrive  best  on  an  inclined  plane, 
for  nearly  all  the  wild  hemp  which  I have  seen  has  been  found  on  the 
slopes  of  mountains,  even  far  away  down  the  ravines. 

The  plant,  although  requiring  a considerable  amount  of  moisture, 
will  not  thrive  in  swampy  land,  and  to  attain  any  great  height,  it  must 
be  well  shaded  by  other  trees  more  capable  of  bearing  the  sun’s  rays. 
A great  depth  of  soil  is  not  indispensable  for  its  development,  as  it 
is  to  be  seen  flourishing  in  its  natural  state  on  the  slopes  of  volcanic 
formation.  In  Albay  Province  it  grows  on  the  declivities  of  the 
Mayon  Volcano. 

The  hemp  tree  in  the  Philippines  reaches  an  average  height  of 
ten  feet.  It  is  an  endogenous  plant,  the  stem  of  which  is  enclosed  in 
layers  of  half  round  petioles.  The  hemp  fibre  is  extracted  from  these 
petioles  which,  when  cut  down,  are  separated  into  strips,  five  to  six 
inches  wide,  and  drawn  under  a knife  attached  at  one  end  by  a hinge 
to  a block  of  wood,  whilst  the  other  end  is  suspended  to  the  extremity 
of  a flexible  stick.  The  bow  tends  to  raise  the  knife,  and  a cord, 
attached  to  the  same  end  of  the  knife  and  a treadle  is  so  arranged,  that 
by  a movement  of  the  foot,  the  operator  can  bring  the  knife  to  work  on 
the  hemp  petiole  with  the  pressure  he  chooses. 

X 2 


324 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  bast  is  drawn  through  between  the  knife  and  the  block,  the 
operator  twisting  the  fibre,  at  each  pull,  around  a stick  of  wood  or  his 
arm,  whilst  the  parenchymatous  pulp  remains  on  the  other  side  of  the 
knife.  There  is  no  use  for  the  pulp. 

The  knife  should  be  without  teeth  or  indentations,  but  nearly 
everywhere  in  Capis  Province  I have  seen  it  with  a slightly  serrated 
edge.  The  fibre  is  then  spread  out  to  dry,  and  afterwards  tightly 
packed  in  bales  with  iron  or  rattan  hoops  for  shipment. 

A finer  fibre  than  the  ordinary  hemp  is  sometimes  obtained  in 
small  quantities  from  the  specially  selected  edges  of  the  petiole,  and 
this  maierial  is  used  by  the  natives  for  weaving.  The  quantity 
procurable  is  limited,  and  the  difficulty  in  obtaining  it  consists  in  the 
frequent  breakage  of  the  fibre  whilst  being  drawn,  due  to  its  compara- 
tive fragility.  Its  commercial  value  is  about  double  that  of  ordinary 
first  class  cordage  hemp.  The  stuff  made  from  this  fine  fibre  (called  in 
Bicol  dialect  Lupis ),  suits  admirably  for  ladies’  dresses.  Ordinary  hemp 
fibre  is  used  for  the  manufacture  of  coarse  native  stuff,  known  in 
Manila  as  Sinamay,  much  worn  by  the  poorer  classes  of  natives  ; large 
quantities  of  it  come  from  Yloilo.  In  Panay  Island,  a kind  of  texture 
called  Husi  is  made  of  a mixture  of  fine  hemp  {lupis),  and  pine- leaf 
fibre.  Sometimes  this  fabric  is  palmed  off  on  foreigners  as  pure  piiia 
stuff,  but  a connoisseur  can  easily  detect  the  hemp  filament  by  the  touch 
of  the  material,  there  being  a certain  amount  of  stiffness,  and  a tendency 
to  spring  back,  in  the  hemp  fibre  as  in  horsehair,  which,  when 
compressed  iuto  a ball  in  the  hand,  prevents  the  stuff  from  retaining 
that  shape.  Pina  fibre  is  soft  and  yielding. 

Many  attempts  have  been  made  to  draw  the  hemp  fibre  by 
machinery,  but  in  spite  of  all  strenuous  efforts,  no  one  has  hitherto 
succeeded  in  introducing  iuto  the  hemp  districts  a satisfactory  mecha- 
nical apparatus.  If  the  entire  length  of  fibre  in  a strip  of  bast  could 
bear  the  strain  of  full  tension,  instead  of  having  to  wiud  it  around  a 
cylinder  (which  would  take  the  place  of  the  operator’s  hand  and  stick 
under  the  present  system),  then  a machine  could  be  contrived  to 
accomplish  the  work.  Machines  with  cylinders  to  reduce  the  tensiou 
have  been  constructed,  the  result  being  admirable  so  far  as  the 
extraction  of  the  fibre  is  concerned,  but  the  cylinder  upon  which  the 
fibre  coiled,  as  it  came  from  under  the  knife,  always  discoloured 
the  material.  A trial  was  made  with  a glass  cylinder,  but  the  same 


HEMP  MACHINERY. EXPERIMENTS, 


325 


inconvenience  was  experienced.  On  another  occasion  the  cylinder  was 
dispensed  with,  and  a reciprocating  motion  clutch  drew  the  bast, 
running  to  and  fro  the  whole  length  of  the  fibre  frame,  the  fibre  being 
gripped  by  a pair  of  steel  parallel  bars  on  its  passage  in  one  or  two 
places,  as  might  be  necessary,  to  lessen  the  tension.  These  steel  bars, 
however,  always  left  a transversal  black  line  on  the  filament,  and 
diminished  its  marketable  value. 

In  Gubat,  Province  of  Albay,  there  was  a machine  in  the  year  1886 
which  partially  met  the  special  requirement.  In  the  same  year  the  most 
perfect  mechanical  contrivance  hitherto  brought  out,  was  tried  in  Manila 
by  the  inventor,  a Spaniard,  Don  Abelardo  Cuesta  ; it  worked  to  the 
satisfaction  of  those  who  saw  it,  but  the  saving  of  manual  labour  was 
so  inconsiderable  that  the  greater  bulk  of  hemp  shipped  is  still  extracted 
by  the  primitive  process. 

Musa  textilis  has  been  planted  in  British  India  as  an  experiment, 
but  the  result  has  not  been  satisfactory,  evidently  owing  to  a want  of 
knowledge  of  the  essential  conditions  of  the  fibre  extraction.  One 
report 1 says — 

“ The  first  trial  at  extracting  the  fibre  failed  on  account  of  our  having 
“ no  proper  machine  to  bruise  the  stems.  We  extemporized  a two-roller 
“ mill,  but  as  it  had  no  cog-gearing  to  cause  both  rollers  to  turn  together, 
“ the  only  one  on  which  the  handle  or  crank  was  fixed  turned,  with  the 
“ result  of  grinding  the  stems  to  pulp  instead  of  simply  bruising  them.” 

In  the  Philippines  one  is  careful  not  to  bruise  the  stems,  as  this 
would  weaken  the  fibre  and  discolour  it. 

Another  statement  from  British  India  shows  that  Manila  hemp 
requires  a very  special  treatment.  It  runs  thus  : — 

“ The  mode  of  extraction  was  the  same  as  practised  in  the  locality  with 
“ Ambadi  (brown  hemp)  and  sunn  hemp,  with  the  exception  that  the  stems 
“ were,  in  the  first  place,  passed  through  a sugar-cane  mill  which  got  rid  of 
“ sap  averaging  50  per  cent,  of  the  whole.  The  stems  were,  next  rotted  in 
“ water  for  ten  to  twelve  days,  and  afterwards  washed  by  hand  and  sun- 
“ dried.  The  out-turn  of  fibre  was  l£  lbs.  per  100  lbs.  of  fresh  stem,  a per 
“ centage  considerably  higher  than  the  average  shown  in  the  Saidapet 
“ experiments  ; it  was  however  of  bad  colour  and  defective  in  strength.” 


1 Extract  from  a letter  dated  29th  September,  1885,  from  H.  Strachan,  Esq., 
Superintendent,  Government  Experimental  Farm,  Hyderabad,  Sindh— and  Extract 
from  a letter  dated  13th  February,  1886,  from  A.  Stormont,  Esq.,  Superintendent, 
Government  Experimental  Farm,  Khandesh — vide  “The  Tropical  Agriculturist,” 
Colombo,  June  1st,  1886,  page  876  et  seg. 


326 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


If  treated  in  the  same  manner  in  the  Philippines,  a similar  had 
result  would  ensue  ; the  pressure  of  mill  rollers  would  discolour  the 
fibre,  and  the  soaking  with  48°  0 of  pulp,  before  being  sun-dried,  would 
weaken  it. 

Dr.  Ure,  in  bis  “Dictionary  of  Arts,  Manufactures  and  Mines,” 
page  1,  thus  describes  Manila  Hemp  : — 

li  A species  of  fibre  obtained  in  the  Philippine  Islands  in  abundance. 
“ Some  authorities  refer  these  fibres  to  the  palm  tree  known  as  the  Abaca  or 
“ Anisa  textills.  There  seems  indeed  to  be  several  well  known  varieties  of 
“ fibre  included  under  this  name,  some  so  fine  that  they  are  used  in  the 
“ most  delicate  and  costly  textures,  mixed  with  fibres  of  the  pine-apple, 
“ forming p i ha  muslins  and  textures  equal  to  the  best  muslins  of  Bengal. 
“ Of  the  coarser  fibres,  mats,  cordage  and  sail  cloth  are  made.  M.  Duchesne 
“ states  that  the  well-known  fibrous  manufactures  of  Manila  have  led  to  the 
“ manufacture  of  the  fibres  themselves,  at  Paris,  into  many  articles  of  furni - 
“ ture  and  dress.  Their  brilliancy  and  strength  give  remarkable  fitness  for 
“ bonnets,  tapestry,  carpets,  network,  hammocks,  etc.  The  only  manu- 
“ factured  articles  exported  from  the  Philippine  Islands,  enumerated  by 
“ Thomas  de  Comyn,  Madrid,  1S20  (translated  by  Mai  ton),  besides  a few 
“ tanned  buffalo-hides  and  skins,  are  8,000  to  12,000 pieces  of  light  sailcloth 
“ and  200,000  lbs.  of  assorted  A bard  cordage.” 

Abacd,  or  Manila  Hemp,  is  quite  a speciality  of  these  Islands.1* 
Mr.  Craufurd  refers  to  it  in  his  “ History  of  the  Eastern  Archipelago  ” 
as  being  “ known  to  our  traders  aud  navigators  uuder  the  name  of 
“ Manila  rope  and  is  equally  applicable  to  cables  aud  to  standing  and 
“ running  rigging.” 

Manila  hemp  rope  is  very  durable,  but  wanting  in  flexibility. 

Hemp  growing,  with  ample  capital,  appears  to  be  the  most  lucrative 
and  least  troublesome  of  all  agricultural  enterprises  in  staple  export 
produce  in  the  Colony,  whilst  it  is  quite  independent  of  the  seasons. 

Planted  in  virgin  soil,  each  shoot  occupies,  at  first,  a space  of 
ground  thirty-six  Spanish  square  feet.  In  the  course  of  time,  this 
regularity  of  distribution  disappears  as  the  original  plant  is  felled,  and 
the  suckers  come  up  anywhere,  spontaneously,  from  its  root. 

1 The  extremely  fine  muslin  of  delicate  texture  known  in  the  Philippines  as 
Pina  is  made  exclusively  of  pine-apple  leaf  fibre.  When  those  fibres  are  woven 
together  with  the  slender  filament  drawn  from  the  edges  of  the  hemp  petiole,  the 
manufactured  article  is  called  Huai. 

- A British  patent  for  paper-making  from  Manila  hemp  was  granted  to 
Newton  in  1852. 


HEMP-PLANTING  STATISTICS, 


327 


The  plant  requires  three  years  to  arrive  at  cutting  maturity,  or  four 
years  if  raised  from  the  seed  ; most  planters,  however,  transplant  the 
six-months  suckers,  instead  of  the  seed,  when  forming  a new  plantation. 
The  stem  should  be  cut  for  fibre-drawing  at  the  flowering  maturity  ; iu 
no  case  should  it  be  allowed  to  bear  fruit,  as  the  fibre  is  thereby 
weakened,  and  there  is  sometimes  even  a waste  of  material  in  the 
drawing,  as  the  accumulation  of  fibre  with  the  sap  at  the  knife  is 
greater. 

The  average  weight  of  dry  fibre  extracted  from  one  plant  equals  10 
ounces,  or  say  2 °/Q  of  the  total  weight  of  the  stem  and  petioles,  but  as 
iu  practice  there  is  a certain  loss  of  petioles,  by  cutting  out  of  maturity, 
whilst  others  are  allowed  to  rot  through  negligence,  the  average  output 
from  a carefully  managed  estate  does  not  exceed  cwts.  3'60  per  acre, 
or  say  4 piculs  per  Caban  of  land. 

The  length  of  the  bast , ready  for  manipulation  at  the  knife,  averages 
in  Albay  6 feet  6 inches. 

The  weight  of  moisture  in  the  wet  fibre,  immediately  it  is  drawn 
from  the  bast,  averages  o60,0.  To  thoroughly  sun-dry,  an  exposure  of 
five  hours  is  necessary. 

The  first  petioles  forming  the  outer  covering,  and  the  slender  central 
stem  itself  around  which  they  cluster,  are  thrown  away.  Due  to  the 
inefficient  method  of  fibre-drawing,  or  rather  the  want  of  mechanical 
appliances  to  effect  the  same,  the  waste  of  fibre  probably  amounts  to  as 
much  as  30°('o  of  the  whole  contained  in  the  bast. 

In  Sugar-cane  planting,  the  poorer  the  soil  is  the  wider  the  cane  is 
planted,  whilst  the  hemp  plant  is  set  out  at  greater  space  on  virgin  land 
than  an  old  worked  land,  the  reason  being  that  the  hemp  plant  in  rich 
soil  throws  out  a great  number  of  shoots  from  the  same  root,  which 
require  nourishment  and  serve  for  replanting.  If  space  were  not  left, 
for  their  development,  the  main  stem  would  flower  before  it  had  reached 
its  full  height  and  circumference,  whereas  sugar-cane  is  purposely 
choked  in  virgin  soil  to  check  its  running  too  high  and  dispersing  the 
saccharine  matter  whilst  becoming  ligneous. 

A great  advantage  to  the  colonist,  in  starting  hemp-growing 
in  virgin  forest  laud,  consists  in  the  clearance  requiring  to  be  only 
partial,  whilst  newly  opened  up  land  is  preferable,  as,  on  it,  the  young 
plants  will  sometimes  throw  up  as  many  as  thirty  suckers.  The 
largest  forest  trees  are  intentionally  left  to  shade  the  plants  and 


328 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


young  shoots,  so  that  only  light  rooting  is  imperatively  necessary. 
In  cane-planting,  quite  the  reverse  is  the  case. 

The  great  drawback  to  the  beginner,  with  limited  capital,  is  the 
impossibility  of  recouping  himself  for  his  labour  and  recovering  profit 
on  outlay  before  three  years  at  least.  After  that  period  the  risk  is 
small,  drought  being  the  only  natural  calamity  to  be  feared.  The 
plauts  are  only  at  rare  intervals  damaged  by  hurricanes,  from  which 
they  are  fairly  well  protected  by  the  density  of  the  forest  ; being  set 
out  on  high  laud,  they  are  extremely  seldom  inundated  j locusts  do 
not  attack  the  foliage,  and  beetles  do  very  little  harm,  if  any.  A 
conflagration  could  not  spread  far  amongst  green  leaves  and  sappy 
petioles.  There  is  no  special  cropping  season  as  there  is  in  the  case 
of  sugar-cane,  which,  if  neglected,  brings  a total  loss  of  crop ; the  plants 
naturally  do  not  all  mature  at  precisely  the  same  time,  and  the  fibre 
extraction  can  be  performed  with  little  precipitation,  and  more  or  less 
all  the  year  round.  If,  at  times,  the  stage  of  maturity  be  overlooked, 
it  only  represents  a percentage  of  loss,  whilst  a whole  plantation  of 
ripe  sugar-cane  must  be  all  cut  writh  the  least  possible  delay.  No 
ploughing  is  necessary,  although  the  plant  thrives  better  when  weeding 
is  carefully  attended  to ; no  costly  machinery  has  to  he  purchased  and 
either  left  to  the  mercy  of  inexperienced  hands  or  be  placed  under  the 
care  of  highly  paid  Europeans,  whilst  there  are  few  agricultural 
implements  and  no  live  stock  to  be  maintained  for  field  labour. 

The  hemp  fibre,  when  dry,  runs  a greater  risk  of  fire  than  sugar, 
but  upon  the  whole,  after  comparing  these  estimates  with  those  of  sugar 
(vide  preceding  chapter)  the  advantages  of  hemp  cultivation  over 
sugar-cane  planting  appear  too  obvious  to  need  further  illustration. 

Hemp  fibre  is  classified  by  the  large  provincial  dealers  and  Manila 
firms  as  of  first,  second  and  third  qualities.  The  dealers,  or  acopiadores, 
in  treating  with  the  small  native  collectors,  or  their  own  workpeople, 
take  delivery  of  hemp  under  two  classes  only,  viz.,  first  quality 
(corriente)  and  second  quality  (co/orada).  The  first-class  hemp  is 
the  whitest,  and  has  a beautiful  silky  gloss. 

The  difficulties  with  which  the  European  hemp  cultivator  has  to 
contend  all  centre  to  the  same  origin — the  indolence  of  the  native  ; 
lieuce  there  is  a continual  struggle  between  capitalist  and  labourer  in 
the  attempt  of  the  former  to  counterbalance  the  native’s  inconstancy 
aud  antipathy  to  honest  toil. 


OBSTACLES  TO  HEMP  COLLECTION. 


329 


Left  to  himself,  the  native  cuts  the  plant  at  any  period  of  its 
maturity.  When  he  is  hard  pressed  for  a dollar  or  two,  he  strips  a few 
petioles,  leaving  them,  for  days,  exposed  to  the  rain  and  atmosphere  to 
soften  and  render  easier  the  drawing  of  the  fibre  in  which  putrefaction 
has  commenced.  The  result  is  prejudicial  to  the  dealer  and  the 
plantation  owner,  because  the  fibre  discolours.  Then  he  passes  the  bast 
under  a toothed  knife,  which  is  easy  to  work,  and  goes  down  to  the 
village  with  his  bundle  of  discoloured  coarse  fibre  with  a certain  amouut 
of  dried  sap  on  it  to  increase  the  Aveight.  He  chooses  night  time  for 
the  delivery,  firstly,  because  the  acopiador  may  be  deceived  in  the 
colour  upon  Avhicli  depends  the  selection  of  quality,  and  secondly,  in 
order  that  the  fibre,  absorbing  the  dew,  may  weigh  heavier.  These  are 
the  tricks  of  the  trade  well  known  to  the  native. 

The  large  dealers  and  plantation  owners  U3e  every  effort  to  enforce 
the  use  of  knives  without  teeth,  so  that  the  fibre  may  be  fine,  perfectly 
clean  and  white,  to  come  under  the  first  class  ; the  native  opposes  this 
on  the  ground  that  he  loses  in  weight,  whilst  he  is  too  dull  to 
appreciate  his  gain  in  higher  value.  For  instance,  presuming  the  first 
quality  to  be  quoted  in  Manila  @ $8.50  per  picul  and  the  third  quality 
@ $7.25,  even  though  the  first  class  basis  price  remained  firm,  the  third 
class  price  would  fall  as  the  percentage  of  third  class  quality  in  the 
supplies  Avent  on  increasing. 

Here  and  there  are  to  be  found  hemp  plants  which  give  a Avhiter 
fibre  than  others,  whilst  some  assert  that  there  are  three  or  four  kinds 
of  hemp  plant,  but,  in  general,  all  will  yield  commercial  first  class  hemp 
(Abaca,  corriente),  and  if  the  native  could  be  coerced  to  cut  the  plant 
at  maturity — draAv  the  fibre  under  a toothless  knife  during  the  same 
day  of  stripping  the  petioles — lodge  the  fibre  as  drawn  on  a clean  place, 
and  sun-drv  it  on  the  first  opportunity,  then  (the  proprietors  and 
dealers  positively  assert)  the  output  of  third  quality  need  not  exceed 
five  to  six  per  cent,  of  the  whole  produced.  In  short,  the  question  of 
quality  in  Abaca  has  vastly  less  relation  to  the  species  of  the  plant  than 
to  the  care  taken  in  its  extraction  and  manipulation. 

I Avas  present  in  the  Government  House  of  Albay  in  December, 
1886,  when  the  complaints  against  the  native  hemp-drawers  were 
formally  stated  to  the  Governor,  Avhose  authority  was  appealed  to,  to 
commission  an  inspector  to  travel  about  the  province  and  put  pressure 
on  the  natives,  in  the  hope  of  remedying  this  state  of  affairs. 


330 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  Chinese  very  actively  collect  parcels  of  liemp  from  the  smallest 
class  of  native  owners,  but  they  also  frequently  enter  into  contracts 
which  bring  discredit  to  the  reputation  of  a province  as  a hemp- 
producing  district.  For  a small  sum  in  cash,  a Chinaman  acquires 
from  a native  the  right  to  work  his  plantation  during  a short  period. 
Having  no  proprietary  interest  at  stake,  and  looking  only  to  his 
immediate  gain,  he  indiscriminately  strips  plants,  regardless  of 
maturity,  and  the  property  reverts  to  the  small  owner  in  a sorely 
dilapidated  coudition.  The  market  result  is,  that  although  the  fibre 
drawn  may  be  white,  it  is  weak,  and  dealings  with  the  Chinese  require 
special  scrutiny. 

Each  labourer  on  an  “ estate  ” (called  in  Albay  Province  Late)  is 
remunerated  by  receiving  one-half  of  all  the  fibre  he  draws  ; the  other 
half  belongs  to  the  “late ’’owner.  The  share  corresponding  to  the 
labourer  is  almost  invariably  delivered  at  the  same  time  to  the 
employer,  who  purchases  it  at  the  current  local  value — often  at  much 
less. 

In  sugar-planting,  as  no  sugar  can  be  hoped  for  until  the  fixed 
grinding  season  of  the  year,  planters  have  to  advance  to  their  work- 
people during  the  whole  twelve  months.  If,  after  so  advancing  during 
six  or  eight  months,  he  loses  half  or  more  of  his  crop  by  natural  causes, 
he  stands  a poor  chance  of  recovering  his  advances  of  that  year. 
There  is  no  such  risk  in  the  case  of  hemp  ; when  a man  wants  money 
he  can  work  for  it,  and  bring  in  his  bundle  of  fibre  and  receive  his 
half-share  value. 

In  Manila  the  export  houses  estimate  the  prices  of  second  and 
third  qualities  by  a rebate  from  first  class  quality  price.  These  rates 
necessarily  fluctuate.  When  the  deliveries  of  second  and  third  qualities 
go  on  increasing  in  their  proportion  to  the  quantity  of  first  class  sent 
to  the  market,  the  rebate  for  lower  qualities  on  the  basis  price  (first 
class)  is  consequently  augmented.  For  example,  in  the  subjoined 
estimate,  I have  taken  the  price  of  $8.50  per  picul  for  first  class,  with 
the  rebates  of  75  cents  for  second  class  and  $1.25  for  third  class.  li- 
the total  shipments  to  Manila  began  to  show  an  extraordinary  large 
proportionate  increase  of  lower  qualities,  these  differences  of  prices 
would  be  made  wider,  and  in  this  manner  indirect  pressure  is  brought 
to  bear  upon  the  provincial  shippers  by  increasing  their  interest  in 
using  every  effort  to  send  as  much  first  class  quality  as  possible. 


HEMP-TRADING  STATISTICS. 


331 


The  labour  of  young  plant-setting  in  Albay  Province  may  be 
calculated  @ $3  per  1,000  plants  ; the  cost  of  shoots  two  feet  high,  for 
planting  out,  is  from  50  cents  to  one  dollar  per  100.  However,  as 
proprietors  have  frequently  been  cheated  by  natives  who,  having 
accepted  to  plant  out  the  land,  have  not  dug  holes  sufficiently  deep  and 
have  set  plants  without  roots,  it  is  now  customary  in  Luzon  to  pay 
$10  per  100  live  plants,  to  be  counted  at  the  time  of  full  growth,  or 
say  in  three  years,  in  lieu  of  paying  for  shoots  and  labour  at  the  prices 
stated  above.  The  contractor,  of  course,  lives  on  the  estate. 

In  virgin  soil,  2,500  plants  would  be  set  in  one  pisoson  of  laud 
(ride  Albay  land  measure,  at  page  333),  or  say  720  to  each  acre. 

A hemp  press  employing  60  men  and  boys,  with  wages  varying 
from  12^  to  50  cents  per  day,  should  turn  out  230  bales  per  day. 
Freights  by  mail  steamer  to  Manila  in  the  year  1890  from  Albay  ports 
beyond  the  San  Bernadino  Straits,  were  50  cents  per  bale  ; from  ports 
west  of  the  Straits,  37  § cents  per  bale. 

In  the  extraction  of  the  fibre  the  natives  work  in  couples  ; one 
man  strips  the  bast,  whilst  his  companion  draws  it  under  the  knife. 
A fair  week’s  work  for  a couple,  including  selection  of  the  mature  plants 
and  felling,  would  be  about  300  lbs.  However,  the  labourer  is  not 
able  to  give  his  entire  attention  to  fibre-drawing,  for  occasionally  a 
day  has  to  be  spent  in  weeding  and  brushwood  clearance,  but  his  half- 
share interest  covers  this  duty. 

The  finest  quality  of  hemp  is  produced  in  the  Islands  of  Leyte 
and  Marinduque,  and  in  the  districts  of  Sorsogon  and  Gubat  of  the 
Province  of  Albay  (Luzon). 

The  whole  Province  of  Albay  yields  annually  an  average  of  30,000 
tons  ; it  is  the  most  important  hemp  district  of  Luzon  Island. 

Previous  to  the  year  1825,  the  quantity  of  hemp  produced  in  these 
islands  was  insignificant  ; in  1840  it  is  said  to  have  exceeded  8,500 
tons.  The  total  shipments  in  1870  amounted  to  30,535  tons  ; in  1871 
to  28,984  tons,  but  the  export  of  subsequent  years  has  largely  increased, 
as  will  be  seen  by  the  following  figures,  viz.  : — 


Total  Hemp  Shipments  in  the  Years. 


1872. 

1873. 

1871. 

1875. 

1876. 

1877. 

1878. 

1879. 

1880. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

39,077 

32,669 

38,501 

32,804 

39,421 

39,409 

41,742 

40,497 

49,934 

332 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Hemp  Shipments. 


Ship- 

ments 

From 

Total 

Ship- 

MEXTS, 

Ship- 

ments 

From 

Total 

IN  THE 

Yeah 

Maxi  la. 

Cebc. 

IN  THE 
Yeah 

Maxila. 

ClEBtf. 

Ship- 

ments. 

1881  - 

Tons. 

41,535 

Tons. 

12,771 

Tons. 

54,300 

1S90  - 

Tons. 

56,201 

Tons. 

7,068 

Tons. 

63,269 

1882  - 

36,091 

8,114 

44,205 

1891  - 

68,256 

11,087 

79,343 

1S88  - 

40,113 

6,567 

46,680 

1892  - 

87,778 

11,035 

9S,S13 

1884  - 

43.260 

7,716 

50,976 

1893  - 

70,174 

10,010 

80,184 

1885  - 

43,927 

8,214 

52,141 

1894  - 

82,693 

16,804 

99,497 

1386  - 

39,268 

7,192 

46,460 

1895  - 

93,595 

10,445 

104,040 

1887  - 

66,709 

7,663 

64,372 

1896  - 

83,172 

12,564 

95,735 

1883  - 

71,381 

11,298 

82,679 

1897  - 

102,721 

10,034 

112,755 

1889  - 

59,455 

11,616 

71,071 

Leyte  Island  ranks  second,  if  not  now  equal,  to  Albay  Province  in 
quantity  of  hemp  production.  Tlie  average  yield  per  annum  during 
the  years  1888  to  1897  inclusive,  was — in  the  Province  of  Camarines 
Sur  6,500  tons  and  in  Camarines  Norte  2,500  tons,  the  latter  being  of 
inferior  quality  due,  it  is  alleged,  to  the  use  of  serrated  edged  knives  in 
the  extraction.  From  Samar  Island  hemp  is  sent  in  fair  quantities  to 
Manila. 

From  Mindanao  Island  hemp  is  forwarded  to  Cebu  for  shipment 
with  that  grown  in  Cebu  Island  itself,  aud  certain  deliveries  from 
Leyte  ; but  in  recent  years  the  supplies  to  Cebu  of  Leyte  hemp  have 
(proportionately  to  the  production)  fallen  off,  Manila  having  superseded 
Cebu  as  the  market  for  a good  share  of  Leyte  deliveries. 

A small  quantity  of  low  quality  hemp  is  produced  in  Capis 
Province  (Panay  Island)  ; collections  are  also  made  along  the  south- 
east coast  of  Negros  Island  from  Dumaguete  northwards  aud  in 
the  district  of  Mauban1  on  the  Pacific  coast  of  Tavabas  Province 
(Luzon  Island). 


1 A large  proportion  of  the  product  sent  from  Mauban  to  Manila  as  marketable 
hemp  is  really  a wild  hemp-fibre  locally  known  by  the  name  of  Alinsanay.  It  is 
a worthless,  brittle  filament  which  has  all  the  external  appearance  of  marketable 
hemp.  A sample  of  it  broke  as  easily  as  silk  thread  between  my  fingers.  Its 
maximum  strength  is  calculated  to  be  one-fourth  of  hemp  fibre.  I saw  a letter 
from  Mauban,  in  which  it  was  stated  that  the  recent  deliveries  from  that  place  to 
Manila  port  probably  contained  four-fifths  of  this  inferior  material. 


HEMP  STATISTICS. PLANTING  ESTIMATES.  333 


The  highest  Manila  quotation  for  first  quality  hemp  ( corriente ) 
during  the  years  1882  and  1896  inclusive,  was  $17*21^  per  picul,  and 
the  lowest  in  the  same  period  $600  per  picul  (16  piculs  = 1 ton  ; 
2 piculs  = 1 bale),  whilst  specially  selected  lots  from  Sorsogon  and 
Marinduque  fetched  a certain  advance  on  these  figures. 

Manila  export  firms  usually  admit  up  to  5 °/0  of  low  quality  hemp 
in  a parcel  delivered  as  first  class,  and,  if  the  amount  of  low  quality 
does  not  exceed  2 °/Q  in  a lot  so  supplied,  a premium  is  paid  for  this 
superior  proportion  of  “ Corriente." 

The  subjoined  pro  forma  Estimate  of  an  Albay  Estate,  will  give  a 
fair  idea  of  the  cost  of  production  and  the  result  of  the  venture. 

Albay  Province  (local)  Land  Measure. 

1 Topon  = 16  square  Brazas  = 53‘776  English  square  yards. 

312^  Topones  = 1 Pisoson  = 5,000  square  Brazas. 

„ „ = ^ of  Quifion  = 2£  Cabanes  = 3‘472  acres. 

Estimate  of  an  Abaci  (Hemp)  Plantation  in  Albay  Province. 

500  Pisosones  = 1,250  Cabanes  (=  1,736  acres)  of  land,  over 
two  years  planted  with  shoots  and  therefore  ready  to  cut  in  one  year 
from  time  of  purchase.  No  ploughing.  No  fallow  land. 

Each  Pisoson  =2J  Cabanes  (=  3'472  acres)  producing  per 
annum  10  piculs  of  Abaci  (=  per  acre,  cwts.  3-60  = yield  from  the 
1,736  acres,  312^  tons)  = total  output  5,000  piculs  = 2,500  bales  in 
the  assumed  proportion  of — 

80°/o  Corriente.  10 0/o  Segunda.  10°/o  Colorado. 

Shipment  by  steamer  from  Tobaco  to  Manila. 

Invested  Capital. 

500  Pisosones  of  land  over  two  years  planted  @ $100 
Store  for  5,000  piculs  of  hemp  with  ample  spare  space 
Bale  Press  and  Shed  for  pressing  100  bales  per  day  - 
Plot  of  land  for  Store  and  sun  drying  ground 
2 horses  and  vehicle  ------ 

Unrecoverable  advances  to  100  men  @ say  $10 

Total  Invested  Capital 


% etc. 

- 50,000  00 

- 3,00000 

- 2,500  00 

700  00 
300  00 

- 1,000  00 

- $57,500  00 


334 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Working  Expenses. 

4 Plantation  Overseers  @ $20  per  mouth  each 
Salaries  : — Manager  (or  owner’s  living  expenses  if  acting 
as  Manager)  ------ 

European  Office  clerk  and  book-keeper  - 
2 Native  Storekeepers  @ $30  and  $20  per  month 
respectively  ...... 

2 Native  Messengers  @ $8  per  month  each 
Labour — for  pressing  2,500  Bales  @ 18f  cents  (=14  reales) 
plus  2 mats  per  bale  (@  $1.75  per  100)  and  14  split 
rattans  per  bale  (@  $1.75  per  1,000)  - 

Waste  in  shipper’s  provincial  store  of  hemp,  mats,  rattans, 
and  divers  odd  expenses  - 
Stolen  by  labourers  on  the  plantation,  say  - 
Maintenance  or  Depreciation  of  Press  value  @ 8 °/0  per 
annum  - - - - - 

Eire  Insurance  on  Store,  Bale  Press  and  Shed,  @ 2 °/Q  on 
$5,500  - - - - - - 

Keep  of  2 horses,  per  annum  - 
Travelling  expenses  about  the  province  - 

Taxes  of  all  kinds  payable  to  the  Government 
Office  expenses,  telegrams,  postages,  stationery,  etc.  - 
Freight  to  Manila  @ 25  cents  per  picul  - 
Loading  @ 5 cents  per  bale  - - - - - 

Insurance  to  Manila  @ 4°/0  on  $31,200  (Manila  selling 
value,  plus  say  15°/0)  - - - - 

Manila  Broker’s  commission,  including  landing,  discharging, 
etc.  @ 2°;0  on  sale  value  - - 

Manila  storage  @ 3 cents  per  bale  per  month,  say  for  half  a 
month  - - - - - 


$ cts. 
960  00 

1,800  00 
1,500  00 

600  00 
192  00 


468  75 

163  50 
200  00 

200  00 

110  00 
96  00 
200  00 
1,000  00 
150  00 
1,250  00 
125  00 

156  00 

541  25 


37  50 


Total  Working  Capital 


- $9,750  00 


HEMP  ESTIMATES. MANILA  HEMP. 


335 


Sale  : — Half  of  the  above  output  of  5,000  piculs  belongs  to  the 
planter  ; the  other  half  is  purchased  from  the  labourers,  therefore, 
2,500  piculs  sold  thus  : — 

$ cts. 

2,000  piculs  @ $8.50  ; 250  piculs  @ $7.75  ; 250  piculs  @ 

$7.25  - - ...  20,750  00 

Gain  in  price  on  2,500  piculs  (labourers’  share)  bought  @ 

$1.50  per  picul  under  Manila  market  price  - - 3,750  00 

Manila  firms  pay  $1  per  bale  for  pressing  - - 2,500  00 

$27,000  00 

Result. 

Sale  in  Manila  - - - - $27,000 

Deduct  Working  Expenses  - - - - 9,750 

*$17,250 

* =25°/.  on  Total  Capital. 


During  the  decade  prior  to  the  commercial  depression  of  1884, 
enormous  sums  of  money  were  lent  by  foreign  firms  and  wealthy  hemp 
staplers  to  the  small  producers  against  deliveries  to  be  effected.  But. 
experience  has  proved  that  the  natives  have  not  sufficient  sense  of  honour 
to  endeavour  to  gradually  clear  off  their  debts,  for,  on  delivery  of  the 
produce,  they  expect  to  be  again  paid  the  full  value  and  pass  over 
the  sums  long  due.  Hence,  capital  which  might  be  employed,  to 
the  mutual  advantage  of  all  concerned,  is  now  partially  withheld. 
The  natives  complain  that  there  is  no  money,  whilst  the  collectors  find 
themselves  in  an  embarrassed  position,  for  the  native  prefers  to  live  in 
misery  rather  than  work  without  payment  beforehand.  Speaking  on 
this  subject  with  several  of  the  largest  Albay  staplers,  one  of  them 
said  he  had  no  hope  whatever  of  recovering  one-half  of  his  loans. 

Fortunately  for  the  Philippines,  the  fibre  known  as  Manila  hemp 
is  a speciality  of  the  Colony,  and  the  prospect  of  over-production, 
almost  annihilating  profits  to  producers — as  in  the  sugar  colonies — is 
at  present  remote,  although  the  competition  with  other  fibre  is  severe. 
In  1881,  the  Abaca  plants  presented  to  the  Saigon  Botanical  Gardens 


336 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


were  flourishing  during  the  management  of  Mons.  Coroy,  but  happily 
for  this  Colony  the  experiment,  which  was  to  precede  the  introduction 
of  “ Manila  Hemp  ” into  French  Cochin  China,  was  abandoned,  the 
plants  having  been  removed  by  that  gentleman’s  successor.  In  1890 
“ Manila  Hemp  ” was  cultivated  in  British  North  Borneo  by  the 
“ Labuk  Planting  Company,  Limited,”  and  the  fibre  raised  on  their 
estates  was  satisfactorily  reported  on  by  the  Rope  Works  in 
Hongkong. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


COFFEE  ( COFFEA  ARABIC  A). 

Co ffee-pl ANTING  was  commenced  in  the  Colony  early  in  the  present 
century.  A few  of  the  original  plants  still  bear  fruit  each  year.  Up  to 
1889  plantation  owners  in  the  province  of  Batangas  assured  me  that  the 
trees  possessed  by  their  grandfathers  were  still  flourishing,  whilst  it  is 
well  known  that  in  many  coffee -producing  colonies  the  tree  bears  profit- 
ably on!}''  up  to  the  25th  year,  and  at  the  30th  year  it  is  quite  exhausted. 
Unless  something  be  done  to  revive  this  branch  of  agriculture  it  seems 
as  if  coffee  would  soon  cease  to  be  an  article  of  export  from  these 
islands.  In  the  year  1891  the  crops  in  Luzon  began  to  fall  off  very 
considerably,  in  a small  measure  due  to  the  trees  having  lost  their 
vigour,  but  chiefly  owing  to  the  ravages  of  a worm  in  the  stems.  In 
1892-93  the  best  and  oldest-established  plantations  Were  almost 
annihilated.  Nothing  could  be  done  to  stop  the  scourge,  and  several 
of  the  wealthiest  coffee-owners,  personally  known  to  me,  ploughed  up 
their  land  and  started  sugar-cane  growing  in  place  of  coffee. 

In  1883  nearly  7,500  tons  of  coffee  were  shipped,  whilst  in  1896 
the  total  export  did  not  reach  90  tons. 

The  best  Philippine  Coffee  comes  from  the  Provinces  of  Bataugas, 
La  Laguna  and  Cavite  (Luzon  Island),  and  includes  a large  proportion 
of  caracolillo , which  is  the  nearest  shape  to  the  Mocha  bean  and  the 
most  esteemed.  The  Batangas  coffee  centre  is  Lipa. 

The  most  inferior  Philippine  coffee  is  produced  in  Mindanao  Island, 
and  is  sent  up  to  Manila  containing  a quantity  of  rotten  beans.  It 
consequently  always  fetches  a lower  price  than  Manila  (Luzon)  coffee, 
which  is  highly  prized  in  the  market. 

Y 


338 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Manila  Quotations  for  the  two  qualities. 


Average  Prices  throughout  the  Years 


Per  Picul.* 

1882. 

1883. 

1884. 

1885. 

18S6. 

1887. 

1888. 

1890. 

1891. 

Manila  (Luzon) 

$ cts. 

$ cts. 

$ els. 

$ cts . 

S cts. 

$ cts. 

$ cts. 

$ cfs. 

$ cts. 

Coffee 

10  25 

12  00 

12  68 

12  00 

12  17 

26  14 

21  47 

31  00 

30  50 

Mindanao  Coffee  - 

9 30 

10  00 

12  00 

9 87 

9 56 

19  50 

nom. 

20  34 

25  80 

24  40 

* 133J  lbs.  avoirdupois. 


Quotations  later  than  1891  would  serve  no  practical  purpose  in  the 
above  table  of  comparison,  as,  due  to  the  extremely  small  quantity  pro- 
duced, almost  fancy  prices  ruled  since  that  date.  In  1896,  for  instance, 
the  market  price  ran  up  to  $35  per  picul,  whilst  some  small  parcels 
exchanged  hands  at  a figure  so  capriciously  high  that  it  cannot  be 
taken  as  a quotation. 


Coffee  Shipments. 


Year. 

Tons. 

Year. 

Tons. 

1856 

. 

437 

1888 

- 

6,702 

1865 

- 

- 

2,350 

1889 

- 

5,841 

1871 

- 

- 

3,335 

1890 

- 

4,796 

1880 

- 

- 

5,059 

1891 

- 

2,869 

1881 

- 

- 

5,383 

1892 

- 

1,326 

1882 

- 

- 

5,052 

1893 

- 

307 

1883 

■ 

- 

7,451 

1894 

- 

309 

1884 

- 

- 

7,252 

1895 

- 

194 

1885 

- 

- 

5,209 

1896 

- 

89 

1886 

- 

- 

7,337 

1897 

- 

136 

1887 

- 

- 

4,998 

I have  investigated  the  system  of  Coffee  growing  and  trading  in 
all  the  Luzon  districts,  and  I find  it  impossible  to  draw  up  a correct 


COFFEE-TRADING  STATISTICS. 


339 


general  estimate  showing  the  nett  cost  laid  clown  in  Manila  market. 
The  manner  of  acquiring  the  produce  and  the  conditions  of  purchase 
vary  so  greatly,  and  are  subject  to  so  many  peculiar  local  circumstances, 
that  only  an  approximate  computation  can  be  arrived  at. 

Some  of  the  provincial  collectors  have  plantations  of  their  own 
property — others  have  not,  whilst  none  of  them  depend  entirely  upon 
the  produce  of  their  own  trees  for  fulfilling  the  contracts  in  the  capital 
About  the  month  of  March,  after  the  crop  is  got  in,  they  distribute 
money  as  advances  against  the  succeeding  harvest  among  the  poorer 
natives  who  have  patches  of  coffee  plantation,  and  who,  like  all  their 
race,  like  to  live  in  anticipation  of  their  means. 

The  rate  per  picul  of  coffee  for  advances  depends  chiefly  upon  the 
competition  amongst  the  collectors  in  the  same  locality.  If  coffee  has 
just  been  worth  about  §11  per  picul  in  Manila,  money  for  the  next 
crop  might  be  loaned  at  say  $7  to  §8  per  picul,  and  the  provincial 
dealer  has  to  take  his  chance.  The  cost  of  transport  to  Manila  from 
the  Luzon  districts  is  about  50  cents  per  picul  (§8  per  ton),  and  he  may 
barely  recover  his  advances  when  the  crop  is  gathered  in  December  and 
January  following,  or  he  may  (unless  he  has  mortgaged  or  sold  his 
stocks  beforehand)  make  a small  fortune,  as  in  the  1886  crop,  when 
Manila  coffee  reached  §31  per  picul  and  then  declined  very  gradually. 

In  the  case  of  hemp,  it  has  been  shown  in  the  preceding  chapter 
that  the  business  gives  about  2o°.,0  profit  to  the  estate  owner  and 
dealer  when  intelligently  managed.  Coffee,  however,  is  a much  more 
fluctuating  concern,  as  the  purchase  rate  (although  perhaps  low)  is 
determined  out  of  season  several  months  before  it  is  seen  how  the 
market  will  stand  for  the  sale  of  that  coffee  ; in  hemp  transactions 
(there  being  practically  no  season  for  hemp)  the  purchase  money  need 
only  be  paid  ou  delivery  of  the  produce  by  the  labourer  at  rates 
proportionate  to  Manila  prices,  unless  the  dealer  be  simply  a speculator, 
in  which  case,  having  contracted  in  Manila  to  deliver  at  a price,  he 
must  advance  to  secure  deliveries  to  fulfil  his  contract.  Therefore,  in 
coffee,  a provincial  collector  may  lose  something  in  the  total  year’s 
transactions  or  he  may  make  an  enormous  profit,  if  he  works  with  his 
own  capital.  If  he  borrows  the  capital  from  Manila  dealers — middle- 
men— as  is  often  the  case,  then  he  may  make  a fortune  for  his  Manila 
friends,  or  he  may  lose  another  year’s  interest  on  the  borrowed  funds 
which  he  cannot  at  once  reimburse. 


340 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


In  Cavite  Province  districts  there  is  another  way  of  negotiating 
coffee  speculations.  The  dealer,  with  capital,  advances  at  say  $6  or  $7 
per  picul  “on  joint  account  up  to  Manila.”  The  plantation  owner 
then  binds  himself  to  deliver  so  many  piculs  of  coffee  of  the  next 
gathering,  and  the  difference  between  the  advance  rate  and  the  sale 
price  in  Manila  is  divided  between  the  two,  after  the  capitalist  has 
deducted  the  charges  for  transport,  packing,  commission  in  Manila,  etc. 
All  the  risk  is,  of  course,  on  the  part  of  the  capitalist,  for  if  the  crop 
fails,  the  small  plantation  owner  has  no  means  of  refunding  the  advance. 

On  a carefully  managed  plantation,  a caban  of  land  (8,000  square 
Spanish  yards)  is  calculated  to  yield  lO'IO  piculs  (==  13  cwt.)  of  clean 
coffee,  or  say  9 cwt.  1 quarter  11  lbs.  per  acre.  The  selling  value  of 
a plantation,  in  full  growth,  is  about  $250  per  caban,  or  say  $180  per 
acre.  Since  1896  this  land  value  is  nominal. 

The  trees  begin  to  give  marketable  coffee  in  the  fourth  year  of 
growth,  and  flourish  best  in  hilly  districts  and  on  high  lands,  where  the 
roots  can  be  kept  dry,  and  where  the  average  temperature  does  not 
exceed  70°  Fahr.  Caracolillo  is  found  in  greater  quantities  on  the 
highest  declivities  facing  East,  where  the  morning  sim  evaporates  the 
superfluous  moisture  of  the  previous  night’s  dew. 

In  the  Province  of  Cavite  there  appears  to  be  very  little  system  in 
the  culture  of  the  coffee  tree.  There  is  little  care  taken  in  the 
selection  of  shading  trees,  and  pruning  is  much  neglected.  Neverthe- 
less, very  fine  coffee  is  brought  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Indan, 
Silan,  Alfonso,  and  Amadeo.  Batangas  coffee  has  the  best  reputation 
in  Manila,  hence  the  Indan  product  is  sometimes  brought  to  that 
market  and  sold  as  Batangas  coffee. 

In  Batangas  the  coffee  plant  is  usually  shaded  by  a tree  called 
Madre  Cacao  ( Gliricidia  maculata).  On  starting  a plantation,  this 
tree  is  placed  in  rows,  each  trunk  occupying  one  Spanish  yard,  and 
when  it  has  attained  two  or  three  feet  in  height,  the  coffee  shoot  is 
planted  at  each  angle.  Between  the  third  and  eighth  years  of  growth, 
every  alternate  shading  tree  and  coffee  plant  is  removed,  as  more  space 
for  development  becomes  necessary.  The  coffee  plants  are  pruned  from 
time  to  time,  and  on  no  account  should  the  branches  be  allowed  to  hang 
over  and  meet.  Around  the  wealthy  town  of  Lipa,  some  of  the  many 
coffee  estates  were  extremely  well  kept  up,  with  avenues  crossing  the 
plantations  in  different  directions. 


COFFEE  TREE  AND  CULTURE. 


341 


At  the  end  of  eight  years,  more  or  less,  according  to  how  the 
quality  of  soil  and  the  situation  have  influenced  the  development,  there 
would  remain  say  about  2,400  plants  in  each  cabau  of  land,  or  1,728 
plants  per  acre.  Comparing  this  with  the  yield  per  acre,  each  tree 
would  therefore  give  9*69  ounces  of  marketable  coffee,  whilst  in  Peru, 
where  the  coffee  tree  is  planted  at  an  elevation  of  five  to  six  thousand 
feet  above  sea  level,  each  tree  is  said  to  yield  one  pound  weight  of  beans. 

Tn  the  Philippines,  the  fresh  ripe  berries,  when  thoroughly  sun- 
dried,  lose  an  average  weight  of  52 °/0  moisture. 

The  sun-dried  berries  ready  for  pounding  (husking)  give  an 
average  of  33*70  of  their  weight  in  marketable  coffee-beans. 

For  those  who  intend  visiting  the  coffee  districts  to  purchase  for 
shipment,  it  may  be  useful  to  have  the  following  data  in  Philippine 
reckoning  : — It  takes  eight  cabanes  measure  {vide  page  318)  of 
fresh  picked  ripe  berries  to  turn  out  one  picul  weight  of  clean  beans. 

The  cost  to  the  owner  of  having  the  plantation  looked  after  and 
the  fruit  gathered,  is  one-half  of  the  produce,  which,  however,  almost 
invariably  becomes  his  again,  for,  as  a rule,  he  has  advanced  against  it 
during  the  year. 

Supposing  the  average  selling  price  of  coffee  in  Manila  to  be  $11 
per  picul,  the  nett  profit  to  the  capitalist  grower  may  be  taken  at  about 
18°/0upon  his  total  invested  and  working  capital,  allowance  being  made 
for  the  fact  that  one  year  in  every  five  gives  a short  crop,  due  either 
to  the  nature  of  the  plant  or  to  climatic  variations,  but,  in  cither  case, 
inevitable  ; therefore,  it  pays  better  to  collect  coffee  from  the  very  small 
growers  rather  than  sink  capital  in  large  estates. 

The  coffee  plant  imperatively  requires  shade  and  moisture,  and  over- 
pruning  is  prejudicial.  If  allowed  to  run  to  its  natural  height,  it  would 
grow  up  to  15  to  25  feet  high,  but  it  is  usually  kept  at  7 to  10  feet. 
The  leaves  are  evergreen,  very  shining,  oblong,  leathery,  and  much 
resemble  those  of  the  common  laurel.  The  flowers  are  small,  and 
cluster  in  the  axils  of  the  leaves.  They  are  somewhat  similar  to  the 
Spanish  jasmine,  and  being  snow-white,  the  effect  of  a coffee  plantation 
in  bloom  is  delightful,  whilst  the  odour  is  fragrant.  The  fruit,  when 
ripe,  is  of  a dark  scarlet  colour,  and  the  ordinary  coffee  berry  contains 
two  semi-elliptic  seeds  of  a horny  or  cartilaginous  nature  glued  together 
and  enveloped  in  a coriaceous  membrane  ; when  this  is  removed,  each 
seed  is  found  covered  with  a silver-grey  pellicle. 


342 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  Caracolillo  coffee  berry  contains  only  one  seed,  with  a furrow 
in  the  direction  of  the  long  axis,  which  gives  it  the  appearance  of  being 
a geminous  seed,  with  an  inclination  to  open  out  on  one  side. 

In  Arabia  Felix,  where  coffee  was  first  planted  in  the  loth  century, 
and  its  cultivation  is  still  extensive,  the  collection  of  the  fruit  is  effected 
by  spreading  cloths  under  the  trees,  from  which,  on  being  violently 
shaken,  the  ripe  berries  fall,  and  are  then  placed  upon  mats  to  dry,  after 
which,  the  beans  are  pressed  out  under  a heavy  roller. 

In  the  Philippines,  women  and  children — sometimes  men — go  into 
the  plantations  with  baskets,  and  pick  the  berries  from  the  trees.  The 
fruit  is  then  heaped,  and  in  a few  days,  washed,  so  that  a great  portion 
of  the  pulp  is  got  rid  of.  Then  they  are  dried  and  pounded  in  a mortar 
until  the  inner  membrane  and  pellicle  are  separated,  and  these  are  win- 
nowed from  the  clean  bean,  which  constitutes  the  coffee  of  commerce, 
and  is  sent  in  bags  to  Manila  for  sale. 

The  Philippine  plantations  give  only  one  crop  yearly,  whilst  in  the 
West  Indies,  beans  of  unequal  ripeness  are  tobe  found  during  eight  months 
of  the  twelve,  and,  in  Brazil,  there  are  three  gatherings  annually. 
*#***?-*  * 

The  seed  of  the  Tobacco  plant  (Nicotiana  tabacum ),  was  among 
the  manv  novelties  introduced  into  the  Philippines  from  Mexico  by 
Spanish  missionaries,  soon  after  the  possession  of  the  Colony  by  the 
Spaniards  was  an  accomplished  fact.  From  this  Colony  it  is  said  to 
have  been  taken  in  the  16th  or  17th  century  into  the  South  of  China, 
where  its  use  Avas  so  much  abused,  that  the  sale  of  this  so-called  noxious 
article  was,  for  a long  time,  prohibited  under  penalty  of  death. 

During  the  first  two  centuries  of  Spanish  dominion,  but  little  direct 
attention  Avas  paid  to  the  Tobacco  question  by  the  Government,  Avho 
only  nominally  held,  but  did  not  assert,  the  exclusiAre  right  of  traffic  in 
this  article.  At  length,  in  the  year  1781,  during  the  Governor-General- 
ship of  Jose  Basco  y Vargas  (a  naval  officer),  the  cultivation  and  sale 
of  tobacco  Avas  formally  decreed  r a State  monopoly,  Avhich  lasted  up  to 
the  end  of  the  year  1882.  In  the  meantime,  it  became  an  important 
item  of  public  reATenue.  Iu  1882,  the  profits  on  the  Tobacco  Monopoly 
amounted  to  half  the  Colony’s  Budget  expenditure. 

A feAv  years  before  that  date,  a foreign  Company  offered  to  gua- 
rantee the  Budget  (then  about  $15,000,000),  in  exchange  for  the 
Tobacco  Monopoly,  but  the  proposal  Avas  not  entertained,  although  in 
that  same  year  the  Treasury  deficit  amouutedto  $2,000,000. 


TOBACCO  UNDER  MONOPOLY. 


343 


By  Royal  Decree  of  1st  July,  1844,  a contract  was  entered  into 
with  the  firm  of  O’Shea  & Co.,  renting  to  them  the  Monopoly,  but  it 
was  suddenly  rescinded.  The  annual  profits  from  tobacco  to  the 
Government  at  that  date  were  about  $2,500,000. 


Year. 

Government 
Profit  on  Tobacco. 

1840  

$2,123,505 

1845  ----- 

2,570,679 

1850  

3,036,611 

1855  

3,721,168 

1859  

4,932,463 

1860  

over  5,000,000 

A bale  of  tobacco  contains  4,000  leaves  in  40  bundles  ( pianos ) of  100  leaves  each. 

In  the  financial  year  1868-1869,  the  figures  stood  thus,  viz.  : — • 

Leaf  and  (Manila)  Manufactured  Tobacco  - - $6,717,635 

25,000  quintals  (cwts.)  exported  to  Spain  @ $20  2,000,000 

$8,717,635 

Less  Working  Expenses,  waste,  wrecks,  etc.  - - 3,487,054 

Net  profit  to  the  Treasury  - $5,230,581 

The  classification  of  the  deliveries  depended  on  the  district  where 
the  crop  was  raised  and  the  length  of  the  leaf. 

According  to  Art.  9°  of  the  “ Real  Instruccion,”  dated  2nd  December, 
1858,  the  following  tariff  was  established,  viz.  : — 


District. 

Per  (Cwt.)  Bale. 

1st  Class. 

2nd  Class. 

3rd  Class. 

4th  Class. 

Cagayan  and  Isabela 

$ cts. 
9 00 

$ cts. 

4 00 

$ cts. 

1 70 

$ cts. 

0 60 

Nueva  Ecija  - 

6 00 

3 45 

1 20 

0 45 

Union,  Abra  and  Cayan 

7 00 

3 70 

1 45 

0 45 

344 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  tobacco  trade  beiug  also  a Government  concern  in  Spain, 
this  Colony  was  under  an  obligation  to  supply  the  Peninsula  State 
Factories  with  90,000  quintals  (cwts.)  of  tobacco  leaf  per  annum. 

Government  Monopoly  was  in  force  in  Luzon  Island  ouly.  The 
tobacco  districts  of  that  island  were  Cagayan  Valley  (which  comprises 
La  Isabela),  La  Union,  El  Abra,  Uocos  Sur  y Norte  and  Nueva  Ecija. 
In  no  other  part  of  Luzon  was  tobacco  planting  allowed,  except 
for  a short  period  on  the  Caraballo  range,  inhabited  by  undomesticated 
mountain  tribes,  upon  whom  prohibition  would  have  been  difficult  to 
enforce.  In  1842  the  Igorrotes  were  allowed  to  plant,  and,  in  the  year 
1853,  the  Government  collection  from  this  source  amounted  to  25,000 
bales  of  excellent  quality.  The  total  population  of  these  districts  was, 
in  1882  (the  last  year  of  Monopoly),  about  785,000. 

The  Visayas  Islands,  or  South  Philippines,  were  never  under  the 
Monopoly  system.  The  natives  there  were  free  to  raise  tobacco  or 
other  crops  on  their  land.  It  was  not  until  1840  that  tobacco 
planting  attracted  general  attention  in  Visayas.  Government  Factories 
or  Collecting  Centres  were  established  there  for  classifying  and  storing 
such  tobacco  as  the  Visayos  cared  to  bring  in  for  sale  to  the  State,  but 
the  Southern  planters  were  at  liberty  to  sell  their  produce  privately 
or  in  the  public  markets.  They  also  disposed  of  large  quantities  by 
contraband  to  the  Luzon  Island  Provinces.1 

Antique  Province  never  yielded  more  tobacco  than  what  could  be 
consumed  locally,  but,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  higher  prices,  an 
enthusiastic  Governor,  Manuel  Iturriaga,  encouraged  the  growers,  in 
1843,  to  send  a trial  parcel  to  the  Government  Collectors  ; it  -was, 
however,  unclassed  and  rejected.  In  1841  the  Antique  tobacco  crop 
was  valued  at  $80,000. 

Mindoro,  Lucban,  and  Marinduque  Islands  produced  tobacco  half 
a century  ago,  and  in  1846  the  Government  established  a Collecting 
Factory  in  Mindoro,  but  the  abuses  and  cruelty  of  the  officials  towards 
the  natives,  to  force  them  to  bring  in  their  crops,  almost  extinguished 
this  class  of  husbandry. 

During  the  period  of  Monopoly  in  the  Luzon  districts,  the 
production  was  very  carefully  regulated  by  the  Home  Government,  by 
enactments  revised  from  time  to  time,  called- “ General  Instructions 

1 Vide  Instructions  re  Contraband  from  the  Treasury  Superintendent,  Juan 
Manuel  de  la  Matta,  to  the  “ Intendente  de  Visayas  ” in  1843. 


TOBACCO  MONOPOLY  SYSTEM. 


345 


for  the  Direction,  Administration  and  Control  of  the  Government 
Monopolies.”  Compulsory  labour  was  authorized,  and  those  natives  iu 
the  northern  provinces  of  Luzon  Island  who  wished  to  till  the  laud 
(the  property  of  the  State), — for  title  deeds  were  almost  unknown  and 
never  applied  for  by  the  natives — were  compelled  to  give  preference  to 
tobacco.  In  fact,  no  other  crops  were  allowed  to  be  raised.  Moreover, 
they  were  not  permitted  to  peacefully  indulge  their  indolent  nature — to 
scrape  up  the  earth  and  plant  when  and  where  they  liked  for  a mere 
subsistence.  Each  family  was  coerced  into  contracting  with  the 
Government  to  raise  4,000  plants  per  annum,  subject  to  a fine  in  the 
event  of  failure.  The  planter  had  to  deliver  into  the  State  stores  all 
the  tobacco  of  his  crop — net  ..a  jingle  leaf  could  he  reserve  for  his 
private  consumption. 

Lands  left  uncultivated  could  be  appropriated  by  the  Government, 
who  put  their  own  nominees  to  work  them,  and  he  who  had  come 
to  consider  himself  owner,  by  mere  undisturbed  possession,  lost  the 
usufruct  and  all  other  rights  for  three  years.  His  right  to  the  land,  in 
fact,  was  not  freehold,  but  tenure  by  villein  socage. 

Emigrants  were  sent  north  from  the  west  coast  provinces  of 
North  and  South  Ilocos.  The  first  time  I went  up  to  Cagayan,  about 
200  emigrant  families  were  taken  on  board  our  vessel  at  North  Ilocos, 
en  route  for  the  tobacco  districts,  and  appeared  to  be  as  happy  as  other 
natives  in  general.  They  were  well  supplied  with  food  and  clothing, 
and  comfortably  lodged  on  their  arrival  at  the  Port  of  Aparri. 

In  the  Government  Regulations  referred  to1  the  old  law  of 
Charles  III.,  which  enacted  that  a native  could  not  be  responsible  at 
law  for  a debt  exceeding  $o,  was  revived,  and  those  emigrants  who  had 
debts  were  only  required  to  liquidate  them  out  of  their  earnings  in  the 
tobacco  district  up  to  that  legal  maximum  value. 

As  soon  as  the  native  growers  were  settled  on  their  lands,  their 
condition  was  by  no  means  an  enviable  one.  A Nueva  Ecija  land 
owner  and  tobacco  grower,  in  a letter  to  El  Liberal  (Madrid)  in 
1880,  depicts  the  situation  in  the  following  terms  : — The  planter,  he 
says,  was  only  allowed  to  smoke  tobacco  of  his  own  crop  inside  the 
aerating  sheds  which  were  usually  erected  on  the  fields  under  tilth.  If 
he  happened  to  be  caught  by  a carabineer  only  a few  steps  outside  the 

1 Instruction  General  para  la  Direction,  Administration  y Intervention  de  las 
Rentas  Estancadas , 1849. 


346 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


shed  with  a cigar  in  his  mouth,  he  was  fined  $2 — if  a cigarette,  50  cents 
— and  adding  to  these  sums  the  costs  of  the  conviction,  a cigar  of  his 
own  crop  came  to  cost  him  $7,374  and  a cigarette  $1,874*  The  fines 
in  Nueva  Ecija  amounted  to  an  annual  average  of  $7,000  on  a 
population  of  170,000.  From  sunrise  to  sunset  the  native  grower  was 
subject  to  domiciliary  search  for  concealed  tobacco — his  trunks, 
furniture  and  every  nook  and  corner  of  his  dwelling  were  ransacked. 
He  and  all  his  family — wife  and  daughters — were  personally  examined  : 
and  often  an  irate  husband,  father  or  brother,  goaded  to  indignation  by 
the  indecent  humiliation  of  his  kinswoman,  would  lay  hands  on  his 
bohie-knife  and  bring  matters  to  a bloody  crisis  with  his  wanton 

persecutors The  leaves  were  carefully 

selected,  and  only  such  as  came  under  classification  were  paid  for  to  the 
grower.  The  rejected  bundles  were  not  returned  to  him,  but  burnt — 
a despairing  sacrifice  to  the  toiler  ! The  Cabczas  dc  Barangay  {vide 
page  245)  had,  under  penalty  of  arrest  and  hard  labour,  to  see  that 
the  families  fulfilled  their  onerous  contract — corporal  punishment, 
imprisonment  and  amercement  resulted — of  frequent  occurrence  were 
those  fearful  scenes  which  culminated  in  riots  such  as  those  of  Ilocos  in 
1807  and  1814,  when  many  Spaniards  fell  victims  to  the  natives’ 
resentment  of  their  oppression. 

Palpable  injustice  too  was  imposed  by  the  Government  with  respect 
to  the  payments.  The  Treasury  paid  loyally  for  many  years,  but  as 
generation  succeeded  generation,  and  the  native  growers’  families  came 
to  feel  themselves  attached  to  the  soil  they  cultivated,  the  Treasury, 
reposing  on  the  security  of  this  constancy,  no  longer  kept  to  the 
compact.  The  officials  failed  to  pay,  with  punctuality,  to  the  growers 
the  contracted  value  of  the  deliveries  to  the  State  stores.  They  required 
exactitude  from  the  native — the  Government  set  the  example  of 
remissness.  The  consequence  was  appalling.  Instead  of  money, 
Treasury  Notes  were  given  them,  and  speculators  of  the  lowest  type 
used  to  scour  the  tobacco-growing  districts  to  buy  up  this  paper  at  an 
enormous  discount.  The  misery  of  the  natives  was  so  distressing,  the 
distrust  of  the  Government  so  radicate,  and  the  want  of  means  of 
existence  so  urgent,  that  they  were  wont  to  yield  their  claims  for  an 
insignificant  relative  specie  value.  The  speculators  held  the  bonds  for 
realization  some  day  ; the  total  amount  due  by  the  Government  at  one 
time  exceeded  $1,500,000.  Once  the  Treasury  was  so  hard  pressed 


TOBACCO  MONOPOLY  ABOLISHED. 


347 


for  funds,  that  the  tobacco  ready  in  Manila  for  shipment  to  Spain 
had  to  be  sold  on  the  spot  and  the  90,000  quintals  could  not  be  sent — 
hence  purchases  of  Philippine  tobacco  had  to  be  made  by  tender  in 
London  for  the  Spanish  factories. 

At  length,  during  the  Government  of  General  Domingo  Moriones 
(1S77-1880),  it  was  resolved  to  listen  to  the  overwhelming  complaints 
from  the  North,  and  pay  up  to  date  in  coin.  But,  to  do  this,  Spain, 
always  in  a state  of  chronic  bankruptcy,  had  to  resort  to  an  abominable 
measure  of  disloyalty.  The  funds  of  the  Deposit  Bank  ( Caja  de 
Depositos ) were  arbitrarily  appropriated,  and  the  deposit  notes  bearing 
8°/0  interest  per  annum,  held  by  private  persons,  most  of  whom  were 
Government  clerks,  etc.,  were  dishonoured  at  due  date.  This  gave  rise 
to  great  clamour  on  the  part  of  those  individuals  whose  term  of  service 
had  ceased  ( ccsantes ),  and  who,  on  their  return  to  Spain,  naturally 
wished  to  take  their  accumulated  savings  with  them.  The  Governor- 
General  had  no  other  recourse  open  to  him  but  to  reinstate  them  in 
their  old  positions,  on  his  own  responsibility,  pending  the  financial  crisis 
and  the  receipt  of  instructions  from  the  Government  at  Madrid. 

As  already  stated,  the  Government  Monopoly  ceased  on  the  31st  of 
December,  1882,  when  the  tobacco  cultivation  and  trade  were  handed 
over  to  private  enterprise.  At  that  date  there  were  five  Government 
Cigar  and  Cigarette  Factories,  viz.  : — Malabon,  Arroceros,  Meisig,  El 
Fortin  and  Cavite,  giving  employment  to  about  20,000  operatives. 

For  a long  time  the  question  of  abolishing  the  Monopoly  had 
been  debated,  and  by  Boyal  Order  of  20th  May,  1879,  a commission  was 
appointed  to  inquire  into  the  convenience  of  renting  out  the  tobacco 
traffic.  The  natives  were  firmly  opposed  to  it ; they  dreaded  the 
prospect  of  the  provinces  being  overrun  by  a band  of  licensed  perse- 
cutors, and  of  the  two  evils  they  preferred  State  to  private  Monopoly. 
Warm  discussions  arose  for  and  against  it  through  the  medium  of  the 
Manila  newspapers.  The  “ Consejo  de  Filipinas,”  in  Madrid,  gave  a 
favourable  report  dated  12th  May,  1879,  and  published  in  the  Madrid 
Gazette,  13th  July,  1879.  The  clergy  defeated  the  proposal  by  the 
Corporations  of  Friars  jointly  presenting  a Memorial  against  it — 
and  it  was  thenceforth  abandoned.  The  Tobacco  Monopoly  was  the 
largest  source  of  public  revenue,  hence  the  doubt  as  to  the  policy  of 
free  trade  and  the  delay  in  granting  it.  There  existed  a possibility 
of  the  Treasury  sustaining  an  immense  and  irretrievable  loss,  for  a 


348 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


return  to  Monopoly,  after  free  trade  had  been  allowed,  could  not 
for  a moment  be  thought  of.  It  was  then  a safe  income  to  the 
Government,  and  it  was  feared,  by  many,  that  the  industry,  by  free 
labour,  would  considerably  fall  off. 

Up  to  within  a year  of  the  abolition  of  Monopoly,  a very  good 
smokeable  cigar  could  be  purchased  in  the  cstancos  1 from  one  half- 
penny and  upwards,  but  as  soon  as  the  free  trade  project  was  definitely 
decided  upon,  the  Government  factories,  in  order  to  work  off  their  old 
stocks  of  inferior  leaf,  filled  the  cstancos  with  cigars  of  the  worst  quality. 

The  Colonial  Treasurer-General  at  the  time  of  this  reform 
entertained  very  sanguine  hopes  respecting  the  rush  wThich  would  be 
made  for  the  Government  brands,  and  the  general  public  were  led  to 
believe  that  a scarcity  of  manufactured  tobacco  would,  for  some 
months,  at  least,  follow  the  establishment  of  free  trade  in  this  article. 
With  this  idea  in  view,  Government  stocks  sold  at  auction  aroused 
competition  and  fetched  unusually  high  prices  at  the  close  of  1882,  and 
the  beginning  of  the  following  year,  in  some  cases  as  much  as  23/- 
per  cwt.  being  realized  over  the  upset  prices.  However,  the  Treasurer- 
General  was  carried  too  far  in  his  expectations.  He  was  unfortunately 
induced  to  hold  a large  amount  of  Government  manufactured  tobacco 
in  anticipation  of  high  offers,  the  result  being  an  immense  loss  to  the 
Treasury,  as  only  a part  was  placed,  with  difficulty,  at  low  prices,  and 
the  remainder  shipped  to  Spain.  In  January,  1883,  the  stock  of  tobacco 
in  Government  hands  amounted  to  about  100  tons  of  1881  crop, 
besides  the  whole  crop  of  1882.  Little  by  little,  throughout  the  year, 
the  upset  prices  had  to  be  lowered  to  draw  buyers.  On  the  29th  of 
December,  1883,  a Government  sale  by  auction  was  announced  at  50 °/Q 
reduction  on  their  already  low  prices,  but  the  demand  was  still  very 
meagre.  Finally,  in  the  course  of  1881,  the  Government  got  rid  of  the 
bulk  of  their  stock,  the  balance  being  shipped  to  the  mother  country. 
The  colonial  authorities  continued  to  pay  the  ancient  Tobacco  tribute 
to  Spain,  and  the  first  contract,  with  this  object,  was  made  during  that 
year  with  a private  company  for  the  supply  of  about  2,750  tons. 

During  the  first  year  of  Free  Trade,  cigar  and  cigarette  factories 
were  rapidly  started  in  Manila  and  the  provinces,  but  up  to  1897  only 
some  eight  or  ten  factories  had  improved  the  quality  of  the  manu- 
factured article,  whilst  prices  have  risen  so  considerably  that  the 

1 Licensed  depots  for  the  sale  of  monopolized  goods. 


TOBACCO  FREE  TRADE. — STATISTICS. 


349 


general  public  have  probably  lost  by  the  reform.  Cigars,  like  those 
sold  in  the  estancos  in  1881,  cannot  now  be  got  so  good  for  the  same 
price,  but  at  higher  prices  much  better  brands  are  offered. 

A small  tax  on  the  cigar  and  tobacco  leaf  trade,  officially 
announced  in  August,  1883,  had  the  beneficial  effect  of  causing  the 
closure  of  some  of  the  very  small  manufactories,  and  reduced  the 
probability  of  a large  over-supply  of  an  almost  worthless  article. 

Export  houses  continued  to  make  large  shipments  of  leaf  tobacco 
and  cigars  until  the  foreign  markets  were  glutted  with  Philippine 
tobacco  in  1883,  and  in  the  following  years  the  export  somewhat 
decreased. 

The  subjoined  table  will  show  the  total  shipments  of  this  product 
during  and  after  the  period  of  Monopoly. 


Tobacco  and  Cigar  Shipments. 


Year. 

Cigars. 

Leaf. 

Year. 

Cigars. 

Leaf. 

1380 

Thousands. 

82,783 

Tons. 

8,657 

1889 

Thousands. 

121,674 

Tons. 

10,161 

| l!  1881 

89,502 

7,027 

1890 

109,636 

8,952 

^ J [ 1882 

103,597 

6,195 

1891 

97,740 

9,803 

1883 

190,079 

7,267 

1892 

137,059 

12,714 

1884 

125,091 

7,181 

1893 

137,458 

11,534 

1885 

114,821 

6,799 

1894 

137,877 

9,545 

1886 

102,717 

6,039 

1895 

164,430 

10,368 

1887 

99,582 

4,841 

1896 

183,667 

10,986 

1888 

109,109 

10,229 

1897 

156,916 

15,836 

The  tobacco  shipped  during  the  first  six  months  of  the  year  1883 
was  limited  to  that  sold  by  auction  out  of  the  Government  stocks,  for 
the  Government  found  themselves  in  a dilemma  with  their  stores  of 
this  article,  and  the  free  export  only  commenced  half  a year  after  free 
production  was  granted.  The  figures  for  the  years  following  1883  were, 
to  a great  extent,  influenced  by  the  bad  quality  of  the  manufactures. 

As  to  the  relative  quality  of  Philippine  tobacco,  there  are  very 
divided  opinions.  Decidedly  the  best  Manila  cigars  canuot  compare 


350 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


•with  those  made  from  the  famous  leaf  of  the  Yuelta  de  Abajo  (Cuba), 
and  in  the  European  markets  they  have  very  justly  failed  to  meet  with 
the  same  favourable  reception  as  the  Cuban  cigars  generally.  As  to 
price,  Philippine  cigars  are  much  cheaper  than  Cubans,  for  in  Havana 
I always  had  to  pay  twice  as  much  for  a cigar  equal  to  the  best  Manila 
article.  Cuban  cigars  are  not  sold  in  this  Colony,  and  it  is  not 
surprising  that  old  enthusiastic  Philippine  residents  should  have 
become  so  accustomed  to  their  favourite  Manila  brands  as  to  consider 
them  incomparable. 

During  my  first  journey  up  the  Rio  Grande  de  Cagayan,  I was 
told  that  some  years  ago  the  Government  made  earnest  efforts  to 
improve  the  quality  of  the  plant  by  the  introduction  of  seed  from 
Cuba,  but  it  was  unfortunately  mixed  up  with  that  usually  planted  in 
the  Philippine  provinces,  and  the  object  in  view  failed  completely. 
On  my  renewed  visit  to  the  tobacco  districts,  immediately  after  the 
abolition  of  monopoly,  the  importance  of  properly  manipulating  the 
green  leaf  did  not  appear  to  be  thoroughly  appreciated.  The  exact 
degree  of  fermentation  was  not  ascertained  with  the  skill  and 
perseverance  necessary  to  turn  out  a well-prepared  article.  Some 
piles  which  I tested  were  over-heated  (taking  the  Java  system  as  my 
standard),  whilst  larger  quantities  had  been  aerated  so  long  in  the  shed, 
after  cutting,  that  they  had  lost  their  finest  aroma. 

The  best  quality  of  Philippine  tobacco  is  produced  in  the 
northern  provinces  of  Luzon  Island,  the  choicest  selections  coming 
from  Cagayan  and  La  Isabela.  Nueva  Viscaya,  Ilocos  Sur  y Norte, 
Nueva  Ecija  and  even  Pampanga  Provinces  yield  tobacco. 

In  the  south  (Yisayas)  tobacco  is  cultivated  in  Panay  Island  and 
on  the  east  coast  of  Negros  Island  (district  of  Escalante)  and  Cebu 
Island — also  to  a limited  extent  in  Mindanao.  The  Visava  leaf 
generally  is  inferior  in  quality,  particularly  that  of  Yloilo  Province, 
some  of  which,  in  fact,  is  such  rubbish  that  it  is  difficult  to  understand 
how  a profit  can  be  expected  from  its  cultivation.  The  Escalante 
(Negros  E.  coast)  and  the  Barili  (Cebu  W.  coast)  tobacco  seemed  to  me 
to  be  the  fullest  flavoured  and  most  agreeable  leaf  in  all  the  Visayas. 

In  1883  a company,  styled  The  General  Philippine  Tobacco 
Company  (“  Compania  General  de  Tabacos  de  Filipinas  ”),  was  formed 
in  Spain  and  established  in  this  Colony  with  a capital  of  £3,000,000. 
It  gave  great  impulse  to  the  trade  by  soon  starting  with  five  factories 


MANILA  CIGARS  AND  CIGARETTES. 


351 


and  purchasing  four  estates  (“  San  Antonio,”  “ Santa  Isabel,”  “ San 
Luis,”  aud  “ La  Concepcion  ”),  with  buying  agents  in  every  tobacco 
district.  Up  to  1898  the  baled  tobacco  leaf  trade  was  chiefly  in  the 
hands  of  this  Company.  Little  by  little  the  Company  launched  out 
into  other  branches  of  produce  purchasing,  and  lost  considerable  sums 
of  money  in  the  provinces  in  its  unsuccessful  attempt  to  compete  with 
the  shrewd  British  merchants. 


Prices  and  Weights  of  some  of  the  best  Cigars  Manufactured  in 
Manila  packed  in  Boxes  ready  for  Use  or  Shipment. 


Per  Thousand. 

InBoxes  of 

Pep.  Thousand. 

In  Boxes  of 

lbs. 

$ 

lbs. 

$ 

25 

100 

25 

17 

40 

50 

24 

90 

25 

16 

15 

100 

23 

60 

25 

15 

30 

50 

22 

50 

50 

14 

30 

50 

20 

35 

50 

12 

22 

50 

18 

45 

50 

10 

20 

50 

Cigars  and  cigarettes  are  now  offered  for  sale  in  every  town,  village 
and  hamlet  of  the  Islands,  and  their  manufacture  for  the  immense  home 
consumption,  and  to  supply  the  demand  for  export,  constitutes  an 
important  branch  of  trade.  However,  for  the  Philippines  to  continue 
to  compete  with  other  colonies,  there  is  room  for  raising  the  standard  of 
quality,  which  is  still  below  what  may  yet  be  hoped  for. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


SUNDRY  FOREST  AND  FARM  PRODUCE. 

Maize — Cocoa — Coprah,  etc. 

In  a limited  number  of  districts,  particularly  iu  the  south,  Maize 
(“Indian  Corn”)  forms  the  staple  article  of  food  in  lieu  of  rice, 
although  as  a rule,  this  latter  cereal  is  preferred. 

Many  agriculturists  alternate  their  crops  with  that  of  Maize,  which, 
it  is  said,  does  not  impoverish  the  land  to  any  appreciable  extent. 
There  is  no  great  demand  for  this  grain,  and  it  is  generally  cultivated 
rather  as  an  article  for  consumption  in  the  grower’s  household  than  for 
trade.  Planted  in  good  land  it  gives  about  200-fold,  and  two  crops  in 
the  year  = 400-fold  per  annum,  but  the  setting  out  of  one  caban  of 
maize  grain  occupies  five  times  the  surface  required  for  the  planting 
of  the  same  measure  of  rice  grain.  An  ordinary  caban  of  land  is 
8,000  square  Spanish  yards  (vide  “ Land  Measure,”  page  308),  and 
this  superficie  derives  its  denomination  from  the  fact  that  it  is  the 
average  area  occupied  by  the  planting  out  of  one  caban  measure  of  rice 
grain.  The  maize  caban  of  land  is  quite  a special  measure,  and  is 
equal  to  5 rice  cabans.  Estimating  therefore  the  average  yield  of  rice 
paddy  to  be  50  cabans  measure  per  ordinary  caban  of  land,  the  same 
superficie,  were  it  suitable  for  maize-raising,  would  give  one-fifth  of 
400-fold  per  annum  = 80  cabans  of  Maize  per  rice  caban. 

The  current  price  of  maize,  taking  the  average  in  several  provinces, 
is  rarely  above  that  of  paddy  for  the  same  measure,  whilst  it  is  often 
lower,  according  to  the  demand,  which  is  influenced  by  the  custom  of 
the  natives  in  the  vicinity  where  it  is  offered  for  sale. 


CULTIVATION  OF  CACAO. 


353 


It  is  eaten  after  being  pulverized  between  stone  or  hard  wood  slabs 
with  the  surfaces  set  horizontally,  the  upper  one  being  caused  to 
revolve  on  the  lower  one,  which  is  stationary.  In  many  village  market 
places  one  sees  heads  of  maize  roasted  and  exposed  for  sale.  This  is 
of  a special  quality,  grown  in  alluvial  soil — the  interval  of  rivers 
which  overflow  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year.  Three  crops  per  annum 
are  obtained  on  land  of  this  kind,  so  that  tbe  supply  is  constant  all  the 
year  round.  The  price  of  the  raw  maize-heads  to  the  market  sellers  is 
about  60  cuartos  per  100,  which  they  retail  out  roasted  at  one  cuarto 
each  (3lr  cuartos  equal  about  one  penny)  ; the  profit  is  therefore 
proportionately  large  when  local  festivities  create  a demand. 

******* 

The  Cacao  Tree — Tkeobromn  Cacao  (or  “Food  of  the  gods,”  as 
Linnaeus  called  it),  a native  of  Central  America,  flourishes  in  these 
Islands  in  the  hot  and  damp  districts. 

It  is  said  to  have  been  imported  into  the  Philippines  towards  the 
end  of  the  17th  century  from  Mexico,  where  it  has  been  in  very  ancient 
use.  Outside  the  tropics,  the  tree  will  grow  in  some  places,  but  gives 
no  fruit.  The  Philippine  quality  is  very  good,  and  compares  favourably 
with  that  of  other  countries,  the  best  being  produced  between  latitudes 
11°  and  12°  N. 

The  cultivation  of  Cacao  is  an  extremely  risky  and  delicate  business, 
as,  often  when  the  planter’s  hopes  are  about  to  be  realized,  a slight 
storm  will  throw  down  the  almost  ripened  fruit  in  a day.  A disease 
sometimes  attacks  the  roots  and  spreads  through  a plantation.  It  is 
natural,  therefore,  that  no  one  should  dedicate  his  time  exclusively  to 
the  cultivation  of  this  product  at  the  risk  of  almost  instantaneous  ruin. 
Usually,  the  Philippine  agriculturist  rightly  regards  cacao  only  as  an 
useful  adjunct  to  his  other  crops.  Small  quantities  of  it  are  sent  to 
Spain,  but  the  consumption  in  the  Colony,  when  made  into  chocolate1 
by  adding  sugar,  vanilla,  cinnamon,  etc.  to  counteract  the  natural 
bitterness  of  the  bean,  is  considerable.  To  make  chocolate  paste,  a 
large  quantity  of  sugar  is  added,  varying  from  one-third  of  its  weight 
to  equal  parts,  whilst  one  pod  of  vanilla  is  sufficient  for  TV  lbs.  of 

1 The  word  chocolate  is  derived  from  the  Mexican  word  chocolatl.  The 
Mexicans,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  used  cacao  beans  as  money.  The  grandees 
of  the  Aztec  Court  ate  chocolate  made  of  the  ground  bean  mixed  with  Indian 
corn  and  rocou,  vide  W.  H.  Prescott’s  “ Hist,  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico.” 

Z 


354 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


cacao.  As  a beverage,  it  is  in  great  favour  with  the  Spaniards  and 
half-castes  and  the  better  class  of  natives. 

The  cacao  beans  or  kernels  lie  in  a fruit  something  like  a gherkin, 
about  five  inches  long  and  three  inches  diameter,  and  of  a dark  reddish 
colour  when  ripe.  The  fruit  contains  from  15  to  25  beans,  in  regular 
rows,  with  pulpy  divisions  between  them,  like  a water-melon.  The 
kernels  are  about  the  size,  shape  and  colour  of  almonds,  obtuse  at  one 
end,  and  contain  a fatty  or  oily  matter  to  the  extent  of  one-half  their 
weight.  In  order  to  make  “ soluble  cocoa  ” as  sold  in  Europe,  this 
fatty  substance  is  extracted. 

The  beans  are  planted  out  at  short  distances  in  orchards,  or  in  the 
garden  surrounding  the  owner’s  dwelling.  The  tree,  in  this  Colony, 
does  not  attain  a great  height — usually  up  to  10  feet — whereas  in  its 
natural  soil  it  grows  up  to  30  feet  at  least.  Like  coffee,  it  bears  fruit 
in  the  fourth  year,  and  reaches  maturity  in  the  sixth  year.  The 
fair  annual  yield  of  a tree,  if  not  damaged  by  storms  or  insects, 
would  be  about  three  pints  measure  of  beans,  which  always  find  a 
ready  sale. 

If  all  went  well,  and  present  prices,  more  or  less,  were  maintained, 
large  profits  might  accrue  to  the  cacao  planter,  but  it  rarely  happens 
(perhaps  never)  during  the  six  months  of  fruit  ripening  that  losses  are 
not  sustained  by  hurricanes,  disease  in  the  tree,  the  depredations  of  rats 
and  other  vermin,  etc.  Practically  speaking,  cacao-planting  should 
only  be  undertaken  in  this  Colony  by  agriculturists  who  have  spare 
capital,  and  can  afford  to  lose  a crop  one  year  to  make  up  for  it  iu  the 
next.  The  venture  pays  handsomely  in  fortunate  seasons,  but  it  is  not 
the  line  of  planting  to  be  taken  up  by  hand-to-mouth  colonists  who 
must  seek  immediate  returns. 

In  the  aspect  of  a cacao  plantation  there  is  nothing  specially 
attractive.  The  tree  itself  is  not  pretty.  The  natives  who  grow  the 
fruit,  usually  make  their  own  chocolate  at  home  by  roasting  the  beans 
over  a slow  fire,  and  after  separating  them  from  their  husks  (like  almond 
skins),  they  pound  them  with  wet  sugar,  &c.  into  a paste,  using  a kind 
of  rolling-pin  on  a concave  block  of  wood.  The  roasted  beans  should  be 
made  into  chocolate  at  once,  as  by  exposure  to  the  air  they  lose  flavour. 
Chocolate  is  often  adulterated  with  roasted  rice  and  Pili  nuts.  The 
roasted  Pili  nut  alone  has  a very  agreeable  almond  taste  ; the  cacao 
bean  itself,  in  its  pure  state,  is  extremely  bitter  and  unpalatable.  In 


ESCULENT  ROOTS. MONKEY  NUTS. BETEL.  355 


Manila,  there  is  a steam-power  manufactory  which  partly  supplies  the 
capital  with  good  chocolate.1 

*»##*:&  * # 

Castor  Oil  is  obtained  in  a few  places  from  the  seeds  of  the 
Palma  Christi  or  Ricinus  Communis , but  the  plant  is  not  cultivated, 
and-the  oil  has  not  yet  become  an  article  of  current  trade. 

Besides  the  general  land  produce  already  detailed,  the  cultivation 
of  which  is  taken  up  by  the  large  proprietors,  a good  source  of  income 
is  open  to  the  tillers  of  small  patches  in  the  minor  branches  of 
husbandry,  to  which  I will  now  briefly  allude. 

Camote  ( Convolvulus  batatas ),  the  sweet  potato  or  Yam,  the  foliage 
of  which  quickly  spreads  out  like  a carpet  over  the  soil  and  forms 
tubers,  like  the  common  potato.  It  is  a favourite  article  of  food  among 
the  natives,  and  in  nearly  every  island  it  is  also  found  wild.  In  kitchen 
gardens  it  is  planted  like  the  potato,  the  tuber  being  cut  in  pieces. 

Gabi  ( Caladium ) is  another  kind  of  esculent  root,  similar  to  the 
turnip,  and  throws  up  stalks  from  one  to  three  feet  high,  at  the  end  of 
which  is  an  almost  round  leaf,  dark  green,  from  three  to  five  inches 
diameter  at  maturity. 

Potatoes  are  grown  in  Cebu  Island,  but  they  are  rarely  any  larger 
than  walnuts.  With  very  special  care,  a larger  size  has  been  raised 
in  Negros  Island  ; also  potatoes  of  excellent  flavour  and  of  a pinkish 
colour  are  cultivated  in  the  district  of  Benguet  ; in  Manila  there  is  a 
certain  demand  for  this  last  kind. 

Mani,  the  fruit  of  which  is  well  knoAvn  in  England  under  the  name 
of  “ Monkey  nut,”  is  a creeping  plant,  which  grows  wild  in  many 
places.  It  is  much  cultivated,  however,  partly  for  the  sake  of  the  nut 
or  fruit,  but  principally  for  the  leaves  and  stalks,  which,  when  dried, 
serve  as  an  excellent  and  nutritious  fodder  for  ponies.  It  contains  a 
large  quantity  of  oil,  and  in  some  districts  it  is  preferred  to  the  fresh-cut 
zacate  grass,  with  which  the  ponies  and  cattle  are  fed  in  Manila. 

Buyo  ( Piper  Betel ) is  cultivated  with  much  care  in  every  province, 
as  its  leaf,  when  coated  with  lime  made  from  oyster-shells  and  folded  up. 
is  used  to  coil  round  the  areca-nut,  the  whole  forming  the  buyo  (betel), 
which  the  natives  of  these  Islands,  as  in  British  India,  are  in  the  habit 


1 Chocolate  was  first  used  in  Spain  in  1520;  in  Italy  in  1606  ; in  England  in 
1657,  and  in  Germany  in  1700. 


Z 2 


356 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


of  chewing.  A native  can  go  a great  number  of  hours  without  foot!  if 
he  has  his  betel ; it  is  said  to  be  stomachical.  After  many  years  of 
habit  in  chewing  this  nut  and  leaf  it  becomes  almost  a necessity,  as 
is  the  case  with  opium,  and  its  use  cannot,  with  safety,  be  suddenly 
abandoned.  To  the  newly-arrived  European,  it  is  very  displeasing  to 
have  to  converse  with  a native  betel-eater,  whose  teeth  and  lips  appear 
to  be  smeared  with  blood.  The  buijo  plant  is  set  out  on  raised  beds  and 
trained  (like  hops)  straight  up  on  sticks,  on  which  it,  grows  to  a height 
of  about  six  feet.  The  leaf  is  of  a bright  green  colour,  and  only  slightly 
pointed.  In  all  market  places,  including  those  of  Manila,  there  is  a 
great  sale  of  this  leaf,  which  is  brought  fresh  every  day. 

Going  through  the  provinces,  especially  in  Manila,  one  frequently 
sees  the  native  cottages  enclosed  on  two  or  three  sides  by  rows  of  the 

Areca  Palm  ( Areca  Catechu ),  the  nut  of  which  is  used  to  make 
up  the  chewing  betel  when  split  iuto  slices  about  one-eighth  of  an  inch 
thick.  This  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  palms.  The  nuts  cluster  on 
stalks  under  the  tuft  of  leaves  at  the  top  of  the  tall  slender  stem.  It 
is  said  that  one  tree  will  produce,  according  to  age,  situation  and 
culture,  from  200  to  800  nuts  yearly.  The  nut  itself  is  enveloped  in 
a fibrous  shell,  like  the  cocoa-nut.  In  Europe,  a favourite  dentifrice  is 
prepared  from  the  areca-nut. 

Cocoa-nut  ( Cocos  nucifera ) plantations  pay  very  well,  and  there  is 
a certain  demand  for  the  fruit  for  export  to  China,  besides  the  constant 
local  sales  in  the  tiatiguis.1 

Some  tap  the  tree  by  making  an  incision  in  the  flowering  (or 
fruit-bearing)  stalk,  under  which  a bamboo  vessel,  called  a hombon , is 
hung  to  receive  the  sap.  This  liquid,  known  as  tuba , is  a favourite 
beverage  amongst  the  natives.  As  many  as  four  stalks  of  the  same 
trunk  can  be  so  drained  simultaneously  without  injury  to  the  tree.  In 
the  bottom  of  the  bombon  is  placed  about  as  much  as  a desert  spoonful 
of  pulverised  Tongo  bark  ( Rhizophora  Longissima ) to  give  a stronger 
taste  and  bright  colour  to  the  tuba.  The  incision — renewed  each  time 
the  bombon  is  replaced, — is  made  with  a very  sharp  knife,  to  which  a 
keen  edge  is  given  by  rubbing  it  on  wood  ( Erythrina ) covered  with  a 
paste  of  ashes  and  oil.  The  sap  drawing  of  a stalk  continues 
incessantly  for  about  two  months,  when  the  stalk  ceases  to  yield  and 

' Tiangui,  from  the  Mexican  word  Ti  argue;,  signifies  “ small  market.” 


COCOA-NUT  PALMS. 


357 


dries  up.  The  bombons  containing  the  liquid  are  removed,  empty  ones 
being  put  in  their  place  every  twelve  hours,  about  sunrise  and  sunset, 
and  the  seller  hastens  round  to  his  clients  with  the  morning  and  evening 
draught,  concluding  his  trade  at  the  market  place  or  other  known 
centres  of  sale.  If  the  tuba  is  allowed  to  ferment,  it  is  not  so  palatable, 
and  becomes  an  intoxicating  drink.  From  the  fermented  juice  the  dis- 
tilleries manufacture  a spirituous  liquor,  known  locally  as  cocoa-wine. 
The  trees  iset  apart  for  tuba  extraction  do  not  produce  nuts,  as  the 
fruit-forming  elements  are  taken  away. 

The  man  who  gets  down  the  tuba  has  to  climb  the  first  tree,  on  the 
trunk  of  which  notches  are  cut  to  place  his  toes  in.  From  under  the 
tuft  of  leaves,  two  bamboos  are  fastened,  leading  to  the  next  nearest 
tree,  and  so  on  around  the  group  which  is  thus  connected.  The 
bottom  bamboo  serves  as  a bridge  and  the  top  one  as  a handrail. 
Occasionally  a man  falls  from  the  top  of  a trunk  70  or  80  feet  high, 
and  breaks  his  neck.  The  occupation  of  tuba  drawing  is  one  of  the 
most  dangerous. 

When  the  tree  is  allowed  to  produce  fruit,  instead  of  yielding  tuba , 
the  nuts  are  collected  about  every  four  months.  They  are  brought 
down  either  by  a sickle-shaped  knife  lashed  on  to  the  end  of  a long 
pole  or  by  climbing  the  tree  with  the  knife  in  hand.  When  they  are 
collected  for  oil  extraction,  they  are  carted  on  a kind  of  sleigh,1  unless 
there  be  a river  or  creek  providing  a water-way,  in  which  latter  case, 
they  are  tied  together,  stalk  to  stalk,  and  floated  in  a compact  mass, 
like  a raft,  upon  which  the  man  in  charge  stands. 

The  water  or  milk  found  inside  a cocoa-nut  is  very  refreshing  to 
the  traveller,  and  has  this  advantage  over  fresh  water,  that  it  serves 
to  quench  the  thirst  of  a person  who  is  perspiring,  or  whose  blood  is 
highly  heated,  without  doing  him  any  harm. 

Well-to-do  owners  of  cocoa-nut  palm  plantations  usually  farm  out 
to  the  poorer  people  the  right  to  extract  the  tuba , allotting  to  each 
family  a certain  number  of  trees.  Others  allow  the  trees  to  bear  fruit, 
and  although  the  returns  are,  theoretically,  not  so  good,  it  pays  the 
owner  about  the  same,  as  he  is  less  exposed  to  robbery,  being  able  to 
more  closely  watch  his  own  interests.  At  seven  years’  growth,  the 


1 Span.,  Carroza : Tagdlog,  Ilila  or  Paragus  ; Visaya,  Cdngas  or  Dagandan. 


358 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


cocoa-nut  palm-tree  seldom  fails  to  yield  an  unvarying  crop  of  a score 
of  large  nuts  monthly. 

In  the  Provinces  of  Tayabas,  La  Laguna,  E.  Batangas  and  district 
of  La  Infanta,  the  cocoa-nut  palm  is  extensively  cultivated,  solely  for  the 
purpose  of  extracting  the  oil  from  the  nut.  The  cocoa-nut  oil  factories 
are  very  rough,  primitive  establishments,  usually  consisting  of  eight  or 
ten  posts  supporting  a nipa  palm-leaf  roof,  and  closed  in  at  all  sides 
with  split  bamboos.  The  nuts  are  heaped  for  a while  to  dry  and 
concentrate  the  oil  in  the  fruit.  Then  they  are  chopped,  more  or  less, 
in  half.  A man  sits  on  a board  with  his  feet  on  a treadle,  from  which 
a rope  is  passed  over,  and  works  to  and  fro  a cylindrical  block,  in 
the  end  of  which  is  fixed  an  iron  scraper.  He  picks  up  the  half-nuts, 
one  at  a time,  and  on  applying  them  to  the  scraper  in  motion,  the 
white  fruit,  or  pith,  falls  out  into  a vessel  underneath.  These  scrapings 
are  then  pressed  between  huge  blocks  of  wood  to  express  the  oil, 
and  the  mass  is  afterwards  put  into  cast-iron  cauldrons,  of  Chinese 
make,  with  water,  which  is  allowed  to  simmer  and  draw  out  the 
remaining  fatty  particles,  which  are  skimmed  oil’  the  surface.  When 
cold,  it  is  sent  off  to  market  in  small,  straight-sided  kegs,  on  ponies 
which  carry  two  kegs — one  slung  on  each  side. 

Small  quantities  of  Cocoa-nut  Oil  are  shipped  from  the  Philippines, 
but  in  the  Colony  itself  it  is  an  important  article  of  consumption. 
Every  dwelling,  rich  or  poor,  consumes  a certain  amount  of  this  oil 
nightly  for  lighting.  For  this  purpose,  it  is  poured  iuto  a glass  half 
full  of  water,  on  which  it  floats,  and  a wick,  made  of  pith,  called  tinsin, 
introduced  by  the  Chinese,  is  suspended  in  the  centre  of  the  oil  by  a 
strip  of  tin.  As  the  oil  is  consumed,  the  wick  is  lowered  by  slightly 
bending  the  tin  downwards.  There  is  scarcely  a single  dwelling-house, 
or  hut,  without  a light  of  some  kind  burning  during  the  whole  night 
in  expectation  of  a possible  earthquake,  and  the  vast  majority  use 
cocoa-nut  oil  because  of  the  economy. 

It  is  also  in  use  for  cooking  in  some  out-of-the-way  places,  and  is 
not  unpalatable  when  quite  fresh.  It  is  largely  employed  as  a lubricant 
for  machinery,  for  which  purpose,  however,  it  is  very  inferior. 
Occasionally  it  finds  a medicinal  application.  In  Europe,  cocoa-nut 
oil  is  a white  solid,  and  is  used  in  the  manufacture  of  soap  and  caudles  ; 
in  the  tropics  it  is  seldom  seen  otherwise  than  in  a liquid  state,  as  it 


COPRAH. — SHELL. COIR. 


359 


fuses  a little  above  70°  Fahr.  In  1891  a cocoa-nut  oil  factory,  ■with 
modern  appliances,  was  started  near  Manila. 

It  is  only  in  the  last  few  years  that  Coprah  has  acquired 
importance  as  an  article  of  export. 


Coprah  Shipments. 


Year. 

Manila. 

C'ebu. 

Total. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

Tons. 

1890  - 

4,653 

1891  - 

17,875 

1892  - 

22,439 

1893  - 

11,519 

1894  - 

33,265 

1895  - 

34,332 

2,772 

37,104 

1896  - 

34,895 

3,075 

37,970 

1897  - 

47,814 

2.900 
| ' 

50,714 

About  85°/0  of  the  above  was  handled  by  British  firms. 

Uses  are  also  found  for  the  hard  Shell  of  the  nut.  In  native 
dwellings  they  serve  the  poor  for  cups  and  a variety  of  other  useful 
domestic  utensils,  whilst  by  ail  classes  they  are  converted  into  ladles 
with  wooden  handles.  Also,  when  carbonized,  the  shell  gives  a black, 
used  for  dyeing  straw  hats. 

Very  little  use  is  made  of  the  Coir,  or  outer  fibrous  skin,  which  in 
other  countries  serves  for  the  manufacture  of  cocoa-nut  matting,  coarse 
brushes,  hawsers,  etc.  It  is  said  that  coir  rots  in  fresh  water,  whereas 
salt  water  strengthens  it.  It  would  therefore  be  unsuitable  for 
running  rigging,  but  for  ships’  cables  it  cannot  be  surpassed  in  its 
qualities  of  lightness  and  elasticity.  As  it  floats  on  water,  it  ought  to 
be  of  great  value  on  ships,  whilst  of  late  years  its  employment  in  the 
manufacture  of  light  ocean  telegraph  cables  has  been  seriously  con- 
sidered, showing,  as  it  does,  an  advantage  over  other  materials  by 
taking  a convex  curve  to  the  water  surface — an  important  condition  in 
cable  laying.1 

1 British  patents  for  paper-making  from  cocoa-nut  fibre  were  granted  to 
Newton  in  1852,  and  to  Holt  and  Forster  in  1854.  A process  for  making  paper 
from  the  cocoa-nut  kernel  was  patented  by  Draper  in  1854. 

The  Philippine  name  for  coir  is  Bznoic. 


3G0 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


According  to  the  Court  Journal  (London)  of  May,  1888,  the 
French  Government  were  about  to  build  a new  man-o’-war,  which  was 
to  effect  a complete  revolution  in  naval  architecture.  Cellulose  Amorphe , 
a product  of  cocoa-nut  fibre,  was  to  form  the  sides  of  the  ship,  and  it 
was  calculated  that  this  material,  after  being  riddled  by  shot,  or  ripped 
up  by  colliding  with  rocks,  would  not  siuk,  as  the  holes  would  at  once 
close  up.  In  this  Colony  it  often  serves  for  cleaning  floors  and  ships’ 
decks  when  the  nut  is  cut  into  two  equal  parts  across  the  grain  of  the 
coir  covering,  and  with  it  a very  high  polish  can  be  put  on  to  hard 
woods. 

The  stem  of  the  Cocoa-nut  palm  is  attacked  by  a very  large  beetle 
with  a single  horn  at  the  top  of  its  head.  It  bores  through  the  bark 
and  slightly  injures  the  tree,  but  I have  never  heard  that  any  had 
died  in  consequence.  In  some  colonies  this  insect  is  described  as 
the  rhinocerous  beetle,  and  is  said  to  belong  to  the  family  of  the 
Dynastidee. 

In  the  Philippines,  the  poorest  soil  seems  to  givo  nourishment  to 
the  Cocoa-nut  palm  ; indeed,  it  thrives  best  on,  or  near,  the  sea-shore, 
as  close  to  the  sea  as  where  the  beach  is  fringed  by  the  surf  at  high 
tide.  The  common  Cocoa-nut  palm  attains  a height  of  about  sixty 
feet,  but  there  is  also  a dwarf  palm  with  the  stem  sometimes  no  taller 
than  four  feet  at  full  growth,  which  also  bears  fruit,  although  less 
plentifully. 

Sir  Emerson  Teunent,  referring  to  these  trees  in  Cevlou,  is  reported 
to  have  stated1  that  the  Cocoa-nut  palm  “ acts  as  a conductor  in 
“ protecting  houses  from  lightuing.  As-  many  as  500  of  these  trees 
“ were  struck  in  a single  pattoo  near  Pattalam  during  a succession  of 
“ thunderstorms  in  April  1859.”  ( Colombo  Observer.') 

Nipa  Palm  ( Nipa  frutilans)  is  found  in  mangrove  swamps  and 
flooded  marshy  lands.  It  has  the  appearance  of  a gigantic  fern,  aud 
ihrives  best  in  those  lauds  which  are  covered  by  the  sea  at  high  tide. 
In  the  same  manner  as  the  cocoa-nut  palm,  the  sap  is  extracted  by 
incision  made  in  the  fruit-bearing  stalk,  and  is  used  for  distilling  a 
liquid  known  as  Nipa  wine,  which,  however,  should  properly  be  termed 
a spirit.  The  leaves,  which  are  very  long,  aud  about  three  to  five  inches 
wide,  are  of  immense  value  in  the  country  for  thatched  roofs.  Nipa  is 
not  to  be  found  everywhere  ; one  may  go  many  miles  without  seeing 

1 Vide  “ The  Tropical  Agriculturist,”  Colombo,  August  2nd,  1886. 


COGON. COTTON. DITA. PALMA  BRAVA. 


361 


it,  in  districts  devoid  of  marshes  and  swampy  low-lands.  In  El  Abra 
district  (Luzon  Island)  Nipa  is  said  to  be  unknown.  In  such  places, 
another  material  supplies  its  want  for  thatching,  viz.  : — 

Cogon  ( Saccharum  Koenigii ),  a sort  of  tall  jungle  grass  with  a 
very  sharp  edge,  plentifully  abundant  precisely  where  Nipa  cannot  be 
expected  to  grow.  I have  ridden  through  Cogon  five  feet  high,  but  a 
fair  average  would  be  about  three  to  four  feet.  It  has  simply  to  be 
cut  and  sun-dried  and  is  ready  for  roof  thatching. 

The  Cottox  Tree  ( Gossypium  hcrbaceum?)  is  found  growing  in 
an  uncultivated  state  in  many  islands  of  the  Archipelago.  Long  staple 
cotton  was  formerly  extensively  cultivated  in  the  Province  of  Ilocos 
Norte,  whence,  many  years  ago,  large  quantities  of  good  cotton  stuffs 
were  exported.  This  industry  still  exists.  The  cultivation  of  this 
staple  was,  however,  discouraged  by  the  local  governors,  in  order  to 
urge  the  planting  of  tobacco  for  the  Government  supplies.  It  has  since 
become  difficult  to  revive  the  cotton  production,  although  an  essay,  in 
pamphlet  form  (for  which  a prize  was  awarded  in  Madrid),  was 
gratuitously  distributed  over  the  Colony  in  1888  with  that  object. 
Nevertheless,  cotton  spinning  and  weaving  is  still  carried  on,  on  a 
reduced  scale,  in  the  Ilocos  provinces  (Luzon  W.  coast). 

Wild  Cotton  is  practically  useless  for  spinning,  as  the  staple  is 
extremely  short,  but  perhaps  by  hybridisation  and  careful  attention,  its 
culture  might  become  valuable  to  the  Colony. 

The  pod  is  elliptical,  and  the  cotton  which  bursts  from  it  at 
maturity,  is  snow-white.  It  is  used  for  stuffing  pillows  and  mattresses. 

It  is  a common  thing  to  see  (wild)  cotton  trees  planted  along  the 
high  road  to  serve  as  telegraph  posts  ; by  the  time  the  seed  is  fully 
ripe,  every  leaf  has  fallen,  and  nothing  but  the  bursting  pods  remain 
hanging  to  the  branches. 

The  Dili.  Tree,  said  to  be  of  the  family  of  the  Apocynesc  and 
known  to  botanists  as  Alstonia  scholaris , is  possibly  a species  of 
cinchona.  The  pulverized  bark  has  a bitter  taste  like  quinine,  and  is 
successfully  used  by  the  natives  to  allay  fever.  A Manila  chemist  once 
extracted  from  the  bark  a substance  which  he  called  ditaine,  the  yield 
of  crystallisable  alkaloid  being  two  per  cent. 

Palma  Brava  ( Coripha  minor ) is  a species  of  palm,  the  trunk  of 
which  is  of  great  value  in  the  Philippines.  It  is  immensely  strong,  and 
will  resist  the  action  of  water  for  years.  These  trees  are  employed  as 


362 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


piles  for  quay  and  pier  making — for  bridges,  stockades,  and  in  any 
works  where  strength,  elasticity,  and  resistance  to  water  are  required 
in  combination.  When  split,  a fibrous  pith  is  found  in  the  centre 
much  resembling  cocoa-nut  coir,  hut  the  ligneous  shell  of  the  stem  still 
retains  its  qualities  of  strength  and  flexibility,  and  is  used  for  wheel 
shafts,  coolies’  carrying-poles,  and  a variety  of  other  purposes. 

Bamboo  ( Bambusa  Arundinacca)  is  a graminifolious  plant — one 
of  the  most  charmingly  picturesque  and  useful  adornments  of  nature 
bestowed  exuberantly  on  the  Philippine  Islands.  It  grows  in  thick 
tufts  in  the  woods  and  on  the  banks  of  rivers.  Its  uses  are  innume- 
rable, and  it  has  not  only  become  one  of  the  articles  of  primary  necessity 
to  the  native,  but  of  incalculable  value  to  all  in  the  Colony. 

There  are  many  kinds  of  bamboos,  distinct  in  formation  and  size. 
The  most  common  species  grows  to  a height  of  about  60  feet,  with  a 
diameter  varying  up  to  eight  inches,  and  is  of  wonderful  strength,  due 
to  its  round  shape  and  the  regularity  of  its  joints.  Each  joint  is 
strengthened  by  a web  inside.  It  is  singularly  flexible,  light,  elastic, 
and  of  matchless  floating  power.  The  fibre  is  tough,  but  being  perfectly 
straight,  it  is  easy  to  split.  It  has  a smooth  glazed  surface,  and 
even  when  split  on  any  surface,  it  takes  a high  polish  by  simple 
friction.  It  has  a perfectly  straight  grain. 

Three  cuts  with  the  bohie-knife  are  sufficient  to  hew  down  the 
largest  bamboo  of  this  kind,  and  the  green  leaves,  in  case  of  extreme 
necessity,  serve  for  horses’  fodder. 

There  is  another  variety  also  hollow,  but  not  so  large  as  that  just 
described.  It  is  covered  with  a natural  varnish  as  hard  as  steel.  It  is 
also  used  for  native  cabin  building  and  many  other  purposes. 

A third  species,  seldom  found  more  than  five  inches  in  diameter, 
is  much  more  solid,  having  no  cavity  in  the  centre  divided  by  webs. 
It  cannot  be  applied  to  so  many  purposes  as  the  first,  but  where  great 
strength  is  required  it  is  incomparable. 

When  the  bamboo  plant  is  cultivated  with  the  view  of  rendering 
it  annually  productive,  the  shoots  are  pruned  in  the  dry  season  at  a 
height  of  about  seven  feet  from  the  ground.  In  the  following  wet 
season,  out  of  the  clump  germinate  a number  of  young  shoots,  which, 
in  the  course  of  six  or  eight  months,  will  have  reached  their  normal 
height,  and  will  be  fit  for  cutting  when  required.  Bamboo  should  be 
felled  in  the  dry  season  before  the  sap  begins  to  ascend  by  capillary 


BAMBOO. 


363 


attraction.  If  cut  out  of  season  it  is  prematurely  consumed  by  grub, 
but  this  is  not  much  heeded  when  wanted  in  haste. 

The  native  builds  his  hut  entirely  of  bamboo  and  nipa  palm-leaves 
or  cogon  for  thatching,  whilst  in  the  Province  of  Yloilo,  I have  seen 
hundreds  of  huts  made  entirely  of  bamboo,  including  the  roofing.  To 
make  bamboo  roofing,  the  hollow  canes  are  split  longitudinally,  and, 
after  the  webbed  joints  inside  have  been  cut  away,  they  are  laid  on  the 
bamboo  frame-work,  so  that  the  eaves  have  the  following  aspect — 


If  necessary,  a rural  bungalow  can  be  erected  in  a week.  When 
Don  Manuel  Montuno,  the  late  Governor  of  Morong,  with  his  suite, 
came  to  stay  at  my  bungalow  for  a shooting  expedition,  I got  a wing 
added  in  three  days,  perfectly  roofed  and  finished. 

In  frame-work,  no  joiner’s  skill  is  needed  ; two-thirds  of  the 
bamboo  are  notched  out  on  one  side,  and  the  other  third  is  bent  to 
rectangle,  thus  : — 


364 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  walls  of  the  cabin  are  made  by  splitting  the  bamboo,  and, 
after  removing  the  webbed  joints,  each  half  is  beaten  out  flat.  Even 
in  houses  of  certain  pretensions,  I have  often  seen  split  bamboo  flooring, 
which  is  highly  effective,  as  it  is  always  clean  aud  takes  a beautiful 
polish  when  rubbed  over  a few  times  with  plantain  leaves.  In  the 
parish  church  of  the  village  of  Las  Pinas,  near  Manila,  there  still  exists 
an  organ  made  of  bamboo,  of  excellent  tone. 

Hafts,  furniture  of  all  kinds,  scaffolding,  spoons,  carts,  baskets, 
sledges,  fishing  traps,  fleams,  water-pipes,  hats,  dry  and  liquid  measures, 
cups,  fencing,  canoe  fittings,  bridges,  carrying-poles  for  any  purpose, 
pitchforks,  and  a thousand  other  articles  are  made  of  this  unexcelled 
material.  Here  it  serves  all  the  purposes  to  which  the  osier  is  applied 
in  Europe.  It  floats  in  water,  and  serves  for  fuel.  Ropes  made  of 
bamboo  are  immensely  strong.  Bamboo  salad  is  prepared  from  the 
very  young  shoots  cut  as  soon  as  they  sprout  from  the  root. 

The  value  of  bamboos  in  Manila  is  from  $5  to  $12’50  per  100, 
according  to  the  season  of  the  year  and  length  of  the  bamboo,  the 
diameter  of  course  being  proportionate. 

Bojo  is  another  kind  of  cane,  somewhat  resembling  the  bamboo  in 
appearance  only.  It  has  very  few  knots  ; is  brittle — perfectly  smooth 
on  the  outer  and  inner  surfaces — hollow,  and  grows  to  about  25  feet 
high  by  two  inches  diameter,  and  altogether  is  not  nearly  so  useful  as 
the  bamboo.  It  is  used  for  making  light  fences,  musical  instruments, 
fishing  rods,  inner  walls  of  huts,  fishiug  traps,  torches,  etc. 

Bejuco,  or  bush-rope,  belonging  to  the  Calamus  family,  is  commonly 
found  in  lengths  up  to  say  100  feet,  aud  a maximum  diameter  of  one 
inch  to  one  and  a quarter.  It  is  of  enormous  strength  and  pliancy. 
The  thickest  Bejuco  is  used  for  raft  cables  for  crossing  rivers,  stays 
for  bamboo  suspension  bridges,  and  a few  other  purposes.  Its  uses  are 
more  numerous  when  of  a smaller  diameter,  as  when  split  longitudinally, 
it  takes  the  place  of  rope  for  lashing  anything  together,  being  immensely 
strong.  Indeed  it  is  just  as  useful  here  and  in  China  as  rope  is  in 
Europe.  When  so  employed,  it  must  always  be  bent  with  the  shiny 
skin  outside,  otherwise  it  will  infallibly  snap.  It  also  serves  for 
furniture  and  bedstead  making.  Amongst  the  natives,  split  bejuco- 
rattan  supplies  the  want  of  nails  or  bolts.  Every  joint  in  the  native’s 
hut,  his  canoe,  his  fence,  his  cart,  etc.  is  lashed  together  with  this 
material.  If  any  woodwork  breaks,  he  binds  it  together  with  split 


BEJUCO. GUM. WAX. CINNAMON. 


365 


rattan  with  which  he  makes  fast  everything.  Hemp  bales,  sugar  bags, 
parcels  of  all  kinds  are  tied  up  with  split  rattan,  of  which  hats  are  also 
made.  The  ring  through  a buffalo’s  nose  is  made  of  whole  rattan,  to 
which  is  often  attached  a split  strip  for  a guiding  rein.  If  a carriage 
were  to  break  down  in  the  street  (whether  in  Manila  or  the  Provinces), 
or  anything,  in  short,  give  way,  this  same  material  would  be  sought 
for.  Therefore  the  demand  for  this  article  is  large  and  constant  for 
many  purposes  far  too  numerous  to  mention. 

Gum  Mastic  is  an  article  of  small  importance  in  the  Philippine 
exports,  the  supply  being  very  limited.  It  is  said  that  large  quantities 
exist,  but  as  it  is  only  to  be  procured  in  almost  inaccessible  mountainous 
and  uncivilized  districts,  first-hand  collectors  in  the  Provinces,  principally 
Chinese,  have  to  depend  upon  the  services  and  goodwill  of  unsubdued 
tribes.  It  is  chiefly  obtained  from  them  by  barter,  and  is  not  a trade 
which  can  be  worked  up  systematically.  The  exports  of  this  product 
fluctuate  considerably  in  consequence. 


Gum  Mastic  Shipments. 


Year. 

Tons. 

Year. 

Tons. 

1880  - 

431 

1889  - 

490 

1881  - 

440 

1890  - 

188 

1882  - 

339 

1S91  - 

303 

1883  - 

235 

1892  - 

136 

1884  - 

245 

1894  - 

189 

1885  - 

195 

1895  - 

275 

1886  - 

205 

1896  - 

172 

1887  - 

404 

1897  - 

223 

1888  - 

330 

Gutta  Pekcha  was  formerly  an  article  of  trade  here  until  the 
Chinese  drove  it  out  of  the  market  by  adulteration. 

Wax  and  Cinnamon  are  to  be  found  in  much  the  same  way  as 
gum  mastic.  There  is  a large  consumption  of  wax  in  the  islands  for 
cand  les  used  at  the  numerous  religious  feasts.  The  cinnamon  is  very 
inferior  in  quality.  It  is  abundant  in  Mindanao  Island,  but,  like  gum 


366 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


mastic,  it  can  only  be  procured  in  small  quantities,  depending  on  the 
caprice  or  necessities  of  the  mountain  tribes.  Going  along  the  sea 
shore  in  Zamboanga  Province,  on  one  occasion,  I met  a mountaineer  on 
his  way,  with  a bundle  of  cinnamon,  to  Zamboanga  Port — many  miles 
distant — to  sell  the  bark  to  the  Chinese  @ $8  per  picul.  I bought  his 
load,  the  half  of  which  I sent  to  Spain,  requesting  a friend  there  to 
satisfy  my  curiosity  by  getting  a quotation  for  the  sample  in  the 
Barcelona  market.  He  reported  that  the  quality  was  so  low  that  only 
a nominal  price  could  be  quoted,  and  that  it  stood  nowhere  compared 
with  the  carefully  cultivated  Ceylon  product. 

Edible  Bird’s  Isest  ( Collocalia  Troglodytes.  Coll:  nodifica 
esculenta  Bonap.')  is  an  article  of  trade  with  the  Chinese,  who  readily 
purchase  it  at  high  prices.  It  is  made  by  a kind  of  sea-swallow,  and 
in  appearance  resembles  vermicelli,  variegated  with  blood-coloured 
spots.  The  nests  are  found  in  high  clifts  by  the  sea,  and  the  natives 
engaged  in  their  collection,  reach  them  by  climbing  up  ropes  (bush- 
rope)  or  bamboos  with  the  branch  knots  left  on  to  support  themselves 
with  their  toes.  It  is  a very  dangerous  occupation,  as  the  nests  are 
always  built  high  in  almost  inaccessible  places.  In  the  Philippines 
the  collection  begins  in  December,  and  the  birds  deprived  of  their  nests 
have  then  to  build  a second  nest  for  laying  their  eggs.  These  second 
nests  are  gathered  about  the  end  of  January  and  so  on  up  to  about  the 
fourth  collection.  Each  successive  nest  decreases  in  commercial  value, 
and  the  last  one  is  hardly  worth  the  risk  of  taking.  Even  though 
there  might  be  venturesome  collectors  who  would  dislodge  the  last 
nests,  the  wet  season  fortunately  sets  in  and  becomes  an  impediment 
to  their  being  reached,  hence  the  bird  is  at  length  able  to  continue 
propagation.  Bird’s  nest  soup  is  a delicacy. 

These  nests  are  chiefly  found  in  the  Calamianes  group  of  islands, 
particularly  in  Busuanga  Island. 

The  Sulu  Archipelago  and  Palauan  Island  also  furnish  a small 
quantity  of  edible  bird’s  nest. 

Balate  is  a species  of  sea-slug,  for  which  the  natives  find  a ready 
sale  to  the  Chinese  at  good  prices.  The  fish  is  preserved  by  being 
cooked,  dried  and  smoked,  and  has  a shrimp  taste.  It  is  found  in 
greatest  quantities  off  the  Calamianes  and  Palauan  Islands. 

Sapan-Wood  ( Ccesalpina  Sapan ) of  an  inferior  quality  compared 
with  the  Pernambuco  wood,  is  a Philippine  product  found  in  most  of 


SAPAX-WOOD. — SAPS. — HARD  WOODS. 


367 


the  large  islands.  It  is  a short,  unattractive  tree,  with  epigeous 
branches  spreading  out  in  a straggling  manner.  The  leaves  are 
small  and  sparse.  The  wood  is  hard,  heavy,  crooked  and  full  of 
knots.  It  sinks  in  water,  and  is  susceptible  of  a fine  polish.  It  is 
whitish  when  fresh  cut,  but  assumes  a deep  red  colour  on  exposure 
to  the  air. 

The  only  valuable  portion  is  the  heart  of  the  branch,  from  which  is 
taken  a dye  known  in  the  trade  as  false  crimson,  to  distinguish  it  from 
the  more  permanent  cochineal  dye.  The  whole  of  the  colouring  matter 
can  be  extracted  with  boiling  water.  It  is  usually  shipped  from  Manila 
and  Yloilo  as  dunnage,  a small  quantity  coming  also  from  Cebu. 


Sapan-wood  Shipments. 


Year. 

Tons. 

Year. 

Tons. 

1880  - 

5,527 

18S9  - 

4,592 

1881  - 

4,253 

1890  - 

2,800 

1882  - 

5,003 

1891  - 

4,197 

1883  - 

2,924 

1892  - 

3,841 

1884  - 

2,868 

1893  - 

4,918 

1885  - 

4,011 

1894  - 

2,925 

1886  - 

4,828 

1895  - 

2,313 

1887  - 

5,222 

1896  - 

3,551 

1888  - 

6,603 

1897  - 

I- 

00 

The  Saps  of  certain  Philippine  trees  serve  to  give  a polished 
coating  to  the  smoothed  surface  of  other  woods.  The  kind  which  I 
have  experimented  with  most  successfully,  is  that  of  the  Ipil  tree.  This 
gives  a glazed  covering  very  similar  to  Japan-ware  varnish.  It  takes 
better  to  the  wood  in  a cold  climate  than  in  the  tropics.  I have  tried 
it  both  in  the  Philippines  and  in  Europe. 

Hard  Woods. — These  Islands  are  remarkably  rich  in  valuable 
timber  trees.  For  some  of  the  details  which  I will  give  of  the  properties 
and  applicability  of  the  varieties  in  general  demand,  I am  indebted 


368 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


to  Mr.  H.  G.  Brown  (of  H.  G.  Brown  & Co.  Limited,1  steam  saw-mill 
proprietors  in  Tayabas  Province),  admitted  to  be  the  most  experienced 
person  in  this  branch  of  Philippine  trade. 

Aranga  ( Homalium ) gives  logs  np  to  75  feet  long  by  24  inches 
square.  It  is  specially  used  for  sea  piling  and  all  kinds  of  marine  work 
which  is  subject  to  the  attacks  of  sea-worm  ( teredo  navalis ). 

Acle  (. Mimosa  acle ) gives  logs  up  to  32  feet  by  28  inches  square. 
It  is  strong,  tenacious  and  durable,  whilst  it  has  the  speciality  of  being 
difficult  to  burn,  and  is  much  used  in  house  building  ; it  polishes  well, 
and  is  much  prized  by  the  natives.  It  is  supposed  to  be  identical 
with  the  Payengadu  of  Burmah. 

Anagcip  (Pithecolobium  montannm.  Benth.')  gives  logs  up  to 
18  feet  long  by  16  inches  square.  It  is  sometimes  used  for  house 
furniture  and  fittings  and  for  other  purposes,  where  a light  durable 
wood  is  wanted  and  not  exposed  to  sun  or  rain. 

Apiton  ( Diptcrocarpus  Griffit/ii.  Jliq.)  gives  logs  up  to  70  feet 
long  by  24  inches  square.  It  contains  a gum  of  whicii  incense  is 
made — is  light  when  seasoned — works  well,  and  will  serve  for  furniture 
and  general  joiner’s  purposes. 

Antipolo  ( Artocarpus  incisa ) is  much  esteemed  for  vessels’  outside 
planking,  keels,  etc.  It  is  light,  very  strong,  resists  sea-worm  ( teredo 
navalis)  entirely  and  effects  of  climate.  It  does  not  warp  when  once 
seasoned,  and  is  a most  valuable  wood. 

Anobing  ( Artocarpus  ovata ) is  said  to  resist  damp  as  well  as 
Molave  does,  but  it  is  not  appreciated  as  a good  hard  wood.  It  is 
plentiful,  especially  in  the  district  of  Laguna  de  Bay. 

Betis  ( Azaola . Payena  Betis  ?)  gives  logs  up  to  65  feet  long  by 
20  inches  square.  It  is  proof  against  sea-worm — is  used  for  salt  or 
fresh  water  piling,  piers,  wharves,  etc. — also  for  keels  and  many  other 
parts  of  ship-building  and  where  a first-class  wood  is  necessary.  It  is 
somewhat  scarce. 


1 This  Company  was  formed  in  Hongkong  and  incorporated  16th  of  May,  1880, 
with  a capital  of  $300,000  divided  into  6.000  $50  shares,  to  take  over  and  work  the 
business  of  Mr.  H.  G.  Brown,  which  had  paid  splendidly  for  many  years.  Its 
prosperity  continued  under  the  three  years'  able  management  of  Mr.  Brown. 
During  that  period  it  paid  an  average  yearly  dividend  of  81°/^  and  in  1890  its 
shares  were  freely  dealt  in  on  the  Hongkong  market  at  50 °/0  premium.  On  the 
retirement  of  Mr.  Brown  in  March,  1891,  the  Company  gradually  dwindled  down 
to  a complete  wreck  in  1S9L  It  is  still  in  liquidation. 


HARD  WOODS. 


369 


Batitinan  ( Lagcrstrcemia  batitinciri)  gives  logs  up  to  40  feet  long 
by  18  inches  square.  Is  very  strong,  tough  and  elastic — generally  used 
for  ships’  outside  planking  above  water.  It  stands  the  climate  well 
when  properly  seasoned — is  a wood  of  the  first  quality,  and  can  be  used 
for  any  purpose,  except  interment  in  the  ground  or  exposure  to  ravages 
of  sea-worm.  This  wood  is  very  much  stronger  than  Teak,  and  could 
be  used  to  advantage  in  its  place  for  almost  all  purposes.  It  makes  a 
srood  substitute  for  Black  Walnut  in  furniture. 

Banaba  (. Munchaustia  speciosa. — Lagerstremis  Speciosa  ?)  — a 
strong  and  useful  wood  much  used  in  house  and  ship-building  ; it  is 
thoroughly  reliable  when  seasoned,  otherwise  it  shrinks  and  warps 
considerably. 

Bansalague  ( Mimusops  clengi.  Lin.)  gives  logs  up  to  45  feet  long 
by  18  inches  square.  It  seems  to  be  known  in  Europe  as  Bullet-tree 
wood.  It  can  be  driven  like  a bolt,  and  from  this  fact  and  its  durability 
it  is  frequently  used  for  treenails  in  ship-building  in  Manila,  etc.  It  is 
also  used  for  axe  and  other  tool  handles,  belaying  pins,  etc.  and  on 
account  of  its  compact  close  grain,  it  is  admirably  adapted  for  turning 
purposes — it  lasts  well  in  the  ground. 

Bancal  ( Nauclea  gluberrima)  gives  logs  up  to  24  feet  long  by  16 
inches  square.  This  wood  is  of  a yellow  colour  and  very  easy  to  work. 
It  is  used  for  general  joiner’s  work  in  house-building,  etc. 

Cedar  ( Cedrela  odorata),  of  the  same  natural  order  as  Mahogany 
(Lin.),  gives  logs  up  to  40  feet  long  by  35  inches  square  and  is  used 
principally  for  cigar  boxes.  In  the  Colony  it  is  known  as  Calantas. 
It  makes  very  handsome  inside  house  fittings. 

Camagon  or  Mabolo  (a  variety  of  Diospyros  philoshantera)  is 
procured  in  roughly  rounded  logs  of  9 feet  and  upwards  in  length,  by 
up  to  12  inches  in  diameter.  It  is  a close-grained,  brittle  wood — takes 
a good  polish — its  colour  is  black  with  yellow  streaks,  and  it  is  used 
for  furniture  making. 

Dungon  (a  variety  of  Herculia  ambiformis ) grows  up  to  50  feet 
long,  giving  logs  up  to  20  inches  square.  It  is  sometimes  called  Iron 
wood — is  very  hard  and  durable — specially  strong  in  resisting  great 
transverse  pressure,  or  carrying  such  weight  as  a heavy  roof.  It  is 
used  for  keels  on  account  of  its  great  strength — it  does  not  resist  the 
sea-worm — it  is  applied  to  all  purposes  in  Manila  where  more  than 

A A 


370 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS, 


ordinary  strength  is  required  when  Molave  cannot  be  procured  in 
sufficiently  great  lengths  and  Ipil  is  unattainable. 

Dinglas  {Eugenia  Sp.)  gives  logs  up  to  30  feet  by  16  inches  square, 
— occasionally  even  larger  sizes.  This  will  also  serve  as  a substitute 
for  Black  Waluut — it  is  very  strong,  hard  and  durable. 

Ebony  { Diospyros  nigra ) is  also  found  in  very  limited  quantities. 

Guijo  ( Dipterocarpus  guijo ) gives  logs  up  to  To  feet  long  by  24 
inches  square — is  very  strong,  tough  and  elastic.  In  Manila,  this  wood 
is  invariably  used  for  carriage  wheels  and  shafts.  In  Hongkong  it  is 
used  for  wrharf  decks  or  flooring,  amongst  other  purposes. 

Ipil  { Epernia  decandria ) gives  logs  up  to  50  feet  loug  by  26  inches 
square.  It  has  all  the  good  qualities  of  Molave , except  resistance  to 
sea-worm  (in  -which  respect  it  is  the  same  as  Teak ) and  may  be  as  much 
relied  on  for  duration  under  ground — for  sleepers  it  equals  Molave. 

Lanete  ( Anaser  lancti ) gives  logs  up  to  25  feet  long  by  18  inches 
square.  It  is  useful  for  sculpture,  musical  instruments,  decoration, 
turning  and  cabinet  purposes. 

Lauan  ( Dipterocarpus  tliuriferd)  is  obtained  in  sizes  the  same  as 
Guijo.  It  is  a light,  useful  wood,  and  easily  worked.  It  is  said  that 
the  outside  planks  of  the  old  Philippine-Mexican  galleons  were  of  this 
wood  because  it  did  not  split  with  shot. 

Molave  { Vitex  geniculata ) gives  logs  up  to  35  feet  long  by  24 
inches  square.1  It  resists  sea-worm  ( Teredo  navalis),  -white  ants 
{Tenues'),  and  action  of  climate,  and  consequently  is  specially  valuable 
for  work  on  the  surface  of  or  under  ground,  and  generally  for  all 
purposes  where  an  extra  strong  and  durable  wood  is  required.  Often 
growing  crooked,  it  is  commonly  used  (where  produced  and  in  adjacent 
countries)  for  frames  of  vessels.  Owring  to  its  imperviousness  to 
ligniperdaus  insects  and  climate,  it  cannot  possibly  be  surpassed  for 
such  purposes  as  railway  sleepers.  This  wood  is  practically  everlasting, 
and  is  deservedly  called  by  the  natives,  “ Queen  of  the  Woods.” 

Mr.  Thomas  Laslett,  in  bis  -work  on  timber,2  says,  in  reference  to 
Molave,  “ It  can  be  recommended  to  notice  as  being  fit  to  supplement 
“ any  of  the  hard  woods  in  present  use  for  constructive  purposes.” 

1 It  pays  better  to  sell  Molave  in  baulks  or  logs,  rather  than  sawn  to  specifi- 
cation, because  this  tree  has  the  great  defect  of  being  subject  to  heart  cup. 

2 “ Timber  and  Timber  Trees,”  by  Thomas  Laslett  (Timber  Inspector  to  the 
Admiralty),  London,  1875. 


HARD  WOODS. MOLAVE  TESTS. 


371 


From  the  same  work  I have  extracted  the  following  record  of 
experiments  made  by  Air.  Laslett  with  this  wood  : — 


Tensile  Experiments. — Average  of  Five  Specimens. 


Dimensions 

of 

each  piece. 

Specific  gravity. 

Weight  the  piece 
broke  with. 

Direct  cohesion 
one  square  inch. 

2"  X 2"  X 30" 

1021-6 

lbs. 

31,248 

7,812 

Transverse  Experiments. — Average  of  Three  Specimens. 


Deflections. 

Total 
weight 
required 
to  break 
each  piece. 

Specific 

gravity. 

Weight 
reduced  to 
specific 
gravity 
1,000. 

Weight 
required 
to  break 
one 
square 
inch. 

With  the 
apparatus 
weighing 
390  lbs. 

After  the 
weight 
was 

removed. 

At  the 
crisis 
of 

breaking. 

1-25 

•166 

5-166 

lbs. 

1,243-3 

1013 

1231 

lbs. 

310-83 

N.Ii. — It  breaks  on  test  with  a scarf-like  fracture. 


Manguchapuy  ( Dipterocarpus  mangachapny)  gives  logs  up  to 
55  feet  long  by  20  inches  square.  It  is  very  elastic  and  withstands 
the  climate,  when  seasoned,  as  well  as  Teak.  It  is  used  in  Manila  for 
masts  and  decks  of  vessels  and  for  all  work  exposed  to  sun  and  rain. 
It  is  much  esteemed  by  those  who  know  its  good  qualities. 

Macasin  can  be  used  for  interior  house  work  and  floors.  It  is 
somewhat  inferior  to  Banaba,  but  supplies  its  place  when  Banaba  is. 
scarce.  It  can  be  got  in  greater  length  and  square  than  Banaba. 

Malatapay  (a  variety  of  Diospyros  philoshantera ) veined  black 
and  red.  It  resembles  Camagon. 

Mancono  is  a very  hard  wood  found  in  Mindanao  Island  ; it  is 
classed  as  a species  of  lignum-7itae. 


A A 2 


372 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Narra  ( Pterocarpus  palidus  santalinus ) gives  logs  up  to  35  feet 
long  by  26  inches  square.  It  is  the  Mahogany  of  the  Philippines,  and 
is  always  employed  in  Mauila  in  the  manufacture  of  furniture,  for 
notwithstanding  its  somewhat  open  grain,  it  polishes  well,  and  is 
prettily  marked.  There  is  a variety  of  shades  in  different  logs  varying 
from  straw  colour  to  blood  red,  the  former  being  more  common — all  are, 
however,  equally  esteemed.  It  is  a first-rate  wood  for  general  purposes. 
In  the  London  market  it  is  classed  with  the  Padouk  of  Burmah. 

Palo  Maria  de  Playa  is  greatly  appreciated  for  crooks  and  curves, 
but  as  a rule  cannot  be  found  of  suitable  dimensions  for  large  vessels. 
It  is  better  than  Molave  for  this  purpose,  for,  due  to  the  absence  of 
acrid  juices,  iron  bolts  do  not  corrode  in  it.  It  is  exceedingly  tough 
and  not  so  heavy  as  Molave. 

Supa  ( Sindora  Wallichii.  Bent/i .)  gives  logs  up  to  40  feet  long 
by  28  inches  square.  It  produces  an  oil,  and  is  a strong  wood  for 
general  purposes — polishes  well  and  can  be  used  advantageously  for 
house  decorations  and  furniture. 

Tindalo  ( Epcrna  rhornboidea)  is  about  the  same  as  Acle  in  its 
principal  features,  but  not  notable  for  resisting  fire.  It  is  useful  for 
general  purposes,  and  in  particular  for  decorations  and  furniture.  It  is 
somewhat  brittle,  and  takes  a high  polish. 

Yacal  (Diptcrocarpus  playatus)  gives  logs  up  to  50  feet  long  by 
22  inches  square.  It  is  proof  against  white  ants — has  great  strength 
and  tenacity,  and  is  much  valued  in  Manila  for  house-building,  etc. 

The  approximate  order  of  resistance  of  the  best  woods,  estimated 
by  their  practical  employment  and  not  by  theoretical  comparative 
experiments,  would  be  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

Hard  Wood  Strains. 


Tensile 

Strain. 

Transverse  Strain. 

1 

Dungon. 

8 

Acle. 

1 

Molave. 

8 

Banaba. 

2 

Yacal. 

9 

Narra. 

2 

Camagon. 

9 

Yacal. 

3 

Ipil. 

10 

Tindalo. 

3 

Ipil. 

10 

Mangachapuy. 

4 

Mangacliapuy. 

11 

Molave. 

4 

Acle. 

11 

Lauan. 

5 

Guijo, 

12 

Lauan. 

5 

Dungon. 

12 

Guijo. 

0 

Banaba. 

13 

Cedar. 

6 

Tindalo. 

13 

Cedar. 

7 

Camagon. 

14 

Lanete. 

7 

Narra. 

14 

Lanete. 

TIMBER  TRADE. FRUITS. 


373 


The  hard  woods  of  the  Philippines,  suitable  for  building  and 
trade  requirements  as  described  above,  are  those  in  general  use  only. 
Altogether,  about  fifty  kinds  exist,  but  whilst  some  are  scarce,  others  do 
not  yield  squared  logs  of  sufficient  sizes  to  be  of  marketable  value. 

To  successfully  carry  on  a timber  trade  in  this  Colony,  with  ability 
to  fulfil  contracts,  it  is  necessary  to  employ  large  capital.  Firstly,  to 
ensure  supplies  by  the  cutters,  the  trader  must  advance  them  sums 
amounting  in  the  total  to  thousands  of  dollars,  a large  per  centage  of 
which  he  can  never  hope  to  recover,  except  by  placing  them  against 
future  profits — secondly,  he  must  own  several  sailing  ships,  built  on  a 
model  suited  to  this  class  of  business.  Several  Europeans  have  lost 
the  little  money  they  had  by  having  to  freight  unsuitable  craft  for 
transport  to  the  place  of  delivery,  and  by  only  advancing  to  the  native 
fellers  just  when  they  wanted  logs  brought  down  to  the  beach,  instead 
of  keeping  them  constantly  under  advance.  With  sufficient  capital, 
however,  a handsome  profit  is  to  be  realised  in  this  line  of  business. 

So  far  Philippine  woods  have  not  met  in  London  with  the  appre- 
ciation due  to  their  excellent  qualities,  possibly  because  they  are  not 
sufficiently  well  known.  In  China,  however,  they  are  in  great  demand, 
in  spite  of  the  competition  from  Borneo  (Kudat  and  Saudakan)  and 
Australian  shippers. 

Licence  had  to  be  obtained  from  the  Inspection  of  Mountains  and 
Forests  before  trees  could  be  felled,  and  prior  to  export  or  employment 
of  the  logs,  a Government  duty  had  to  be  paid. 

Fruits. — There  are  few  really  choice,  luscious  fruits  iu  the  Philip- 
pines, if  wre  compare  them  with  the  finest  European  species.  Nothing 
in  this  Colony  can  equal  our  grape,  peach,  cherry,  or  strawberry. 

The  Mango , — manguifera  indica  ( pcntandrie . Lin.)  ranks  first  in 
these  Islands.  It  is  oblong — oval  shaped — flattened  slightly  on  both 
sides — about  five  inches  long  and  of  a yellow  colour  when  ripe.  It 
is  very  luscious,  and  has  a large  stone  in  the  centre  from  which  fibres 
run  at  angles.  To  cut  it,  the  knife  must  be  pressed  down  from  the 
thick  end,  otherwise  it  will  come  in  contact  with  the  fibres.  Philippine 
Mangoes  are  considered  far  superior  to  those  of  the  Straits  Settlements, 
or  perhaps  any  iu  the  East.  The  trees  are  very  large  and  majestic — 
the  leaves  are  dark  green,  and  the  whole  appearance  strikingly  noble. 
Great  care  is  needed  to  rear  the  fruit.  The  natives  cut  notches  in  the 


374 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


trunk,  and  from  the  time  the  tree  begins  to  flower  until  the  fruit  is 
half  matured,  they  light  fires  on  the  ground  under  its  branches,  as  the 
smoke  is  said  to  hasten  the  development. 

The  first  Mangoes  of  the  season  are  forced,  and  even  picked  before 
they  are  ripe,  so  that  they  may  more  quickly  turn  yellow.  They  are 
brought  to  the  Manila  market  in  February,  and  fetch  as  much  as 
12J  cents  each.  The  natural  ripening  time  is,  from  the  end  of  March. 
In  the  height  of  the  season  they  can  be  bought  for  one  dollar  per 
hundred.  Many  persons  eat  as  many  as  ten  to  a dozen  a day,  as 
this  fruit  is  considered  harmless.  Luzon  and  Cebu  Islands  appear  to 
produce  more  Mangoes  than  the  rest  of  the  Archipelago.  From  my 
eight  mango  trees  in  Morong  district  I got  annually  two  pickings  and 
one  year  three  pickings  from  two  trees. 

The  Banana  ( Musa  paradisaical)  is  plentiful  all  over  the  Islands 
at  all  seasons.  It  grows  wild,  and  is  also  largely  cultivated.  It  is  the 
fruit  of  an  herbaceous  endogenous  plant  of  the  natural  order  musaceoe. 
It  is  said  that  the  specific  name  paradisaica  is  derived,  either  from  a 
supposition  that  the  plantain  was  the  forbidden  fruit  of  Eden,1 2 * *  or  from 
an  Arabic  legend  that  Adam  and  Eve  made  their  first  aprons  of  the 
leaves  of  this  tree,  which  grow  to  a length  of  five  to  six  feet,  with 
a width  of  twelve  to  fourteen  inches.  Some  ten  to  twelve  distinct 
varieties  of  bananas  are  commonly  to  be  seen,  whilst  it  is  asserted  that 
there  are  over  fifty  sorts  differing  slightly  from  each  other.  The  kinds 
known  in  Tagalog  dialect  as  Lacatan  and  Bongidan — of  a golden  or 
orange  tinge  when  the  skin  is  removed  and  possessing  a slight  pine- 
apple flavour,  are  the  choicest.  The  stem  of  the  banana-plantain 
is  cut  down  after  fruiting,  and  the  tree  is  propagated  by  suckers.5 
Renewal  of  the  tree  from  the  seed  is  only  necessary  every  twelve  to 
eighteen  years.  The  fruit  is  borne  in  long  clusters  on  strong  stalks 
which  bend  over  towards  the  earth.  As  the  suckers  do  not  all  rise 
simultaneously,  the  stages  of  growth  of  the  young  fruit-bearing  trees 
vary,  so  that  there  is  a constant  supply  all  the  year  round.  Moreover, 
it,  is  customary  to  cut  down,  and  hang  up  in  the  house,  the  stalk 
sustaining  the  fruit  before  it  is  ripe,  so  that  each  fruit  can  be  eaten  as 

1 Clavigero’s  “ Storia  Antica  del  Messico.” 

2 British  patents  for  paper-making  from  banana  fibre  were  granted  to  Berry 

in  1838  ; Lilly  in  1854  ; Jullion  in  1855  ; Burke  in  1855  ; and  Hook  in  1857.  In 

these  Islands  a cloth  is  woven  from  this  fibre. 


PLANTAIN.  PAPAW  LEAF  AND  TREE.  COCOANUT  PALMS. 

( Banana  T ree.) 


FRUITS. 


375 


it  matures.  The  glossy  leaves  of  the  banana  plantain  are  amongst 
the  most  beautiful. 

The  Papaw  tree  ( Carica  papaya)  flourishes  wild — is  of  prolific 
growth — attains  a height  of  20  to  25  feet,  and  is  very  picturesque. 
The  leaves  emerge  in  a cluster  from  the  top  of  the  stem,  and  are  about 
20  to  30  inches  long.  They  cau  be  used  as  a substitute  for  soap  for 
washing  linen.  The  foliage  has  the  peculiar  property  of  making  meat 
or  poultry  tender  if  hung  up  in  the  branches.  The  fruit  is  of  a rich 
olive  green,  and  remains  so  almost  to  maturity,  when  it  quickly  turns 
yellow.  Both  in  shape  and  flavour  it  is  something  like  a melon,  but, 
although  more  insipid,  it  is  refreshing  in  this  climate.  Containing  a 
quantity  of  pepsine,  it  is  often  recommended  by  doctors  as  a dessert  for 
persons  with  weak  digestive  organs. 

Besides  these  fruits,  there  are  Pomelo  oranges,  about  four  times  the 
size  of  the  largest  European  orange  ; ordinary  sized  Oranges  of  three 
sorts;  Citrons;  Shaddocks ; Jack  fruit;  Breadfruit;  Custard  apples ; 
Lomboy  (Calyptrantes  jambolana — icosandrie.  Lin.)  which  looks  like  a 
damson  ; Santol  ( Satidoricutn  ternatum — decandrie.  Lin.)  ; a species  of 
wild  Strawberry,  very  inferior  ; Chico  (the  Chico  Sapoti  of  Mexico), 
extremely  sweet,  is  the  size  and  colour  of  a small  potato  ; Lanzon  (achas 
sapota — hexandric.  L,in.)  a curious  kind  of  fruit  of  an  agreeable  sweet 
and  acid  flavour  combined.  The  pericarp  is  impregnated  with  a white 
viscous  fluid,  which  adheres  very  tenaciously  to  the  fingers.  When  the 
inner  membrane  is  removed  the  edible  portion  is  exhibited  in  three 
divisions,  each  of  which  envelopes  a very  bitter  stone. 

Guavas  of  very  fine  .quality,  from  which  jelly  is  made,  are  found 
wild  in  great  abundance.  They  are  so  plentiful  on  waste  lands  that  I 
have  never  seen  them  cultivated.  L^emons1  of  two  kinds  are  grown — 
sometimes  as  many  as  a dozen  of  the  small  species,  about  the  size  of  a 
walnut,  may  be  seen  hanging  at  one  time  on  a tree  only  18  inches  high. 
Mangosteens,  the  delicate  fruit  of  the  Straits  Settlements,  are  found 
in  the  islands  of  Mindanao  and  Sulu.  In  Mindanao  Island,  on  the 
neck  of  land  forming  the  western  extremity,  the  Durien  thrives.  It  is 
about  as  large  as  a pine-apple,  white  inside,  and  when  ripe  it  opens  out 
in  three  or  four  places.  It  is  very  delicious  eating,  but  has  a fetid 

1 To  express  juice  from  the  small  species  of  lemon,  the  fruit  should  be  cut  from 
the  stalk  end  downwards.  If  cut  in  the  other  direction  the  juice  will  not  flow 
freely. 


376 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


smell.  The  seeds,  as  large  as  beaus,  are  good  to  eat  when  roasted. 
The  tree  bears  fruit  about  every  20  years. 

Iu  the  Southern  Islands  Pine-apples  abound,  especially  in  Panay, 
Cebu,  aud  Leyte.  Iu  the  Province  of  Antique  (Panay  Island)  I have 
paid  20  cents  for  32  pines,  including  delivery  seven  miles  away 
from  the  place  of  purchase.  They  are  not  so  fine  as  the  Singapore 
and  Cuban  species.  This  fruit  is  in  little  demand  in  the  Philippines, 
as  it  is  justly  considered  dangerous  to  eat  much  of  it.  It  is  cultivated 
for  the  sake  of  the  leaves,  the  delicate  fibres  of  which  are  used  to 
manufacture  the  fine  costly  texture  known  as  Pina,  already  referred  to. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  acclimatize  the  Grape  in  the  Philippines, 
but  with  very  mediocre  results.  Cebu  seems  to  be  the  island  most 
suitable  for  vine  culture,  but  the  specimens  of  fruit  produced  can  bear 
no  comparison  with  the  European.  In  Naga  (Cebu  Island),  I have 
eaten  green  Figs  grown  in  the  orchard  of  the  house  where  I sojourned. 
There  are  a great  many  other  kinds  of  fruits  of  a comparatively  inferior 
quality,  which  are  chiefly  used  by  the  natives  to  make  preserves. 

Tamarinds  (in  Tagalog  Sampaloc ) are  never  planted  ; they  grow 
wild  in  abundance.  The  fruit  resembles  a bean.  Picked  whilst  green, 
it  is  used  by  the  natives  to  impart  a flavour  to  certain  fish  sauces. 
When  the  fruit  is  allowed  to  fully  ripen,  the  pod  takes  a light  brown 
colour — is  brittle,  and  cracks  all  over  under  a slight  pressure  of  the 
lingers.  The  whole  of  the  ripe  fruit  can  then  be  drawn  out  by  pulling 
the  bean-stalk.  The  ripe  Tamarind  appears  to  be  little  appreciated  by 
any  one,  and  it  is  extremely  seldom  seen,  even  iu  the  form  of  preserve, 
iu  a native  dwelling.  Containing,  as  it  does,  a large  quantity  of  tannin, 
it  is  sometimes  used  by  the  Manila  apothecaries,  and  I once  heard  that 
a small  parcel  was  being  collected  for  shipment  to  Italy. 

The  Mabolo  is  a fruit  of  great  external  beauty  and  exquisite  aroma. 
It  is  about  the  size  of  a large  peach,  the  skin  being  of  a fine  red  colour, 
but  it  is  not  very  good  eating.  Chillies,  Gixgek,  and  Vanilla  are 
found  in  a wild  state.  Sago  is  produced  iu  small  quantities  in  Mindoro 
Island,  where  the  sago  palm  flourishes.  The  pith  is  cut  out,  washed, 
sun-dried,  and  then  pounded.  The  demand  for  this  nutritious  article  is 
very  limited. 

It  is  a remarkable  fact  that  there  are  very  few  specimens  of  sweet- 
smelling Flowers.  Among  the  few  is  the  Sajipaguita  (probably  a 


FLOWERS. ORCHIDS. MEDICINAL  HERBS. 


377 


corruption  of  the  Spanish  name  Santa  Paquita'),  which  is  sold  in 
Manila  made  up  in  necklet  form  on  cotton. 

A fine  perfume  is  distilled  from  the  flowers  of  the  Ylang-Ylang 
tree  and  an  oil  thoroughly  effective  in  healing  wounds  is  extracted 
from  the  root  and  branches  of  a plant  called  TagclaiJay. 

Many  varieties  of  flowering  Orchids  aud  other  parasites  are  to  be 
found  in  great  profusion  on  the  trunks  of  the  highest  forest  trees 
where  the  sun-rays  hardly  penetrate.  There  are  usually  two  or  three 
professional  orchid  collectors  rambling  about  the  islands  for  the  account 
of  European  nurserymen. 

Medicinal  Herbs,  roots  and  leaves  abound  everywhere.  The 
curanderos  (native  doctors)  commonly  find  vegetable  anticachectics, 
aphrodisiacs,  antiaphrodisiacs,  pyretics  and  cures  provided  by  Nature 
for  dysenteric,  strumatic,  scorbutic  and  many  other  diseases. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


MINERAL  PRODUCTS. 

Coal. — Gold. — Iron. — Copper. — Sulphur,  etc. 

Owing-  to  the  scarcity  of  manufacturing  industries  in  this  Colony, 
the  consumption  of  Coal  is  very  limited,  and  up  to  1889  it  hardly 
exceeded  25,000  tons  per  annum.  In  1892  nearly  double  that 

quantity  found  a market  here.  In  1896  the  coal  imported  from 
Newcastle  (New  South  Wales)  alone  amounted  to  65,782  tons;  in 
1897  to  89,798  tons.  A small  proportion  of  this  is  employed  in  the 
forges  and  foundries  and  a few  factories  using  steam-power,  most  of 
them  situated  around  Manila,  but  by  far  the  greater  demand  is  for 
coaling  steam-ships.  Wood  fuel  is  still  so  abundant  in  rural  districts 
that  coal  will  probably  not  be  in  general  request  for  the  steam  sugar 
mills  for  a century  to  come. 

Australia,  Great  Britain  and  Japan  supply  coal  to  this  Colony  ; in 
1892  Borneo  traders  sent  several  cargoes  of  inferior  coal  up  to  Manila 
in  the  s.s.  Viner  ; nevertheless,  local  capital  has  been  expended  from 
time  to  time  in  endeavours  to  work  up  the  home  deposits. 

The  Island  of  Cebu  contains  large  beds  of  coal,  which,  since  1869, 
was  free  of  duty  on  export.  The  mines  of  Compostela  are  estimated 
very  rich  in  quantity  and  of  medium  quality.  They  were  owned  by 
the  late  Isaac  Conui,  who,  for  want  of  capital,  was  unable  to  fully 
open  them  out.  The  means  of  transport  by  buffalo  carts  from  the 
mines  to  the  coast  were  very  deficient  and  costly.  The  late  owner 
was  frequently  my  guest  in  Manila  in  1883,  when  he  unsuccessfully 
sought  to  raise  capital  for  constructing  a line  of  railway  from  the 
collieries  to  Compostela  village  (E.  coast).  They  were  then  taken 
up  by  a Spaniard,  with  whom  the  Spanish  Government  made  contracts 
for  coaling  the  gunboats.  A tram  line  to  the  pits  was  laid  down,  but 


COAL. ANTHRACITE. 


379 


there  was  a great  lack  of  promptitude  in  deliveries,  and  I have  heard 
of  ships  lying  off  the  coaling  wharf  for  several  hours  waiting  to  start 
coaling.  The  enterprise  has  bv  no  means  given  an  adequate  return 
for  the  over  $100,000  invested  in  it  up  to  the  year  1897.  The  coal 
mine  of  Danao,  on  the  same  coast,  was  hardly  more  prosperous  when  I 
was  there  in  1896.  The  Revista  Minera  (a  mining  journal  of  Madrid), 
1886,  refers  to  the  coal  of  the  Alpaco  mouutain,  in  the  district  of  Naga 
in  Cebu,  as  being  pure,  dry,  of  easy  combustion,  carrying  a strong  flame, 
and  almost  free  from  sulphur  pyrites.  Cebu  coal  is  said  to  be  of  better 
quality  and  cleaner  than  the  Labuan  and  Australian  products,  but 
its  heating  powers  are  less,  and  it  therefore  does  not  serve  so  well  for 
long  sea  voyages. 

Anthracite  lias  been  found  in  some  parts  of  Cebu,1  and  satisfactory 
trials  have  been  made  with  it,  mixed  with  British  bituminous  coal. 
Perhaps  volcanic  action  may  account  for  the  volatile  bituminous  oils 
and  gases  having  been  driven  off  the  original  deposits.  The  first 
coal  pits  were  sunk  in  Cebu  in  the  Valle  de  Masanga,  but  the  poor 
commercial  results  led  to  their  abandonment  about  the  year  1860. 
There  are  also  extensive  unworked  coal  deposits,  a few  miles  from 
the  W.  coast  village  of  Asturias,  which  I visited  in  1896  with  a 
planter  friend,  Eugenio  Alonso,  who  was  endeavouring  to  form  a coal- 
mining syndicate. 

In  the  Province  of  Albay,  the  Sugod  Collieries  were  started  by  a 
company  formed  in  the  year  1874.  There  were  some  fifteen  partners, 
each  of  whom  subscribed  a capital  of  $14,300.  One  of  these  partners, 

Mr.  C.  de  A , told  me,  that  for  a while  the  result  was  so  good,  that 

a Manila  banking  firm  offered  to  take  over  the  concern  from  the  share- 
holders at  a premium  of  20 °/Q  upon  the  original  capital.  About  4,000 
tons  of  coal  were  extracted,  most  of  which  was  given  away  as  samples, 
in  the  hope  of  large  contracts  resulting  from  the  trials,  although  it  is 
said  that  the  consumption  was  too  rapid,  and  that  it  had  to  be  mixed 
with  Cardiff  coal.  Seven  pits  were  sunk,  and  the  concern  lingered  on 
until  the  year  1881,  when  its  working  was  relinquished. 

The  failure  is  attributed  to  the  shallowness  of  the  pits,  which  were 
only  30  metres  deep,  whilst  it  is  supposed  that  if  the  excavation  had 


1 For  more  ample  details  vide  “ Rapida  descripcion  de  la  Isla  de  Cebu,”  by 
Enrique  Abella  y Casariega,  pub.  by  Royal  Order  in  Madrid,  188G. 


380 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


been  continued  before  these  pits  were  flooded,  shale  and  limestone 
strata  could  have  been  removed,  which  would  have  exposed  a still  more 
valuable  seam,  in  which  case  it  might  have  been  -worth  while  providing 
pumping  machinery.  So  far  as  the  extraction  was  proceeded  with  the 
estimated  cost  price  of  the  coal  delivered  on  the  coast  was  75  cents  of 
a dollar  per  ton,  whilst  “ Cardiff”  coal  in  Manila  was  worth  about 
eight  dollars  per  ton,  and  the  Australian  product  ranged  usually  at  one 
to  one-and-a-half  dollars  below  that  figure,  port  tax  unpaid. 

In  January  1898  “ The  Philippine  Mining  and  Development  Co., 
Limd.”  wras  formed  in  Hongkong  with  a capital  of  $1,600,000  in 
160,000  $10  shares  for  the  development  of  Philippine  coal  deposits  and 
other  industries,  under  the  management  of  Mr.  Niel  Macleod,  a Scotch 
merchant  of  long  standing  and  good  repute  in  Manila.  The  Spanish- 
American  conflict  which  arose  four  months  later  has  impeded  active 
operations  by  the  Company. 

From  the  earliest  period  of  the  Spanish  occupation  of  these  Islands, 
attention  has  been  given  to  GoLD-seeking. 

It  is  recorded  that  in  the  year  1572,  Captain  Juan  Salcedo  went 
to  inspect  the  mines  of  Paracale,  in  the  Province  of  Camarines  ; and 
in  the  same  district  the  village  of  Mambulao  has  long  enjoyed  fame 
for  the  gold-washings  in  its  vicinity. 

In  the  time  of  Pedro  Manuel  Arandia  (1754-1759),  a certain 
Francisco  Estorgo  obtained  licence  to  work  these  Paracale  mines,  and 
five  veins  are  said  to  have  been  struck.  The  first  was  in  the  Lipa 
mountain,  where  the  mine  was  called  “ San  Nicolas  de  Tolentino  ; ” 
the  second,  in  the  Dobojan  mountain,  was  called  “ Nuestra  Senora  de  la 
Soledad  de  Puerta  Vaga  ; ” the  third,  in  Lipara,  was  named  “Mina  de 
las  Animas  ; ” the  fourth,  in  the  territory  of  San  Antonio,  took  the 
name  of  “ San  Francisco,”  and  the  fifth,  in  the  Minapa  mountains  was 
named  “ Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores,”  all  in  the  district  of  Paracale, 
near  the  village  of  Mambulao. 

The  conditions  of  Estorgo’s  licence  were,  that  one-fifth  (real  quinto ) 
of  the  output  should  belong  to  the  King — that  Estorgo  was  authorised 
to  construct,  arm  and  garrison  a fort  for  his  own  defence  against 
anticipated  attacks  from  Mussulmans,  and  that  he  should  have  the 
title  of  Castellano,  or  guardian  of  the  fort. 

It  was  found  necessary  to  establish  the  smelting  works  in 


GOLD  DEPOSITS. 


381 


Mambulao,  so  he  obtained  a licence  to  erect  another  fort  there  on  the 
same  conditions,  and  this  fort  was  named  “ Sau  Carlos.”  Iu  a short 
time  the  whole  enterprise  came  to  grief.  Estorgo’s  neighbours, 
instigated  bj  native  legal  pettifoggers  in  Manila,  raised  endless  law- 
suits against  him — his  means  were  exhausted,  and  apparatus  was 
wanted  to  work  the  mines,  so  he  abandoned  them. 

About  the  same  time,  the  Gold  mines  of  Pangotcotan,  near  Benguet, 
were  worked  to  advantage  by  Mexicans. 

Duriug  the  Government  of  Alonso  Fajardo  (1618-1624)  it  came 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  Spaniards  that  half-caste  Igorrote-Chinese  in 
the  north  of  Luzon  peacefully  worked  gold  deposits  and  traded  in  the 
product.  Therefore  Francisco  Carreno  de  Valdes,  a military  officer 
commanding  the  provinces  of  Pangasinan  and  Ilocos,  obtained  per* 
mission  from  the  Governor  to  make  a raid  upon  these  Igorrote-Chinese, 
and  appropriate  their  treasure-yielding  territory.  After  a seven  days’ 
march,  the  Spanish  gold-seekers  and  troops  arrived  at  the  deposits, 
where  they  took  up  their  quarters  without  resistance.  The  natives 
held  aloof  whilst  mutual  offers  of  peace  were  made.  When  the 
Spaniards  thought  they  were  in  secure  possession  of  the  neighbour- 
hood, the  natives  attacked  and  slaughtered  a number  of  them.  The 
commander  of  the  district  and  the  leader  of  the  native  troops  were 
among  the  slain.  Then  they  removed  the  camp  to  a safer  place,  but 
provisions  ran  short,  and  the  wet  season  set  in,  so  the  survivors  marched 
back  to  the  coast  with  the  resolution  to  renew  their  attempt  to  possess 
the  spoil  iu  the  following  year.  In  the  ensuing  dry  season  they 
returned  and  erected  a fort,  whence  detachments  of  soldiers  scoured  the 
neighbourhood  to  disperse  the  Igorrote-Chinese,  but  the  prospectors  do 
not  appear  to  have  procured  much  gold. 

Many  years  ago  a Spanish  Company  was  formed  to  work  a gold 
mine  near  the  mountain  of  Malaguit,  in  the  Province  of  Camarines 
Norte,  but  it  proved  unsuccessful. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  century,  a Company  was  founded  under 
the  auspices  of  the  late  Queen  Christina  of  Spain  (great-grandmother 
of  the  present  King  Alfonso  XIII.)  which  was  also  an  utter  failure. 
It  has  been  recited  to  me  how  the  company  had  spacious  offices 
established  iu  Manila  whence  occasionally  the  employes  went  up  to  the 
mines,  situated  near  the  Caraballo  mountain,  as  if  they  were  going  to  a 
pic-nic.  When  they  arrived  there,  all  denoted  activity — for  the  feast, 


382 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


but  the  ruining  work  they  did  was  quite  insignificant  compared  with 
the  squandered  funds,  hence  the  disaster  of  the  concern. 

The  coast  of  Surigao  (N.  E.  extremity  of  Mindanao  Island)  has 
been  known  for  centuries  to  have  gold  deposits.  A few  years  ago  it 
was  found  in  sufficiently  large  quantities  near  the  surface  to  attract  the 
attention  of  capitalists.  A sample  of  the  washings  was  given  to  me, 
but  gold  extraction  was  never  taken  up  in  an  organized  way  in  that 
district.  A friend  of  mine,  a French  merchant  in  Manila,  told  me  in 
1886,  that  for  a long  time  he  received  monthly  remittances  of  4^  to  5^ 
lbs.  of  alluvial  gold  from  the  Surigao  coast,  extracted  by  the  natives 
on  their  own  account.  In  the  same  district  a Spaniard  attempted  to 
organize  labour  for  gold-washing  on  systematic  principles,  but  he  met 
with  such  opposition  from  the  friars,  who  influenced  the  natives,  that 
he  could  only  have  continued  his  project  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  so  he 
gave  it  up. 

In  an  independent  way,  the  natives  obtain  gold  from  earth-washings 
in  many  districts,  particularly  in  the  unsubdued  regions  of  Luzon 
Island,  where  it  is  quite  a common  occupation.  Theproductls  bartered 
on  the  spot  to  the  Chinese  ambulant  traders  for  other  commodities. 
Several  times,  whilst  deer-stalking  near  the  river,  a few  miles  past 
Montalban  (Manila  Province),  I have  fallen  in  with  natives  washing 
the  sand  from  the  river  bed  in  search  of  gold,  and  they  have  shown 
me  some  of  their  findings,  which  they  preserve  in  quills. 

Iu  other  places  in  Luzon  Island  it  is  procured  in  very  small 
quantities  by  washing  the  earth  from  the  bottom  of  pits  dug  from  20  to 
25  feet  deep  and  three  feet  wide. 

The  extraction  of  gold  from  auriferous  rock  is  also  known  to  the 
natives.  The  rock  is  broken  by  a stone  on  an  anvil  of  the  same  material. 
Then  the  broken  pieces  are  crushed  between  roughly  hewn  stone  rollers 
put  in  motion  by  buffaloes,  the  pulverized  ore  being  washed  to  separate 
the  particles  of  the  precious  metal.  I should  hardly  think  the  yield 
was  of  much  account,  as  the  people  engaged  in  its  extraction  seemed  to 
be  miserably  poor. 

Gold  probably  exists  in  all  the  largest  islands  of  the  Archipelago, 
but  in  a dispersed  form  ; for  the  fact  is,  that  after  centuries  of  search, 
large  pockets  of  it  have  never  been  traced  to  defined  localities,  and,  so 
far  as  discoveries  up  to  the  present  demonstrate,  this  Colony  cannot  be 
considered  rich  in  auriferous  deposits. 


GOLD  DEPOSITS. 


383 


Iu  1887  a Belgian  correspondent  wrote  to  me  inquiring  about  a 
company  which,  he  stated,  had  been  formed  for  working  a Philippine 
mine  of  Argentiferous  Lead.  His  letter  read  thus  : — 

“ It  is  estimated  that  there  are  500  tons  of  Argentiferous  Lead  ore, 
“ to  obtain  which,  no  other  working  expenses  would  be  incurred  than 
“ those  for  collecting  the  mineral.  It  is  alleged  to  be  worth  250 
“ francs  per  ton  c.  i.  f.  in  Antwerp,  against  a cost  of  100  francs 
“ per  ton  delivered,  thus  yielding  a nett  profit  of  150  francs  per 
“ ton.”  Then  he  naturally  goes  on  to  inquire — why  is  it  necessary  to 
come  to  Belgium  to  raise  capital  for  working  such  an  apparently 
splendid  affair  ? On  investigation  I learnt  that  the  mines  referred  to 
were  situated  at  Acsubing,  near  the  village  of  Consolacion,  and  at 
Panoypoy,  close  to  the  village  of  Talamban  in  Cebu  Island.  They 
became  the  property  of  a Frenchman1  about  the  beginning  of  1885, 
and  so  far  no  shipment  had  been  made,  although  the  samples  sent 
to  Europe  were  said  to  have  yielded  an  almost  incredibly  enormous 
amount  of  gold,  (!)  besides  being  rich  in  galena  (sulphide  of  lead) 
and  silver.  I went  down  to  Cebu  Island  in  June,  1887,' and  called 
on  the  owner  in  Mandaue  with  the  object  of  visiting  these  extraordinary 
mines,  but  they  were  not  being  worked  because  the  financial  arrange- 
ments of  the  company  he  was  forming,  or  had  formed,  were 
unsatisfactory,  and  he  left  for  Europe  the  same  year,  the  enterprise 
being  finally  abandoned. 

In  1893  “The  Philippines  Mineral  Syndicate”  was  formed  in 
London  to  scientifically  work  the  Mambulao  Gold  Mines  already 
referred  to.  Tl  shares  were  offered  in  these  Islands  and  subscribed  to 
by  all  classes,  from  the  British  Consul  at  that  time  dovrn  to  native 
commercial  clerks.  Mr.  James  Hilton,  a mining  engineer,  had  reported 
favourably  on  the  prospects.  After  the  usual  gold  mining  period  of 
disappointment  had  passed  away  an  eccentric  old  gentleman  was  sent 
out  as  an  expert  to  revive  the  whole  concern  and  set  it  up  on  a 
prosperous  basis.  I had  many  conversations  vrith  him  in  Manila  before 
he  went  down  to  Mambulao,  wrhere  he  soon  died.  Heavy  machinery 
came  out  from  Europe,  and  a well-known  Manila  resident,  not  a mining 
engineer,  but  an  all-round  smart  man,  wras  sent  to  Mambulao,  and  due 


1 Monsieur  Jean  Labedan,  who  had  been  the  original  proprietor  of  the 
“Restaurant  de  Paris”  in  La  Escolta,  Manila. 


384 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


to  Ills  ability,  active  operations  commenced.  This  most  recent  venture 
in  Philippine  gold  mining  has  not,  however,  so  far  proved  to  be  a 
Golconda  to  the  shareholders. 

As  a general  rule,  failure  in  most  Philippine  mining  speculations 
no  doubt  was  due  to  the  unwillingness  of  the  native  to  co-operate  with 
European  capitalists,  and  in  this  they  found  encouragement  from  the 
friars,  who  were  averse  to  innovation  of  any  kind.  The  native,  too, 
in  rural  districts,  would  not  submit  to  constant  organized  and  methodical 
labour  at  a daily  wage,  to  be  paid  periodically  when  he  had  finished 
his  work.  The  class  of  natives  whom  one  had  to  employ  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  mines  was  nomadic  and  half-subjected,  w'hilst 
there  was  no  legislation  whatsoever  in  operation,  regulating  the  rela- 
tions between  workers  and  capitalists.  Indeed,  the  latter  were  quite 
at  the  mercy  of  the  former,  whose  indolence  entirely  overcame  their 
cupidity,  so  long  as  their  immediate  necessities  were  satisfied.  Some 
suggested  the  employment  of  Chinese,  but  apart  from  the  consideration 
of  the  cost  of  passage  money  from  China  to  the  site  of  operations,  there 
were  greater  obstacles  which  have  been  pointed  out  in  Chapter  VIII. 
Again,  the  wretched  means  of  communication  provided  by  the  Spanish 
Government  obliged  the  few  enterprising  capitalists  to  spend  their 
money  on  the  construction  of  roads  which  had  been  paid  for  in  taxes. 

It  is  calculated  that  in  the  working  of  mines  in  the  Philippines,  as 
much  as  §1,300,000  was  spent  from  the  beginning  of  the  century  up 
to  1876,  without  the  least  satisfactory  result. 

A Spanish  writer 1 asserts  that  on  the  coasts  of  Taal  and  Bauan,  in 
the  Province  of  Batangas,  there  were  many  traces  of  old  gold  mines, 
and  remarks  : “ We  are  already  scared  in  this  enlightened  century  at 
“ the  number  who  have  spent  their  silver  and  their  health  in  excavating 
“ mines  in  the  Philippines,  only  to  undeceive  themselves,  and  find 
“ their  miserable  greed  punished.” 

Iron'  mines,  situated  a few  miles  from  Manila,  were  worked  in  the 
middle  of  the  last  century  by  Government,  but  the  result  being  disas- 
trous, a concession  of  the  right  of  extracting  the  mineral  was  put  up 
to  public  auction.  A Spaniard  named  Francisco  Salgado  took  up 
the  concession,  engaging  to  pay  annually  to  the  State  §20,500  in  gold, 

1 « Hist,  de  la  Provincia  de  Batangas,”  por  D.  Pedro  Andres  de  Castro  y 
Amades,  1790.  Inedited  MS.  in  the  archives  of  Bauan  Convent,  Batangas 
Province. 


IRON. THE  ANGAT  MINES. 


385 


and  125  tons  of  iron.  The  concern  was  an  entire  failure,  chiefly  on 
account  of  the  cost  and  difficulty  of  transport  to  the  Capital.  Salgado 
afterwards  discovered  an  iron  mine  in  a place  called  Santa  Ines,  near 
Bosoboso,  in  the  district  of  Morong,  and  obtained  a concession  to  work 
it.  The  ore  is  said  to  have  yielded  75°/0  of  pure  metal.  The  greatest 
obstacle  which  Salgado  had  to  contend  with  was  the  indolence  of  the 
natives,  but  eventually  this  was  overcome  by  employing  Chinese  in 
their  stead.  All  went  well  for  a time,  until  the  success  which  attended 
the  undertaking  awoke  envy  in  the  capital.  Salgado  found  it  desirable 
to  erect  his  smelting  furnaces  on  the  banks  of  the  Bosoboso  River 
to  obtain  a good  water  supply.  For  this,  a special  permission  had  to 
be  solicited  of  the  Governor-General,  so  the  opportunity  was  taken  to 
induce  this  authority  to  put  a stop  to  the  whole  concern  on  the  ground 
that  the  Chinese  workmen  were  not  Christians  ! Salgado  was  ordered 
to  send  these  Chinese  to  the  Alcayceria,  in  Binondo  (Manila),  and  ship 
them  thence  to  China  at  his  own  expense.  Moreover,  on  the  pretext 
that  the  iron  supplied  to  the  Royal  Stores  had  been  worked  by  infidels, 
the  Government  refused  to  pay  for  the  deliveries,  and  Salgado  became 
a ruined  victim  of  religious  fanaticism. 

The  old  parish  priest  of  Angat,  in  Bulacan  Province,  once  gave  me 
the  whole  history  of  the  rich  iron  mines  existing  a few  miles  from  that 
village.  It  appears  that  at  about  the  beginning  of  this  century,  twc 
Englishmen  made  vain  efforts  to  work  these  mines.  They  erected 
expensive  machinery  (which  has  since  disappeared  piece  by  piece),  and 
engaged  all  the  headmen  around,  at  fixed  salaries,  to  perform  the 
simple  duty  of  guaranteeing  a certain  number  of  men  each  to  work 
there  daily.  They  were  very  smart  at  receiving  their  pay,  some  of 
them  having  the  audacity  to  ask  for  it  in  advance,  yet  the  number  of 
miners  diminished,  little  by  little,  and  no  reasonable  terms  could  induce 
them  to  resume  work.  The  priest  related  that,  after  the  Englishmen 
had  spent  a fortune  of  about  £40,000,  and  seeing  no  result,  in  despair 
they  hired  a canoe,  telling  the  native  in  charge  to  paddle  out  to  sea, 
where  each  one  blew  his  own  brains  out  with  pistols. 

Afterwards  a Spaniard,  who  had  made  money  during  years  of 
office  as  Chief  Judge  and  Governor  of  the  Bulacan  Province,  thought 
he  could,  by  virtue  of  the  influence  of  his  late  position,  command  the 
services  of  all  the  labourers  he  might  require  to  work  the  mine.  It 
was  a vain  hope  ; he  lost  all  his  savings,  and  became  so  reduced  in 

B B 


386 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


circumstances,  that  for  a long  time  he  was  a pauper,  accepting  charity 
in  the  parish  convents  of  the  province. 

The  Angat  iron  mines  undoubtedly  yield  a very  rich  ore — it  is 
stated  up  to  85 °/Q  of  metal,  which  is  more  than  that  of  the  famous 
Campanil  ore,  found  near  Somorrostro,  in  the  north  of  Spain. 

They  are  still  worked  on  a small  scale.  In  1885,  at  the  foot  of 
these  ferruginous  hills,  I saw  a rough  kind  of  smelting  furnace  and 
foundry  in  a dilapidated  shed,  where  the  points  of  ploughshares  were 
being  made.  These  were  delivered  at  a fixed  minimum  price  to  a 
Chinaman  who  went  to  Binondo  (commercial  quarter  of  Manila)  to  sell 
them  to  the  Chinese  ironmongers.  In  the  village  of  Malolos  I met  one 
of  the  partners  in  this  little  business — a Spanish  half-caste — who  told 
me  that  it  paid  well  in  proportion  to  the  trifling  outlay  of  capital.  If 
the  natives  chose  to  bring  in  mineral  they  were  paid  for  it ; when  they 
did  not  arrive,  the  works  and  expenses  were  stopped  meanwhile. 

In  the  village  of  Baliuag,  a few  miles  from  Angat,  where  I have 
stayed  a score  of  times,  I observed,  at  the  threshold  of  several  houses, 
slabs  of  iron  about  eight  feet  long  by  two  feet  wide  and  five  inches 
thick.  I inquired  about  the  origin  of  this  novelty,  and  several 
respectable  natives,  whom  I have  known  for  years,  could  only  inform 
me  that  their  elders  had  told  them  about  the  foreigners  who  worked 
the  Angat  mines,  and  that  the  iron  in  question  came  from  there. 
Appearing  to  belong  to  no  one  in  particular,  the  slabs  had  been 
appropriated. 

Both  the  nomades  of  the  North  and  the  Mussulmans  of  the  South 
extract  small  quantities  of  Copper  with  which  they  manufacture 
utensils  for  their  own  use.  From  the  North,  half-worked  copper  is 
obtained  from  the  Igorrotes,  but  the  attempt  of  a company  to  work 
the  copper  deposits  in  Mancayan,  in  the  district  of  Lepanto,  has 
hardly  been  more  successful  than  all  other  mining  speculations 
undertaken  on  a large  scale  in  this  Colony. 

It  is  well  known  that  large  beds  of  Marble  occur  in  the  Province 
of  Bataan,  which  forms  the  west  coast  to  the  Bay  of  Manila,  and  also 
in  the  Island  of  Romblon,  but,  under  the  circumstances  explained,  no 
one  cared  to  risk  capital  in  opening  quarries.  In  1888,  surface  marble 
was  being  cut  near  Montalban  (Manila  Province)  under  contract  with 
the  Corporation  of  Dominican  Friars  to  supply  them  with  it  for  their 
church  in  Manila.  It  was  of  a motley  whitish  colour,  polished  well, 


STONE. GYPSUM. SULPHUR. MINERAL  OIL.  387 


and  I sent  a sample  of  it  to  a marble  importer  in  London,  who  reported 
on  it  very  favourably. 

Granite  is  not  found  in  these  Islands,  and  there  is  a general  want 
of  hard  stone  for  building  purposes.  Some  is  procurable  at  Angono, 
up  the  Lake  of  Bay,  and  it  is  from  here  that  the  stone  was  brought  for 
the  Manila  Port  Works.  Granite  is  brought  over  from  Hongkong  for 
works  of  any  importance,  such  as  the  new  Government  House  iu 
Manila  City,  in  course  of  construction  when  the  Spaniards  evacuated 
the  Islands.  For  ordinary  building  operations  there  is  a material — a 
kind  of  Stone  called  Adobe , so  soft  when  quarried  that  it  can  be  cut 
out  in  small  blocks  with  a hand-saw,  but  it  hardens  considerably  by 
exposure  to  the  air. 

In  a small  island  opposite  to  the  village  of  Culasi  (Antique 
Province)  on  the  west  coast  of  Panay,  called  Marilisau,  there  are 
deposits  of  Gypsum.  The  superincumbent  marl  has  been  removed  in 
several  places  where  regular  workings  were  carried  on  for  years  by 
natives,  and  shiploads  of  it  were  sent  to  Manila  until  the  Government 
prohibited  its  free  extraction  and  export. 

Sulphur  exists  in  many  islands,  sometimes  pure,  in  unlimited 
quantities,  and  often  mixed  with  copper,  iron  and  arsenic.  The  cratei 
of  the  Volcano  in  the  Bombon  Lake,  near  Taal,  opened  out  in  1745, 
and  from  that  date,  until  the  eruption  of  1749,  sulphur  was  extracted 
by  the  natives.  These  deposits  were  again  worked  in  1780,  and  during 
a few  years  following.  Bowring  states1  that  a well-known  naturalist 
once  offered  a good  sum  of  money  for  the  monopoly  of  working  the 
Sulphur  mines  in  the  Taal  district. 

Some  five  years  ago  Mineral  Oil  was  discovered  in  the  mountains 
of  Cebu  Island,  a few  miles  from  the  W.  coast  village  of  Toledo, 
near  the  sugar  estate  of  Calumampao.  A drill  boring  was  made  and  I 
was  shown  a sample  of  the  crude  Oil.  An  Irishman  was  then  con- 
ducting the  experimental  works.  Subsequently  a British  engineer 
visited  the  place  and  reported  favourably  on  the  prospects.  In  1896  I 
was  again  up  at  the  borings.  Some  small  machinery  had  been  erected 
for  working  the  drills.  A Dutch  mining  engineer  was  in  charge  of 
the  work  which  was  being  financed  by  a small  British  syndicate,  but 
so  far  a continuous  flow  had  not  been  obtained,  and  it  was  still  doubtful 

* “A  Visit  to  the  Philippine  Islands,”  by  Sir  John  Bowring,  Spanish 
translation,  p.  67,  Manila,  1876. 


B B 2 


388 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


whether  a well  had  been  struck  or  not.  The  Dutchman  was  succeeded 
by  an  American  engineer  who,  when  the  Spanish-American  war  was 
on  the  point  of  breaking  out,  had  to  quit  the  place  and  the  enterprise 
has  since  remained  in  suspense. 

There  is  a tendency,  in  most  new  and  unexplored  countries,  to  see 
visionary  wealth  in  impenetrated  regions — to  cast  the  eye  of  imagination 
into  the  forest  depths  and  the  bowels  of  the  earth  and  become  fascinated 
with  the  belief  that  nature  has  laid  vast  treasures  therein  ; and  the  veil 
of  mystery  constitutes  a tradition  until  rent  by  scientific  investigation. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


DOMESTIC  LIVE  STOCK.— PONIES,  BUFFALOES,  etc. 

The  Philippine  Poxy  is  not  an  indigenous  animal.  It  is  said  to  have 
originated  from  the  small  Andalusian  horse  and  the  Chinese  mare. 
I have  ridden  more  than  500  Philippine  ponies,  and,  in  general,  I have 
found  them  swift,  strong,  and  elegant  animals  when  well  cared  for. 
Highways  being  so  deficient  in  this  Colony,  it  is  fortunate  that  ponies 
are  plentiful  and  purchaseable  at  a low  figure.  Fancy  prices  are 
sometimes  demanded,  but  the  value  ranges  from  $25  to  $150  for  a 
sound  animal.  Geldings  are  rarely  met  with. 

The  importation  of  Spanish  and  Australian  horses  has  resulted  in 
failure,  as  they  cannot  endure  the  climate.  Enthusiasts  have,  from 
time  to  time,  urged  the  authorities  to  interest  themselves  in  the 
improvement  of  the  breed,  and  during  the  acting-Governorship  of 
Senor  Molto  in  1888,  his  sou  was  sent  with  a commission  to  British 
India  to  purchase  breeding  horses  and  mares.  A number  of  fine 
animals  was  brought  to  Manila  by  the  commissioners,  but  the  newly- 
appointed  Governor-General — Wenceslao  Weyler — disapproved  of  the 
measure,  and  the  stock  was  sold  to  the  public.  A Lipa  friend  of  mine 
bought  two  stallions  and  two  mares  for  $2,600,  the  prices  of  the  others 
ranging  about  $700  each. 

Pony  races  took  place  at  Santa  Mesa,  near  Manila,  every  spring. 
They  were  organized  by  “ the  Manila  Jockey  Club,”  usually  patronized 
by  the  Governor-General  of  the  day,  and  the  great  meet  lasted  three 
days,  when  prizes  were  awarded  to  the  winners.  Ponies  which  had 
won  races  in  Manila  fetched  from  $300  to  $1,000. 

In  Cebu  also  there  were  pony  races  every  autumn  on  the  racecourse 
facing  the  Cotta  and  the  Government  House. 

The  ordinary  native  has  no  notion  of  the  proper  treatment  of 


390 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


ponies,  liis  idea  being,  generally,  that  this  highly  nervous  animal  can 
be  managed  by  brute  force  and  the  infliction  of  heavy  punishment. 
Sights,  as  painful  as  they  are  ridiculous,  often  present  themselves  of  a 
native  avenging  himself  of  his  pony  because  the  poor  beast  cannot 
guess  the  will  and  pleasure  of  the  rider,  or  driver,  who  does  not  know 
how  to  teach  him.  Unfortunately,  the  lower  class  native  feels  little 
attachment  to  any  animal  but  the  Buffalo,  or  Carabao , as  it  is  called 
here  and  the  family  pig. 

At  six  years  old  a buffalo  is  considered  in  the  prime  of  life  for 
beginning  work,  and  will  continue  at  hard  labour,  when  well  pastured 
and  bathed,  for  another  six  years.  At  12  years  of  age  a carefully 
worked  buffalo  will  still  serve  for  light  labour  for  about  five  years.  It 
is  an  amphibious  animal,  and  if  left  to  itself  it  would  pass  quite  one- 
third  of  its  life  in  water  or  mud,  whilst  it  is  indispensable  to  allow  it  to 
bathe  every  day.  When  grazing  near  flooded  land,  it  will  roam  into  the 
water  up  to  its  neck,  and  immerse  its  head  for  two  minutes  at  a time, 
searching  for  vegetable  food  below  the  surface.  Whilst  undisturbed 
in  the  field  it  is  usually  accompanied  by  five  or  six  white  herons, 
which  follow  in  its  trail  in  perfect  security,  and  feed  on  the  worms  and 
insects  brought  to  the  surface  by  its  foot -prints.  It  seems  also  to 
enjoy  the  attentions  of  a small  black  bird,  which  hops  about  on  its 
back  and  head  to  cleanse  its  skin  and  ears  of  vermin.  I have  often 
watched  this  bird  flying  towards  the  buffalo,  which  raises  its  bead  to 
receive  it. 

The  rustic  and  the  buffalo  are  familiar  companions,  and  seem  to 
understand  each  other  perfectly  well.  There  is  a certain  connaturalness 
between  them  in  many  ways.  When  a peasant  is  owner  of  the  animal  he 
works,  he  treats  it  almost  like  one  of  the  family.  It  is  very  powerful, 
docile,  slow  in  its  movements,  and  easy  to  train.  Many  times  I have 
6een  a buffalo  ridden  and  guided  by  a piece  of  split  rattan  attached  to 
a string  in  its  nostril  by  a child  three  years  of  age.  It  knows  the 
voices  of  the  family  to  which  it  belongs,  and  will  approach  or  stand 
still  when  called  by  any  one  of  them.  It  is  not  of  great  endurance, 
and  cannot  support  hard  work  in  the  sun  for  more  than  a couple  of 
hours  without  rest  and  bathing,  if  water  be  near. 

Europeans  cannot  manage  buffaloes,  and  very  few  attempt  it ; it 
requires  the  patience,  the  voice,  and  the  peculiar  movement  of  the 
native  to  handle  this  animal. 


BUFFALOES. — DOMESTIC  LIVE-STOCK. 


392. 


It  is  subject  to  a disease  called  garrotillo,  or  affection  of  the 
bronchial  tubes  ; it  rarely  recovers  from  a serious  sprain,  and  more 
rarely  from  a broken  leg. 

In  1887-1888,  an  epidemic  disease,  previously  unknown,  appeared 
amongst  the  cattle,  and  several  thousands  of  them  died.  From  the 
autopsy  of  some  diseased  buffaloes,  it  was  seen  that  the  inside  had 
become  converted  into  blood.  Agriculturists  suffered  great  losses.  In 
the  poor  neighbourhood  of  Antipolo  alone,  1,410  head  of  cattle  died 
within  four  months,  according  to  a report  which  the  Governor  of 
Morong  showed  to  me.  An  old  acquaintance  of  mine  in  Bulacan 
Province  lost  85 °/0  of  his  live  stock  in  the  season,  whilst  the  remainder 
were  more  or  less  affected. 

The  value  of  a buffalo  varies  in  different  districts.  In  Albay,  for 
instance,  where  hemp  is  the  chief  agricultural  product,  and  ploughing 
is  seldom  necessary,  a buffalo  can  be  got  as  cheap  as  $10,  whilst  in 
the  sugar-yielding  Island  of  Negros  $30  would  be  considered  a very  low 
price  for  an  average  trained  animal. 

Wild  buffaloes  are  met  with,  and,  when  young,  they  are  easily 
tamed.  Buffalo-hunting,  as  a sport,  is  a very  dangerous  diversion,  and 
rarely  indulged  in,  as  death  or  victory  must  come  to  the  infuriated 
beast  or  the  chaser.  A good  hunting-ground  is  Nueva  Ecija. 

Altogether  this  animal  may  be  considered  the  most  useful  in  the 
Philippines.  It  serves  for  carting,  ploughing,  carrying  loads  on  its 
back,  and  almost  all  labour  of  the  kind  where  great  strength  is 
required  for  a short  time.  A peasant  possessed  of  a bohie-knife,  a 
buffalo,  and  good  health,  need  not  seek  far  to  make  an  independent 
living.  I owe  a certain  gratitude  to  buffaloes,  for  more  than  once  they 
have  pulled  my  carriage  out  of  the  mud  in  the  provinces,  where  horses 
could  get  along  no  farther.  Finally,  buffalo  meat  is  an  acceptable 
article  of  food  when  nothing  better  can  be  got : by  natives  it  is  much 
relished.  Its  flesh,  like  that  of  deer  and  oxen,  is  sometimes  cut  into 
thin  slices  and  sun-dried,  to  make  what  is  called  in  the  Philippines 
Tapa  and  iu  Cuba  Tasajo. 

In  the  Visayas  Islands,  oxen  are  used  as  draught-animals  as 
frequently  as  buffaloes, — sometimes  even  for  carriages. 

In  all  my  travels  in  this  Colony,  I have  seen  only  five  Donkeys, 
and  they  were  imported  simply  as  curiosities. 

Sheep  do  not  thrive  in  this  climate.  They  are  often  brought  from 


392 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Shanghai,  and,  as  a rule,  they  languish  and  die  in  a few  months. 
Oxen,  goats,  dogs,  cats,  pigs,  monkeys,  fowls,  ducks,  turkeys,  and 
geese  are  among  the  ordinary  domestic  live  stock.  Both  the  dogs  and 
the  cats  are  of  very  poor  species,  and  the  European  breeds  are  eagerly 
sought  for.  The  better  class  of  natives  have  learned  to  appreciate  the 
nobler  qualities  and  higher  instincts  of  the  European  dog.  Many 
Chinese  dogs  with  long,  straight  hair,  pointed  noses,  small  eyes,  and 
black  tongues  are  brought  over  from  Hongkong.  All  thoroughbred 
Philippine  cats  have  a twist  in  their  tails,  and  are  not  nearly  so  fine  as 
the  European  race. 

Natives  do  not  particularly  relish  mutton  or  goat’s  flesh,  which 
they  say  is  heating  to  the  blood.  I have  found  stewed  monkey  very 
good  food,  but  the  natives  only  eat  it  on  very  rare  occasions,  solely 
as  a cure  for  cutaneous  diseases.  No  flesh,  fish  or  poultry  has  the  same 
flavour  here  as  in  Europe  ; sometimes  indeed  the  meat  of  oxen  sold  in 
Manila  has  a repulsive  taste  when  the  animal  has  been  quickly  fattened 
for  the  market  on  a particular  herb,  which  it  eats  readily.  Neither  can 
It  be  procured  so  tender  as  in  a cold  climate.  If  kept  in  an  ice-chest  it 
loses  flavour  ; if  hung  up  in  cool  air  it  becomes  flabby  and  decomposes. 

The  seas  are  teeming  with  fish,  and  there  are  swarms  of  sharks, 
whose  victims  are  numerous,  whilst  crocodiles  are  found  in  most  of  the 
deep  rivers  and  large  swamps  in  uncultivated  tracts. 

The  only  beast  of  prey  known  in  the  Philippines  is  the  wild  cat, 
and  the  only  wild  animal  to  be  feared  is  the  buffalo. 

Both  the  jungles  and  the  villages  abound  with  insects  and  reptilia, 
such  as  lizards,  snakes,  iguanas,  frogs,  and  other  batrachian  species,  land- 
crabs,  centipedes,1  tarantulas,  scorpions,  huge  spiders,  hornets,  common 
beetles,  queen  bettles  ( elator  noctilucus ) and  others  of  the  vaginopennous 
order,  red  ants  ( formica  smaragdifia),  etc.  Ants  are  the  most  common 
nuisance,  and  food  cannot  be  left  on  the  table  a couple  of  hours  without 
a hundred  or  so  of  them  coming  to  feed.  There  are  many  species  of 
ants,  from  the  size  of  a pin’s  head  to  half  an  inch  long.  On  the  forest 
trees  a bag  of  a thin  whitish  membrane,  full  of  young  ants,  is  sometimes 
seen  hanging,  and  the  traveller,  for  his  own  comfort,  should  be  careful 
not  to  disturb  it. 


1 An  effective  cure  for  a centipede  bite  is  a plaster  of  garlic  smashed  until  the 
juice  flows.  The  plaster  must  be  renewed  every  hour. 


393 


REPTILIA. — INSECTS,  ETC. 

Boa  Constrictors  are  also  found,  but  they  are  rare,  and  I have 
never  seen  one  in  freedom.  They  are  the  most  harmless  of  all  snakes 
in  the  Philippines.  Sometimes  the  natives  keep  them  in  their  houses, 
in  cages,  as  pets.  Small  Pythons  are  common.  The  snakes  most  to 
be  dreaded  are  called  by  the  natives  Alupong  and  Daghong-pctlay 
(Tagalog  dialect).  Their  bite  is  fatal  if  not  cauterized  at  once.  The 
latter  is  met  with  in  the  deep  mud  of  rice  fields  and  amongst  the  tall 
rice  blades,  hence  its  name.  Stagnant  ivaters  are  nearly  everywhere 
infested  with  Leeches.  In  the  trees  in  dense  forests  there  is  also  a 
diminutive  species  of  leech  which  jumps  into  one’s  eyes. 

In  the  houses  and  huts  in  Manila,  and  a few  of  the  large  low-lying 
villages,  mosquitos  are  troublesome,  but  thanks  to  a kind  of  lizard  with 
a disproportionately  big  ugly  head  called  the  chacon,  and  the  small 
house  newt,  one  is  tolerably  free  from  crawling  insects.  Newts  are 
quite  harmless  to  persons  and  are  rather  encouraged  than  otherwise. 
If  one  attempts  to  catch  a newt  by  its  tail  it  shakes  it  off  and  runs 
away  leaving  it  behind.  Rats  and  mice  are  numerous.  There  are 
myriads  of  cockroaches  ; but  happily  fleas,  house  flies,  and  bugs  are 
scarce. 

In  the  dry  season  evenings  certain  trees  are  illuminated  by  swarms 
of  fire-flies,  which  assemble  and  flicker  around  the  foliage  as  do  moths 
around  the  flame  of  a candle.  The  effect  of  their  darting  in  and  out 
like  so  many  bright  sparks  between  the  branches  is  very  pretty. 

There  are  many  very  beautiful  Moths  and  Butterflies.  In  1897 
I brought  home  about  300  specimens  of  Philippine  butterflies  for  the 
Hon.  Walter  Rothschild. 

The  White  Ant  ( termes ),  known  here  as  Anay , is  by  far  the  most 
formidable  insect  in  its  destructive  powers.  It  is  also  common  in  China. 
Here  it  eats  through  most  woods  (there  are  some  rare  exceptions,  such 
as  Molave,  Ipil,  Yacal,  etc.),  and  indeed  some  persons  assert,  although 
I am  unable  to  confirm  it,  that  even  the  surface  of  iron  is  affected  by 
these  insects  if  left  long  enough  where  they  are.  If  white  ants  earnestly 
take  possession  of  the  wood-work  of  a building  not  constructed  of  the 
finest  timber,  it  is  a hopeless  case.  I have  seen  deal-wood  packing 
cases,  which  have  come  from  Europe,  eaten  away  so  far  that  they 
could  not  be  lifted  without  falling  to  pieces. 

Merchants’  warehouses  have  had  to  be  pulled  down  and  rebuilt 
owing  to  the  depredations  of  this  insect,  as,  even  if  the  building  itself 


394 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


■were  not  in  danger,  no  one  would  care  to  risk  the  storage  of  goods 
inside.  The  destruction  caused  by  anay  is  possibly  exaggerated,  but 
there  is  no  doubt  that  many  traders  have  lost  considerable  sums  through 
having  had  to  realize,  at  any  price,  wares  into  which  this  insect  had 
penetrated. 

Very  large  Bats  are  seen  in  this  colony,  measuring  up  to  five  feet 
from  tip  to  tip  of  their  wings.  They  are  caught  for  the  value  of  their 
beautiful  soft  skins,  which  generally  find  a sale  to  Europeans  returning 
home.  Bat  shooting  is  a good  pastime,  and  a novelty  to  Europeans. 
Small  bats  frequently  fly  into  the  houses  in  the  evening. 

Deer  and  Wild  Boars  are  plentiful,  and  afford  good  sport  to  the 
huntsman.  In  Morong  district — in  Negros  Island — and  in  Manila 
Province,  on  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  estate  which  I purchased — 
I have  had  some  good  runs.  Monkeys,  too,  abound  in  many  of  the 
forests.  In  all  the  islands  there  is  enjoyment  awaiting  the  sportsman. 
Pheasants,  snipe,  a dozen  varieties  of  wild  pigeons,  woodcocks,  wild 
ducks,  water-fowl,  etc.  are  common,  whilst  there  are  also  turtle-doves, 
calcios  (buccros  hydrocorax ),  hawks,  cranes,  herons,  crows,  parrots, 
cockatoos,  kingfishers,  parroquets,  and  many  others  peculiar  to  the 
Archipelago  which  I will  leave  to  ornithologists  to  describe.1 2  One 
curious  species  of  pigeon  ( calanas  nicobarina ) is  called  in  Spanish 
Paloma  de  punalada  because  of  the  crimson  feathers  on  its  breast, 
which  look  exactly  as  if  they  were  blood-stained  from  a dagger  stab.® 
In  1898  I saw  some  specimens  of  this  pigeon  in  the  Hamburg  Zoological 
Gardens. 

It  is  a curious  fact  that  these  Islands  have  no  singing  birds. 

In  1851,  the  Government  imported  some  Martins  from  China  with 
the  hope  of  exterminating  the  locusts.  When  the  birds  arrived  in  the 
port  of  Manila,  they  were  right  royally  received  by  a body  of  troops — a 
band  of  music  accompanied  them  with  great  ceremony  to  Santa  Mesa, 
where  they  were  set  at  liberty,  and  the  public  were  forbidden  to  destroy 
them  under  severe  penalties.  At  that  date  there  were  countless  millions 
of  locusts  among  the  crops.  The  Locust  plague  is  one  of  the  great 

1 A good  dish  can  be  made  of  the  rice-birds  known  locally  as  Maya  ( Munia 
oryzivora,  Bonap.;  Estrelda  amandava,  Gray)  and  the  Bato-Bato  and  Punay  pigeons 
(. Ptilinopus  roseicollis,  Gray). 

2 According  to  Edouard  Yerreux,  cited  by  Paul  de  la  Gironniere  in  his 
“ Aventures  d'un  gentilhomme  Breton  aux  lies  Philippines,”  p.  394,  Paris  1867, 
there  were  at  that  date  172  classified  birds  in  this  Archipelago. 


THE  LOCUST  PLAGUE. 


395 


risks  the  planter  has  to  run.  These  winged  insects  come  in  swarms  of 
millions  at  a time,  and  how  to  exterminate  them  is  a problem.  I have 
seen  a mass  of  locusts  so  thick  that  a row  of  large  trees  the  other  side 
of  them  could  not  be  distinguished.  Sailing  along  the  Antique  coast 
one  evening,  I observed,  on  the  fertile  shore,  a large  brown-coloured 
plateau.  For  the  moment  I thought  it  was  a tract  of  land  which  had 
been  cleared  by  fire,  but  on  nearing  it  I noticed  that  myriads  of  locusts 
had  settled  on  several  fields.  We  put  in  quite  close  to  them,  and  I 
fired  off  a revolver,  the  noise  of  which  caused  them  to  move  off  slowly 
in  a cloud.  Whenever  locusts  settle  on  cultivated  lands,  miles  of  crops 
are  frequently  ruined  in  a night  by  the  foliage  being  consumed,  and  at 
daybreak  only  fields  of  stalks  are  to  be  seen.  In  the  day  time,  when 
the  locusts  are  about  to  attack  a planted  field,  the  natives  rush  out  with 
their  tin  cans,  which  serve  as  drums,  bamboo  clappers,  red  flags,  etc., 
to  scare  them  off,  whilst  others  light  fires  in  open  spaces  with  damp 
fuel  to  raise  smoke.  One  of  the  most  effective  methods  to  drive  them 
farther  away  is  to  fire  off  small  mortars,  such  as  the  natives  use  at 
feasts,  as  these  insects  are  sensitive  to  the  least  noise. 

The  body  of  a locust  is  similar  in  appearance  to  a large  grasshopper. 
The  females  are  of  a dark  brown  colour,  and  the  males  of  a light 
reddish-brown.  The  female  extends  the  extremity  of  her  body  in  the 
form  of  an  augur,  with  which  she  pierces  the  earth  to  the  depth  of  an 
inch,  there  to  deposit  her  eggs.  In  two  or  three  weeks  the  eggs  hatch. 
Every  few  days  the  females  lay  eggs,  if  allowed  to  settle.  The 
newly -born  insects,  having  no  wings  until  they  are  about  ten  days  old, 
cannot  be  driven  off,  and,  in  the  meantime  they  make  great  havoc  among 
the  crops,  where  it  is  difficult  to  extinguish  them.  The  method  employed 
to  get  rid  of  them,  is  to  place  a barrier,  such  as  sheets  of  corrugated 
iron  roofing,  at  one  side  of  a field — dig  a pit  in  front  of  the  barrier,  and 
get  a number  of  men  to  beat  round  the  three  sides  of  the  field  until  the 
young  locusts  jump  in  heaps  into  the  pit.  I have  heard  planters  say 
that  they  have  succeeded,  in  this  way,  in  destroying  as  much  as  20  tons 
of  locusts  in  one  season.  I do  not  know  the  maximum  distance  that 
locusts  can  fly  in  one  continuous  journey,  but  they  have  been  known 
to  travel  as  much  as  60  miles  across  the  sea.  Millions  of  unwinged 
locusts  have  been  seen  floating  down  river  streams,  whilst,  however, 
the  winged  insect  cannot  resist  the  heavy  rains  which  accompany  a 
hurricane. 


396 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


It  is  said  that  the  food  passes  through  the  body  of  a locust  a3  fast 
as  it  eats,  and  that  its  natural  death  is  due,  either  to  want  of  nourish- 
ment, or  to  a small  worm  which  forms  in  the  body  and  consumes  it. 
It  is  also  supposed  that  the  female  dies  after  laying  a certain  number 
of  eggs.  Excepting  the  damage  to  vegetation,  locusts  are  perfectly 
harmless  insects,  and  native  children  catch  them  to  play  with  ; also, 
when  fried,  they  serve  as  food  for  the  poorest  classes — in  fact,  I was 
assured,  on  good  authority,  that  in  a certain  village  in  Tayabas 
Province,  where  the  peasants  considered  locusts  a dainty  dish,  payment 
was  offered  to  the  parish  priest  for  him  to  say  mass  and  pray  for  the 
continuance  of  the  luxury.  In  former  times,  before  there  were  so 
many  agriculturists  interested  in  their  destruction,  these  insects  have 
been  known  to  devastate  the  Colony  during  six  consecutive  years. 

In  the  mud  of  stagnant  waters,  a kind  of  beetle,  called  in  Visaya 
dialect  Tanga,  is  found,  and  much  relished  as  an  article  of  food.  Iu 
the  dry  season,  as  much  as  fifty  cents  a dozen  is  paid  for  them  in 
Molo  (near  Yloilo)  by  well-to-do  natives.  There  are  many  other 
insects,  highly  repugnant  to  the  European,  which  are  a bonne  bouc/ie 
for  the  natives. 

In  all  the  rice-paddy  fields,  small  fish  ( Ophiocephalus  vagus ) are 
caught  by  the  natives,  for  food,  with  cane  nets,  or  rod  and  line,  when 
the  fields  are  flooded.  Where  this  piscatorial  phenomenon  exists  iu  the 
dry  season  no  one  has  been  able  to  satisfactorily  explain. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


MANILA  UNDER  SPANISH  RULE. 

Manila,  the  Capital  of  the  Philippines,  is  siiuated  in  the  Island  of 
Luzon  at  the  mouth,  and  on  the  left  (south)  bank  of  the  River  Pasig, 
at  N.  lat.  14°  36'  by  E.  long.  120°  57'.  It  is  a fortified  city,  being 
encircled  by  bastioned  and  battlement  avails,  which  were  built  in  the 
time  of  Governor  Gomez  Perez  Dasmarinas,  about  the  year  1590.  It 
is  said  that  the  labour  employed  was  Chinese.  These  walls  measure 
about  two  miles  and  a quarter  long,  and  bear  mounted  old-fashioned 
cannon.  The  fortifications  are  of  stone,  and  their  solid  construction 
may  rank  as  a chef  d' oeuvre  of  the  16th  century.  The  earthquake  of 
1880  caused  an  arch  of  one  of  the  entrances  to  fall  in,  and  elsewhere 
cracks  are  perceptible.  These  defects  were  never  made  good.  The  city 
is  surrounded  by  water — to  the  N.  the  Pasig  River,  to  the  W.  the  sea 
and  the  moats  all  around.  These  moats  are  paved  at  the  bottom,  and 
sluices — perhaps  not  in  good  working  order  at  the  present  day — are 
provided  for  filling  them  with  water  from  the  river. 

The  demolition  of  the  walls  and  moats  has  frequently  been  debated 
by  commissions  specially  appointed — the  last  in  October,  1887.  It  is 
said  that  a commission  once  recommended  the  cleansing  of  the  moats, 
which  were  half  full  of  mud,  stagnant  water,  and  vegetable  putrid 
matter,  but  the  authorities  hesitated  to  disturb  the  deposit,  which  might 
have  emitted  fetid  odours,  producing  fever  or  other  endemic  disease. 

These  city  defences,  although  quite  useless  in  modern  warfare  with 
a foreign  Power,  might  any  day  be  serviceable  as  a refuge  for 
Europeans  in  the  event  of  a serious  revolt  of  the  natives  or  Chinese. 
The  garrison  consisted  of  one  European  and  several  native  regiments. 


398 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


There  are  eight  drawbridge  entrances  to  the  Citadel1  wherein  were 
some  Government  Offices,  branch  Post  and  Telegraph  Offices,  the 
Custom  House  (temporarily  removed  to  Binondo  since  May  4th,  1887, 
during  the  construction  of  the  new  harbour),  Colleges,  Convents,  a 
Meteorological  Observatory,  of  which  the  Director  was  a Jesuit  priest, 
Artillery  Depot,  a Cathedral  and  eleven  churches.  The  little  trade  done 
in  the  city  was  exclusively  retail.  In  the  month  of  April  or  May,  1603, 
a great  fire  destroyed  one-third  of  the  city,  the  property  consumed 
being  valued  at  one  million  dollars. 

Manila  city  is  a dull  capital,  with  narrow  streets,  bearing  a heavy, 
sombre,  monastic  appearance.  It  had  no  popular  cafes,  no  opera-house 
or  theatre,  indeed  absolutely  no  place  of  recreation.  Only  the  numerous 
religious  processions  relieved  the  monotony  of  city  life.  The  whole 
(walled)  city  and  its  environment  seems  to  have  been  built  solely  with 
a view  to  self-defence.  Since  the  year  1887,  it  had  been  somewhat 
embellished  by  gardens  in  the  public  squares. 

The  great  trading  centre  is  the  Island  of  Binondo,  on  the  right 
(north)  bank  of  the  Pasig  River,  and  here  the  foreign  houses  are 
established.  On  the  city  side  of  the  river,  where  there  was  scarcely 
any  commerce  and  no  export  or  import  trade  whatever,  a harbour  was 
in  course  of  construction,  without  the  least  hope  of  its  ever  being 
completed  by  the  Spaniards.  All  the  sea  wall  visible  of  these  works 
was  carried  away  by  a typhoon  on  the  29th  September,  1890.  To 
defray  the  cost  of  making  this  harbour,  a special  duty  (not  included  in 
the  Budget)  of  one  per  cent,  on  exports,  two  per  cent,  on  imports,  ten 
cents  per  ton  on  vessels  (besides  the  usual  tonnage  dues  of  eight  cents 
per  register  ton),  and  a fishing  craft  tax  were  collected  since  June  1880. 
Sixteen  years’  dues  collection  of  several  millions  of  dollars  served  only 
to  fill  the  pockets  of  engineers  and  contractors,  for  the  scrap  of  sea  wall 


1 The  City  Walls  were  undoubtedly  a great  safeguard  for  the  Spaniards  against 
the  frequent  threats  of  the  Mindanao  and  Sulu  pirates  who  ventured  into  the  Bay  of 
Manila  up  to  within  50  years  ago.  Also,  for  more  than  a century,  they  were  any  day 
subject  to  hostilities  from  the  Portuguese,  whilst  the  aggressive  foreign  policy  of  the 
Mother  Country  during  the  17th  century  exposed  them  to  reprisals  by  the  Dutch 
fleets,  which  in  1643  threatened  the  City  of  Manila.  Formerly,  the  drawbridges 
were  raised,  and  the  city  was  closed  and  under  sentinels  from  eleven  o’clock  at 
night  until  four  o’clock  in  the  morning.  It  continued  so  until  1852,  when,  in 
consequence  of  the  earthquake  of  that  year,  it  was  decreed  that  the  city  should 
thenceforth  remain  open  night  and  day. 


THE  OLD  CITY  WALLS,  MANILA.  GATEWAY  RESTORED  IN  1861. 


MANILA  BAY. PASIG  RIVER. 


399 


to  be  seen  in  1896  was  of  no  use  to  trade  or  anyone.  In  1882  fourteen 
huge  iron  barges  for  the  transport  of  stone  from  Angono  were 
constructed  by  an  English  engineer,  Mr.  W.  S.  Richardson,  under 
contract  with  the  Port  Works,  for  $82,000. 

The  Port  of  Manila  was  officially  held  to  extend  for  27  miles 
westward  from  the  mouth  of  the  Pasig  River. 

The  anchorage  of  the  port  is  in  the  bay  two  to  two-and-a-half 
miles  S.W.  from  the  red  light,  at  the  entrance  of  the  river,  in 
about  six  fathoms.  There  was  no  special  locality  reserved  for  war 
ships. 

Ships  at  the  anchorage  communicate  with  the  shore  by  their  own 
boats  or  steam  launch,  and  the  loading  and  discharging  of  vessels  i3 
chiefly  effected  in  the  bay,  one  to  three  miles  off  the  river  mouth,  by 
means  of  lighters. 

Manila  Bay  has  a circumference  of  120  nautical  miles,  and  is  far 
too  large  to  afford  adequate  protection  to  ships. 

On  the  20th  October,  1882,  a typhoon  drove  11  ships  and  one 
steamer  ashore  from  their  anchorage,  besides  dismasting  another,  and 
causing  three  more  to  collide. 

The  entrance  to  the  bay  is  divided  into  two  passages  by  the  small 
Island  of  Corregidor,  on  which  was  a lighthouse  showing  a revolving 
bright  light,  visible  20  miles  off.  Here  was  also  a signal  station, 
communicating  by  a semaphore  with  a telegraph  station  on  the  opposite 
Luzon  coast,  and  thence  by  wire  with  Manila. 

The  entrance  to  the  Pasig  River  is  between  two  moles,  which  run 
out  westward  respectively  from  the  citadel  on  the  S.  bank  and  from  the 
business  suburb  of  Binondo  on  the  N.  bank.  At  the  outer  extremity  of 
the  northern  mole  was  a lighthouse,  showing  a fixed  red  light,  visible 
eight  miles. 

Vessels  drawing  up  to  13  feet  can  enter  the  river.  In  the  middle 
of  1887,  a few  electric  lights  were  established  along  the  quays  from  the 
river  mouth  to  the  first  bridge,  and  one  light  also  on  that  bridge,  so 
that  steamers  can  enter  the  river  after  sunset  if  desirable.  The 
wharfage  is  wholly  occupied  by  steamers  and  sailing  craft  trading 
within  the  Archipelago.  The  tides  are  very  irregular.  The  rise  and 
fall  at  springs  may  be  taken  to  be  5 feet. 

Up  to  1887,  ships  requiring  repairs  had  to  go  to  Hongkong,  but 
now  there  is  a patent  slip  at  Canacao  Bay,  near  Cavite,  seven  miles 


400 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


southward  from  the  Manila  Bay  anchorage.  The  working  capacity  of 
the  hydraulic  hauling  power  of  the  slip  is  2,000  tons. 

At  Cavite,  close  by  Cafiacao,  there  was  a Government  Arsenal  and 
a small  slip,  having  a hauling  power  of  about  500  tons. 

Up  to  the  year  1893  the  streets  of  Manila  City  and  suburbs  were 
badly  lighted — petroleum  lamps,  and  sometimes  cocoa-nut  oil,  being 
used.  (The  paving  was  perhaps  more  defective  than  the  lighting.)  In 
1892  an  Electric  Light  Co.  was  formed,  with  a share  capital  of 
$500,000  ($350,000  paid  up)  for  illuminating  the  city  and  suburbs  and 
private  lightiug.  Under  the  contract  with  the  Municipality  the 
Company  received  a grant  of  $60,000.  The  concern  was  in  full 
working  order  the  following  year.  The  poorest  working  class  of 
Manila — fishermen,  canoemen,  day  labourers,  etc. — live  principally 
in  the  Ward  of  Tondo,  where  dwellings  with  thatched  roofs  were 
allowed  to  be  constructed.  In  the  wet  season  the  part  of  this  ward 
nearest  to  the  city  was  simply  a mass  of  pollution.  The  only 
drainage  was  a ditch  cut  around  each  square  wherein  the  huts 
were  erected.  Many  of  these  huts  had  pools  of  stagnant  water 
under  them  for  mouths,  hence  it  was  there  that  the  mortality  from 
fever  was  at  its  maximum  ratio  in  the  dry  season,  when  evaporation 
commenced. 

Binondo  presents  an  aspect  of  great  activity  during  the  day.  The 
import  and  export  trade  is  largely  in  the  hands  of  British  merchants, 
and  the  retail  traffic  is,  to  a great  extent,  monopolized  by  the  Chinese. 
Their  tiny  shops,  grouped  together  in  rows,  form  bazaars.  At  each 
counter  sits  a Chinaman,  casting  up  accouuts,  with  the  ancient  abacus1 
still  serving  him  for  practical  reckoning.  Another  is  ready  at  the 
counter  to  strike  the  bargain,  whilst  a third  lounges  about  the 
entrance  to  tout  for  custom.  Sometimes  a whole  bazaar  of  ten  to 
twelve  shops  has  only  one  owner.  In  such  a case,  if  a purchaser  is 
not  satisfied,  after  haggling  over  the  price  of  an  article,  he  fares  no 
better  by  passing  on  to  the  next  seller.  The  discarded  Chinaman 
at  the  first  counter  runs  by  a back  way  to  the  adjoining  opening,  and, 
in  his  own  language,  advises  the  counterman  there  of  his  lowest  offer. 
Hence  the  purchaser,  wearied  of  going  from  one  to  another,  and  finding 


1 The  Abacus  consists  of  a frame  with  a number  of  parallel  wires  on  which 
counting-beads  are  strung.  It  is  in  common  use  in  China. 


LA  ESCOLTA— THE  PRINCIPAL 


CHINESE  TRADERS  AND  WORKERS. 


401 


all  quote  alike,  closes  the  bargain,  protesting  against  the  obduracy  of 
the  crafty  Celestial. 

There  is  not  a street  without  Chinese  dealers,  but  their  principal 
centre  is  the  Rosario , whilst  the  finest  European  shops,  owned  generally 
by  Spaniards,  are  to  be  found  in  the  Escolta. 

In  1881  a great  fire  occurred  in  the  Escolta,  and  since  then  the 
class  of  property  in  that  important  thoroughfare  has  been  much 
improved.  In  October,  1885,  a second  serious  fire  took  place  in  this 
street,  and  on  the  site  of  the  ruins  there  now  stands  a fine  block  of 
buildings  occupied  by  the  Central  Post  Office  and  Telegraph  Station, 
and  a row  of  good  shops  in  European  style. 

During  the  working  hours  are  to  be  seen  hundreds  of  smart  Chinese 
coolies,  half  naked,  running  in  all  directions  with  loads,  or  driving  carts, 
whilst  the  natives  dreamily  propel  themselves  along  the  streets,  following 
their  numerous  occupations  with  enviable  tranquillity.  In  the  doorways 
here  and  there  are  native  women  squatting  on  the  flag-stones,  picking 
vermin  from  each  other’s  heads,  and  serving  a purchaser  between-times 
with  cigars,  betel-nut,  and  food,  when  occasion  offers. 

Certain  small  handicrafts  are  almost  exclusively  taken  up  by  the 
Chinese,  such  as  boot-making,  furniture-making,  small  smith’s  work 
and  casting,  tin-working,  tanning,  dyeing,  etc.,  whilst  the  natives  are 
occupied  as  silversmiths,  engravers,  saddlers,  water-colour  painters, 
furniture  polishers,  bookbinders,  etc.  A few  years  ago,  the  apothecaries 
were  almost  exclusively  Germans  ; now  the  profession  is  shared  with 
natives  and  half-castes. 

The  thoroughfares  are  crowded  with  carriages  during  the  whole 
day  drawn  by  pretty  native  ponies.  The  public  conveyance  regulations 
were  excellent.  The  rates  for  hiring  were  very  moderate,  and  were 
calculated  by  the  time  engaged.  Incivility  of  drivers  was  a thing 
almost  unknown.  Their  patience  was  astonishing.  They  would,  if 
required,  wait  for  the  fare  for  hours  together  in  a drenching  rain  with- 
out a murmur.  Having  engaged  a vehicle  (in  Manila  or  provincial 
towns)  it  is  usual  to  guide  the  driver,  by  calling  out  to  him  each  turn 
he  has  to  take.  Thus,  if  he  be  required  to  go  to  the  right — mano 
(hand)  is  the  word  used  ; if  to  the  left — silla  (saddle)  is  shouted. 
This  custom  originated  in  the  days  before  natives  were  intrusted  to 
drive,  when  a postilion  rode  the  left  (saddle)  pony  and  guided  his 
right  (hand)  animal  with  a short  rein. 

C C 


402 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Through  the  City  anil  suburbs  run  lines  of  tramway  with  cars 
drawn  by  ponies,  and  from  Binondo  (since  the  20th  October  1888) 
the  cars  are  carried  on  by  steam  power  to  the  village  of  Malabou. 

Fortunately,  Easter  week  brought  two  days  of  rest  every  year  for 
the  ponies,  namely,  Holy  Thursday  and  Good  Friday.  As  in  Spain 
also,  with  certain  exceptions,  such  as  doctors,  urgent  Government 
service,  etc.,  vehicles  were  not  permitted  in  the  streets  and  highways 
on  those  days.  Soldiers,  passing  through  the  streets  on  service,  carried 
their  guns  with  the  muzzles  pointing  to  the  ground.  The  church  bells 
were  tolled  with  muffled  hammers,  hence,  the  vibration  of  the  metal 
being  checked,  the  peal  sounded  like  the  beating  of  so  many  tin  cans. 
The  shops  were  closed,  and,  so  far  as  was  practicable,  every  outward 
appearance  of  care  for  worldly  concerns  was  extinguished,  whilst  it 
was  customary  for  the  large  majority  of  the  population — natives  as 
well  as  Europeans — who  Avent  through  the  streets  to  be  attired  in 
black.  On  Good  Friday  afternoon  there  was  an  imposing  religious 
procession  through  the  city  and  suburbs.  On  the  following  Saturday 
morning  ( Sdbado  de  Gloria ) there  was  a lively  scene  after  the 
celebration  of  Mass.  In  a hundred  portals  and  alleys,  public  con- 
veyances and  private  vehicles  Avere  awaiting  the  peal  of  the  unmufflcd 
church  bells.  When  this  was  heard,  in  an  instant  there  Avas  a rush 
in  all  directions — the  clanking  of  a thousand  ponies’  feet ; the  rumbling 
sound  of  hundreds  of  vehicles ; the  shouts  of  the  natives  and  the 
Chinese  coolies  together,  shoAved  Avith  Avhat  abated  anxiety  and  forced 
subjection  material  interest  and  the  affairs  of  this  life  had  been  held  in 
check  and  made  subservient  to  higher  thoughts. 

It  Avas  computed  on  official  returns  in  the  year  1885,  that  the 
average  number  of  vehicles  which  passed  through  the  main  street  of 
the  city  ( Calle  Beal ) per  dap,  amounted  to  950  ; through  the  Escolta , 
the  principal  street  of  Binondo,  5,000  ; aud  across  the  bridge,  con- 
necting Binondo  with  Manila  City  (Avbere  the  river  is  o50  feet  wide), 
6,000. 

Sir  John  BoAvring,  in  the  account  of  his  short  visit  to  Manila  in 
1858,  says,  that  he  was  informed  on  good  authority  that  the  average 
number  of  vehicles  passing  per  day  at  that  date  through  the  Escolta , 
amounted  to  915  ; across  the  bridge,  between  Binondo  and  Manila, 
1,256;  so  that  in  27  years  the  number  of  vehicles  in  use  appears  to 
have  increased  Dy  about  five  to  one. 


BRIDGES.  —THEATRES. BULL  RING. 


403 


The  River  Pasig  is  navigable  by  steam  launches,  and  specially 
constructed  steamers  with  flat  bottoms  of  light  draught  and  pro- 
portionately great  beam,  which  go  up  the  whole  distance  into  the 
Laguna  de  Bay.  The  river  is  crossed  at  Manila  and  suburbs  by 

three  bridges,  one  of  which  is  of  stone  and  iron,  and  sadly  in  want 
of  repair.1 

In  the  suburbs  there  are  four  Theatres,  in  none  of  which  a 
dramatic  company  of  any  note  would  consent  to  perform.  In  one,  the 
performance  could  be  partly  seen  from  the  street  (the  Tcatro  Filipino)  ; 
the  other  (the  Tcatro  de  Tondo ) was  situated  in  a dirty  thoroughfare 
in  a low  quarter  ; the  third  (the  Teatro  del  Principe)  usually  gave  an 
entertainment  in  dialect  for  the  amusement  of  the  natives  ; and  the 
fourth,  located  in  the  Calle  de  Bilibid,  was  constructed  to  serve  as 
theatre  or  circus  without  the  least  regard  to  its  acoustic  properties, 
hence  only  one-third  of  the  audience  could  hear  the  dialogue.  There 
was  permanently  a Spanish  Comedy  Company,  and  occasionally  a troupe 
of  foreign  strolling  players,  a circus,  a concert  or  an  Italian  Opera 
Company  came  to  Manila  to  entertain  the  public  for  a few  weeks. 

In  1880  there  used  to  be  a kind  of  tent  theatre,  called  the  Carrillo , 
where  performances  were  given  without  any  regard  to  histrionic  art  or 
stage  regulations.  The  scenes  were  highly  ridiculous,  and  the  gravest 
spectator  could  not  suppress  laughter  at  the  exaggerated  attitudes  and 
comic  display  of  the  native  performers.  The  public  were  permitted 
full  licence  to  call  to  the  actors  and  criticize  them  in  loud  voices  seance 
tenanle — often  to  join  in  the  choruses,  and  make  themselves  quite  at 
home  during  the  whole  spectacle. 

About  a year  afterwards,  the  Carrillo  was  suppressed  by  the 
authorities. 

In  the  suburb  of  Paco  there  was  a bull  ring,  which  did  not 
generally  attract  the  elite,  as  a bull  fight  there  was  simply  a burlesque 
upon  this  national  sport  as  seen  in  Spain.  I have  witnessed  a Manila 
espada  hang  on  to  the  tail  of  his  victim,  and  a banderillero  meet  the 
rush  of  the  bull  with  a vault  over  his  head,  amidst  hoots  from  the 
shady  class  of  audience  who  formed  the  habitues  of  the  Manila  ring. 

1 On  the  site  of  this  last  bridge  the  Puenta  de  Barcas  (Pontoon  Bridge)  existed 
from  1632  to  1863,  when  it  was  destroyed  by  the  great  earthquake  of  that  year. 
The  new  stone  bridge  was  opened  to  traffic  in  1875,  and  called  the  Puente  de 
Etpana. 


C C 2 


404 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  Civil  Governor  of  the  Province  had  full  arbitrary  power  to 
enforce  the  regulations  relating  to  public  performances,  but  it  was 
seldom  he  imposed  a fine.  The  programme  had  to  be  sanctioned  by 
authority  before  it  was  published,  aud  it  could  neither  be  added  to  nor 
any  part  of  it  omitted,  without  special  licence.  The  performance  was 
given  under  the  censorship  of  the  Corregidor  or  his  delegate,  whose 
duty  it  was  to  guard  the  interests  of  the  public,  and  to  see  that  the 
spectacle  did  not  outrage  morality. 

At  every  annual  feast  all  over  the  Colony,  the  basis  of  the  public 
rejoicing  was  the  attendance  at  High  Mass,  aud  the  view  of  the 
religious  procession,  which  was  intended  to  impress  on  the  minds  of 
the  faithful  the  virtue  of  the  Saints  by  ocular  demonstration.  Vast 
sums  of  money  were  expended  from  time  to  time  in  adornment  of  the 
images,  the  adoration  of  which  seemed  to  be  tinctured  with  pantheistic 
feeling,  as  if  these  symbols  were  part  of  the  Divine  essence. 

Each  village,  and  indeed  each  suburb,  both  of  the  Capital  and 
the  villages,  is  supposed  to  be  specially  cared  for  by  its  patron  Saint, 
even  though  the  proof  be  lacking  that  the  Saint  has  accepted  the 
patronage.  Among  the  suburban  feasts  of  Manila,  that  of  Biuondo 
was  particularly  striking.  It  took  place  in  the  month  of  October.  An 
imposing  illuminated  procession,  headed  by  the  clergy,  guarded  by 
troops,  and  followed  up  by  hundreds  of  native  men,  women  and  children 
carrying  candles,  promenaded  the  principal  streets  of  the  vicinity.  It 
might  indeed  have  commanded  the  inward  respect  of  all  religionists, 
were  it  not  for  one  ridiculous  feature — the  mob  of  native  men  who 
accompanied  the  cortege,  dressed  in  gowns  and  head  wreaths,  in 
representation  of  the  Jews  who  persecuted  Our  Saviour.  The  sight 
of  these  fellows  rushing  about  the  streets  in  tawdry  attire  before  and 
after  the  ceremony  in  such  apparent  ignorance  aud  carelessness  of  the 
real  intention,  annulled  the  sublimity  of  the  whole  affair. 

All  Saints’  Day — the  1st  of  November — brought  a large  income 
to  the  priests  in  the  most  frequented  parish  churches.  This  is  one  of 
the  days  on  which  souls  can  be  got  out  of  Purgatory.  The  faithful 
flocked  in  mobs  to  the  popular  shrines,  where  a struggle  was  made  to 
place  a lighted  wax  candle  at  the  foot  of  the  altar,  and  on  bended 
knee  to  invoke  the  Saints’  aid  in  benefit  of  their  departed  relatives 
and  friends.  But  the  crowd  was  so  great,  that  the  pious  were  not 
permitted  this  consolation  for  more  than  two  or  three  minutes. 


LEPERS. CHINESE  NEW  YEAR. COCK-FIGHTING.  405 


Sacristans  made  them  move  on,  to  leave  room  for  new  comers,  and 
their  candles  were  then  extinguished  and  collected  in  heaps,  Chinese 
infidel  coolies  being  sometimes  employed  to  carry  away  the  spoil  to 
the  parish  priest’s  store.  The  wax  was  afterwards  sold  to  dealers. 
One  church  is  said  to  have  collected  on  the  1st  November,  1887,  as 
much  as  40  cwts.,  valued  at  $37  per  cwt.  This  day  was  a public 
holiday,  and  in  the  afternoon  and  evening  it  was  the  custom  to  visit 
the  last  resting  places,  to  leave  a token  of  remembrance  on  the  tombs 
of  the  lamented. 

The  Asylum  for  Lepers,  at  Dalumbayan,  in  the  Ward  of  Santa 
Cruz,  was  also  visited  the  same  day,  and  whilst  many  naturally  went 
there  to  see  their  afflicted  relations  and  friends,  others,  of  morbid 
tastes  satisfied  their  curiosity.  This  Asylum,  subsidized  by  Govern- 
ment to  the  extent  of  $500  per  annum,  was,  in  the  time  of  the  Spaniards, 
under  the  care  of  Franciscan  friars. 

In  January  or  February  the  Chinese  celebrate  their  New  Year, 
and  suspend  work  during  a week  or  ten  days.  The  authorities  did  not 
permit  them  to  revel  in  fun  to  the  extent  they  would  have  done  in 
their  own  country,  nevertheless,  Chinese  music,  gongs  and  crackers  were 
indulged  in,  in  the  quarters  most  thickly  populated  by  this  race. 

The  natives  generally  have  an  unbounded  passion  for  cock-fighting, 
and  in  the  year  1779,  it  occurred  to  the  Government  that  a profitable 
source  of  revenue  might  be  derived  from  a tax  on  this  sport.  From 
that  date,  therefore,  it  was  only  permitted  under  a long  code  of 
regulations  on  Sundays  and  feast  days,  and  in  places  officially 
designated  for  the  “ meet  ” of  the  combatants.  In  Manila  alone  the 
permission  to  meet  was  extended  to  Thursdays,  The  cock-pit  is  called 
the  Gallera , and  the  tax  was  rented  out  to  the  highest  bidding 
contractor,  who  bound  himself  to  pay  a fixed  sum  per  annum  to  the 
Government,  and  make  the  best  he  could  for  himself  out  of  the  excess 
gross  proceeds  from  entrance  fees  and  sub-letting  rents  over  that 
amount.  In  like  manner  the  Government  farmed  out  the  taxes  on 
horses,  vehicles,  sale  of  opium,  slaughter  of  animals  for  consumption, 
bridge  tolls,  etc.,  and,  until  1888,  the  market  dues.  Gambling  licences 
also  brought  a good  revenue,  but  it  would  have  been  as  impossible  to 
suppress  cock-fighting  in  the  Islands  as  gambling  in  England.1 


1 The  favourite  game  of  the  Tagalogs  is  Panguingui — of  the  Chinese  Chapdiki. 


406 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  Spanish  laws  relating  to  the  cock-pit  were  very  strict,  and 
were  specially  decreed  on  the  21st  of  March,  1861.  It  was  enacted 
that  the  maximum  amount  to  be  staked  by  one  person  on  one  contest 
should  be  $50.  That  each  cock  should  wear  only  one  metal  spur.  That 
the  fight  should  be  held  to  be  terminated  on  the  death  of  one  or  both 
cocks,  or  when  one  of  them  retreated.  However,  the  decree  contained 
in  all  a hundred  clauses,  which  it  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate. 
Cock-fighting  is  discussed  among  the  natives  with  the  same  enthusiasm 
which  horse-racing  calls  forth  in  England.  The  majority  of  men  rear 
cocks  for  several  years,  bestowing  upon  them  as  much  tender  care  as  a 
mother  would  on  her  infant.  When  the  hope  of  the  connoisseur  has 
arrived  at  the  age  of  discretion  and  valour,  it  is  put  forward  in  open 
combat,  perhaps  to  perish  in  the  first  encounter.  And  the  patient 
native  goes  on  training  others. 

Within  twenty  minutes’  drive  from  Manila,  at  Xagtajan,  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Pasig  River,  there  is  a good  European  club,  of 
which  the  majority  of  members  are  English-speaking  people  employed 
in  commercial  houses.  The  entrance  fee  is  $30  ; the  monthly 
subscription  is  $5,  and  $1  per  month  extra  for  the  use  of  a fairly  good 
library. 

The  principal  hotel — the  “ Hotel  de  Oriente  ” — was  opened  in 
Binondo  in  January  1889.  It  is  a large  two-storied  building,  with  83 
rooms  for  the  public  service,  and  stabling  for  25  horses.  It  is  the  first 
building  specially  erected  in  the  Colony  for  an  hotel.  The  accommo- 
dation and  board  are  good.  It  ranks  with  the  best  hotels  in  the  East. 
The  “ Hotel  Ingles  ” is  also  pretty  good. 

In  Manila  City  and  Binondo  there  are  several  other  Spanish  hotels 
where  the  board  is  tolerable,  but  the  lodging  and  service  are  abomin- 
able. There  is  a telephone  system  established  throughout  the  citv 
and  environs. 

The  press  was  represented  by  five  dailies — “ El  Diario  de  Manila," 
“ La  Oceania  Espaiiola,"  three  evening  papers,  “ El  Comercio,"  “ La 
Voz  de  Espana ,”  and  (since  March  3rd.  1889)  “ La  Correspondcncia 
de  Manila  ” — also  a bi-weekly,  “ La  Opinion."  Some  good  articles 
appeared  at  times  in  the  three  dailies  first  mentioned,  but  as  newspapers 
strictly  so-called,  the  information  in  all  was  remarkably  scant,  due  to 
the  strict  censorship  exercised  jointly  by  a priest  and  a layman. 
However,  if  we  review  the  attainments  of  the  mother  country  in 


JOURNALISM. — BOTANIC  GARDEN. 


407 


this  branch,  it  is  doubtful  whether  much  was  lost  to  the  public  by  this 
censorship. 

In  Manila  there  was  also  a purely  official  organ — the  “ Gaceta  dc 
Manila'''  Newspapers  from  Spain  were  not  publicly  exposed  for  sale  ; 
those  which  were  seen  came  by  private  subscription,  whilst  many  were 
proscribed  as  inculcating  ideas  dangerously  liberal. 

The  first  news-sheet  published  in  Manila  appears  to  have  been  the 
“ Fildntropo ,”  in  the  year  1822,  and  existed  only  a few  years.  Others 
followed  and  failed  in  a short  time.  The  first  Manila  daily  paper  was 
the  “ Estrella,"  which  started  in  1846  and  lasted  three  years.  Since 
then  several  dailies  have  seen  the  light  for  a brief  period.  Th qu  Diar'to 
dc  Manila ,”  started  in  1848,  was  the  oldest  newspaper  of  those  existing 
at  the  end  of  the  Spanish  regime. 

In  Spain  journalism  began  in  the  1 7 th  century  by  the  publication 
of  sheets  called  “ Relacioncs,"  which  appeared  at  irregular  intervals, 
aud  contained  accounts  of  important  incidents.  The  first  Spanish 
newspaper,  correctly  speaking,  was  established  only  last  century. 
Seventy  years  ago  there  was  only  one  regular  periodical  journal  in 
Madrid.  After  the  Peninsula  War,  a step  was  made  towards  political 
journalism.  This  led  to  such  an  abuse  of  the  pen  that  in  1824  all, 
except  the  “ Gaceta  dc  Madrid ,”  “ Gaceta  de  Bayona,"  the  “ Diar'to ,” 
and  a few  non-political  papers  were  suppressed. 

Madrid  has  now  about  fifty  newspapers,  of  which  lialf-a-dozeu  are 
very  readable.  The  “ Correspondent  dc  Espaiia,"  founded  by  the 
late  Marques  de  Santa  Ana  as  a Montpensier  organ,  used  to  afford  me 
great  amusement  in  Madrid.  It  appeared  in  the  evening,  and  scores  of 
newsboys  cried  it  about  the  streets.  It  contained  columns  of  most 
extraordinary  events  in  short  paragraphs  ( gacetillas ),  and  became 
highly  popular,  hundreds  of  persons  waiting  with  eagerness  to  secure  a 
copy.  In  a subsequent  issue,  a few  days  afterwards,  many  of  the 
paragraphs  in  the  same  columns  were  merely  corrections  of  the 
statements  previously  published,  but  so  ingeniously  interposed  that  the 
hoax  took  the  public  for  a long  time. 

There  is  a botanical  garden,  rather  neglected,  although  it  cost  the 
Colony  about  $8,600  per  annum.  The  stock  of  specimens  was  scanty, 
and  the  grounds  were  deserted  by  the  general  public.  It  was  at  least  of 
general  utility  in  one  sense, — that  bouquets  were  supplied  at  once  to 
purchasers  at  cheap  rates,  from  25  cents  and  upwards. 


408 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


In  the  environs  of  Manila  there  are  several  pleasant  drives  and 
promenades,  the  most  popular  one  being  the  “ Luneta,”  where  a mili- 
tary band  frequently  played  after  sunset.  The  Governor-General’s 
palace  1 and  the  residences  of  the  foreign  European  population  and 
well-to-do  natives  and  Spaniards  were  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city 
and  of  the  commercial  quarter.  Some  of  these  private  villas  were 
extremely  attractive,  and  commodiously  designed  for  the  climate, 
but  little  attention  was  paid  until  quite  recently  to  architectural 
beauty. 

The  risks  of  house  property  tenure  were  very  great  ou  account  of 
the  earthquakes  and  typhoons,  whilst  the  laws  relating  to  ownership 
were  so  peculiarly  onerous  in  practice  that  rents  were  fixed  at  a high 
compensatory  figure. 

Very  few  of  the  best  private  residences  have  more  than  one  storey 
above  the  ground  floor.  The  ground  floor  is  either  uninhabited  or  used 
for  lodging  the  native  servants,  or  as  a coach-house,  on  accouut  of  the 
damp.  The  upper  floor,  which  constitutes  the  house  proper,  where 
the  family  resides,  is  usually  divided  into  a spacious  hall  ( Caida ), 
leading  from  the  staircase  to  the  dining  and  reception  rooms  ; ou  one 
or  two  sides  of  these  apartments  are  the  dormitories  and  other  private 
rooms.  The  kitchen  is  often  a separate  building,  connected  with  the 
house  by  a roofed  passage  ; and  by  side  of  the  kitchen,  ou  the  same 
level,  is  a yard  called  the  azotea — here  the  bath-room  is  erected.  The 
most  modern  houses  have  corrugated  iron  roofs.  The  grouud  floor 
exterior  walls  are  of  stone  or  brick,  and  the  whole  of  the  upper  storey 
is  of  wood,  with  sliding  windows  all  around. 

Instead  of  glass,  opaque  oyster  shells  are  employed  to  admit  the 
light  whilst  obstructing  the  sun’s  rays.  Formerly  the  walls  up  to  the 
roof  were  of  stone,  but  since  the  last  great  earthquake  of  1880  the  use 
of  wood  from  the  first  storey  upwards  was  rigorously  enforced  in  the 
capital  and  suburbs  for  public  safety.  Iron  roofs  are  very  hot,  and 
there  are  still  some  comfortable,  spacious,  and  cool  residences  in  the 
environs,  with  the  primitive  cogon  grass  or  nipa  palm-leaf  thatching, 
very  conducive  to  comfort  although  more  exposed  to  fire. 


1 The  Government  House,  located  in  the  city,  which  was  thrown  down  in  the 
earthquake  of  1863,  was  never  rebuilt  by  the  Spaniards.  Its  reconstruction  was 
only  commenced  by  them  in  1895.  The  Govern  or- General  therefore  has  resided 
since  1863  at  his  suburban  palace  at  Malacanan,  on  the  river  side. 


DWELLING-HOUSES. SPANISH  HOSPITALITY.  409 


The  main  entrance  of  a dwelling-house  is  invariably  left  open  until 
the  family  retires  for  the  night.  Mosquitos  abound  in  Manila,  coming 
from  the  numerous  malarious  creeks  Avhich  traverse  the  wards,  and  few 
persons  can  sleep  without  a curtain.  To  be  at  one’s  ease,  a daily  bath 
is  indispensable.  The  heat  from  twelve  to  four  p.m.  is  oppressive  from 
March  to  June,  and  most  persons  who  have  no  afternoon  occupation, 
sleep  the  siesta  from  one  to  three  o’clock.  The  conventional  lunch 
hour  all  over  the  Colony  is  noon  precisely,  and  dinner  at  about  eight 
o’clock.  The  visiting  hours  are  from  five  to  seven  in  the  evening,  and 
reunions  and  musical  soirees  from  nine. 

The  different  social  classes  wrere  far  less  divided  here  than  in  the 
British-Asiatic  Colonies.  There  was  not  the  same  rigid  line  drawn  as 
in  British  India  on  account  of  one’s  birth,  origin,  or  position.  Spaniards 
of  the  best  families  in  the  capital  endeavoured  in  vain  to  Europeanize 
the  people  of  the  country,  and  imany  of  them  exchanged  visits  with 
half-breeds,  and  in  some  cases  with  wealthy  pure  natives.  Hospitality 
amongst  Spaniards  in  the  Philippines  was  far  more  marked  than  in 
Europe,  and  educated  foreigners  were  generally  received  with  great 
courtesy. 

Since  the  year  1884  the  city  and  suburbs  are  well  supplied  with 
good  drinking  water,  which  is  one  of  the  most  praiseworthy  improve- 
ments undertaken  by  the  Spanish  Government  within  the  last  few 
years.  To  ensure  this  beneficial  work  being  carried  out,  a Spanish 
philanthropist,  named  Carriedo — a late  commander  of  an  Acapulco 
galleon — left  a sum  of  money  last  century,  in  order  that  the  capital 
and  accumulated  interest  might  one  day  defray  the  expense.  The 
water  supply  (which  comes  from  Santolan,  on  the  Pasig  River),  being 
more  than  sufficient  for  general  requirements,  the  city  and  suburbs 
were,  little  by  little,  adorned  with  several  public  fountains.  Although 
Manila  lies  low  the  climate  is  healthy,  and  during  several  years  of 
personal  observation  I have  found  the  maximum  and  minimum 
temperatures  at  noon  in  the  shade  to  be  98°  and  75°  Fahr.  respectively. 
The  climate  of  Manila  may  be  generally  summed  up  as  follows,  viz., 
December,  January,  and  February,  a delightful  spring — March,  April, 
and  May,  an  oppressive  heat — June,  July,  August,  and  September, 
heavy  rains — October  and  November,  doubtful  ; sometimes  very  wet, 
sometimes  fairly  dry.  Briefly,  as  to  climate,  it  is  a pleasant  place  to 
reside  in. 


410 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Iu  1593  Manila  already  had  a coat-of-arms,  with  the  title  of  “ May 
Insigne  y siempre  leal  Ciudad " and  iu  the  beginning  of  the  17th 
century  King  Philip  III.  conferred  upon  it  the  title  of  “ La  muy  noble 
Ciudad"  (the  very  noble  city),  hence  it  was  latterly  styled  “La  muy 
noble  y siempre  leal  Ciudad  ” (the  very  noble  and  always  loyal  city). 

According  to  Gironuiere,1  the  civilized  population  of  this  Colony  in 


1845  was  as  follows,  namely  : — 

Europeans  (including  500  Friars)  ....  4,050 

Spanish-native  half-breeds  - 8,584 

Spanish-native-Chinese  half-breeds  - 180,000 

Chinese-  --------  9,901 

Pure  natives  --------  3,304,742 


Total  civilized  population  - - 3,507,277 

In  the  last  census,  which  was  taken  in  1876,  the  total  number  of 
inhabitants,  including  Europeans  and  Chinese,  was  shown  to  be  a little 
under  6,200,000,  but  a fixed  figure  cannot  be  accepted  because  it  is 
impossible  to  estimate  exactly  the  number  of  unsubdued  savages  and 
mountaineers,  who  pay  no  taxes.  The  increase  of  native  population 
was  rated  at  about  two  per  cent,  per  annum,  except  iu  the  Negrito  or 
Aeta  tribes,  which  are  known  to  be  decreasing. 

In  Manila  City  and  Wards  it  is  calculated  there  were  in  1896  about 
340,000  inhabitants,  of  which  the  ratio  of  classes  was  approximately 
the  following,  namely  : — 


PER  CENT. 

Pure  natives  - 

- 

• 

- 

- 

68-00 

Chinese  half-breeds 

- 

- 

- 

- 

16-65 

Chinese  - 

- 

- 

- 

- 

12-25 

Spaniards  and  creoles 

- 

- 

- 

- 

1-65 

Spanish  half-breeds 

- 

- 

- 

- 

1-30 

Foreigners  (other  than  Chinese) 

0-15 

100-00 

1 “ Aventures  d’un  genlilhomme  Exetoa  aux  lies  Philippines,-’  par  Paul  de  la 
Gironniere.  Paris,  1S57. 


TYPHOONS. EARTHQUAKES. 


411 


The  City  alone  contained  a population  of  about  16,000  souls. 

Typhoons  affect  Manila  more  or  less  severely  about  once  a year, 
nearly  always  between  April  and  middle  of  December,  and  sometimes 
cause  immense  destruction  to  property.  Roofs  of  houses  are  carried 
away — the  wooden  upper-storey  frontages  are  blown  out — ships  are  torn 
from  their  moorings — small  craft  laden  with  merchandise  are  wrecked, 
and  the  inhabitants  flee  from  the  streets  to  make  fast  their  premises,  and 
await  in  intense  anxiety  the  conclusion  of  the  tempest.  A hurricane 
of  this  description  desolated  Manila  in  October  1882,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  the  wind  was  accompanied  by  torrents  of  rain,  which  did  great 
damage  to  the  interior  of  the  residences,  warehouses  and  offices.  A 
small  house,  entirely  made  of  wood,  was  blown  completely  over,  aud 
the  natives  who  had  taken  refuge  on  the  ground  floor  were  left, 
without  a moment’s  notice,  with  the  sky  for  a roof.  Two  Chinamen, 
who  thought  to  take  advantage  of  the  occasion  and  economically 
possess  themselves  of  galvanized  iron  roofing,  had  their  heads  nearly 
severed  by  sheets  of  this  material  flying  through  the  air,  aud  their 
dead  bodies  were  picked  up  in  the  Rosario  the  next  morning.  I was 
busy  all  that  day  in  my  house,  with  the  servants,  iu  the  vain  attempt 
to  fasten  the  windows  and  doors,  but  I was  overcome  by  superior 
forces.  Part  of  the  kitchen  was  carried  away — water  came  in  every- 
where, and  I had  to  patiently  wait,  with  an  umbrella  over  me,  until  the 
storm  ceased. 

Manila  is  also  in  constant  danger  of  destruction  from  earthquakes. 
The  most  serious  one  within  this  century  occurred  iu  June,  1863.  The 
shock  lasted  half  a minute,  and  the  falling  debris  of  the  upheaved 
buildings  caused  400  deaths,  whilst  2,000  persons  were  wounded.  The 
total  loss  of  property  on  that  occasion  was  estimated  at  $8,000,000. 

Official  returns  show,  that  46  public  edifices  were  thrown  down  ; 
28  were  nearly  destroyed  ; 570  private  buildings  were  wrecked,  and 
528  were  almost  demolished.  Simultaneously,  an  earthquake  occurred 
iu  Cavite — the  Port  and  Arsenal  at  the  S.  point  of  Manila  Bay — 
destroying  several  public  buildings.  Many  of  the  ruins  caused  by  this 
earthquake  are  still  left  undisturbed  within  the  City  of  Manila.  At 
that  time,  the  best  buildings  had  heavy  tiled  roofs,  and  many  continued 
so,  iu  spite  of  the  severe  lesson,  until  after  the  shock  of  the  year  1880, 
when  galvanized  corrugated  iron  came  into  general  use  for  roofing, 
and,  in  fact,  no  one  in  Manila  or  Binondo  now  builds  a housewithout  it. 


412 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


In  1880  no  lives  were  lost,  but  the  damage  to  house  property  was 
considerable.  The  only  person  who  suffered  physically  from  this 
calamity,  was  an  Englishman,  Mr.  Parker,  whose  arm  was  so  severely 
injured  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  amputate  it. 

Prior  to  1863,  the  most  serious  earthquakes  recorded,  happened  in 
November  1610  ; November  1645  ; August  1658  ; in  1675  ; in  1699  ; 
in  1796  and  in  1852.  Consequent  on  the  shock  of  1645,  all  but  one 
monastery  and  two  churches,  of  the  public  buildings,  were  destroyed, 
600  persons  were  killed,  and  the  Governor-General  was  extricated  from 
the  ruins  of  his  Palace. 

‘According  to  the  Jesuit  Father  Faura,  Director  of  the  Manila 
Observatory,  the  following  slight  quakes  occurred  in  1881,  viz.  : — 3 in 
July — 7 in  August — 10  in  September,  and  3 in  October.  Earthquakes, 
almost  imperceptible,  are  so  frequent  in  these  islands,  that  one  hardly 
heeds  them  after  a few  months’  residence. 

In  a cosmopolitan  city  like  Manila  and  its  surroundings,  where  so 
many  races  of  humanity  assemble,  it  is  interesting  to  observe  the  varied 
costumes  and  modes  of  attire  in  vogue.  The  majority  of  the  Spaniards 
wear  the  European  costume  ; the  British  generally  dress  in  white  drill, 
with  the  coat  buttoned  up  to  the  neck,  and  finished  off  with  a narrow 
collar  of  the  same  material.  The  Chinese  preserve  their  own  peculiar 
national  dress — the  most  logical  of  all — with  the  pig-tail  coiled  iuto 
a chignon.  The  pure  natives  and  many  half-breeds  wear  the  shirt 
outside  the  trousers.  It  is  usually  white,  with  a long  stiff  front,  and 
cut  European  fashion,  but  often  it  is  made  of  an  extremely  fine  yellow 
tinted  expensive  material,  called  piiia — a texture  manufactured  from 
pine-leaf  fibre.  Some  few  of  the  native  jcuncsse  doree  of  Manila  don 
the  European  dress,  much  to  their  apparent  discomfort.  The  official 
attire  of  the  headman  of  a Manila  ward  and  his  subordinates,  was  a shirt 
with  the  tail  outside  the  trousers,  like  other  natives  or  half-breeds, 
but  over  which  was  worn  the  official  distinction  of  a short  Eton  jacket, 
reaching  to  the  hips. 

A native  woman  wears  a flowing  skirt  of  gay  colours — bright  red, 
green,  and  white  being  the  common  choice.  The  length  of  train,  and 
whether  the  garment  be  of  cotton,  silk,  or  satin,  depends  on  her  means. 
Corsets  are  not  yet  the  fashion,  but  a chemisette,  which  just  covers  iier 

1 “Terremotos  de  Nuava  Vizcaya  eu  1881,”  by  Enrique  Abella  y Casariega, 
pub.  Madrid. 


A HALF-CASTE  MANILA  BELLE. 


NATIVE  COSTUMES. 


413 


breast,  and  a starched  neckcloth  ( [panuelo ) of  pina,  or  jusi  (pine  and 
hemp  filament  mixed)  are  in  common  use.  The  panuelo  is  square,  and, 
being  folded  triangularly,  it  hangs  in  a point  down  the  back,  stands 
very  high  up  at  the  back  of  the  neck,  in  17th  century  style,  whilst  the 
other  two  points  are  brooched  where  they  meet  at  the  top  of  the 
chemisette  decollctee.  To  this  chemisette  are  added  immensely  wide 
short  sleeves.  Her  hair  is  brushed  back  from  the  forehead,  without  a 
parting,  and  coiled  into  a tight,  flat  chignon.  In  her  hand  she  carries 
a fan,  without  which  she  would  feel  lost.  Native  women  have  an 
extravagant  desire  to  possess  jewellery — even  those  who  never  wear  it. 
The  head  is  covered  with  a white  mantle  of  very  thin  material, 
sometimes  figured,  but  more  often  this  and  the  neckcloth  are 
embroidered.  Native  women  are  very  clever  at  embroidering.  Finally, 
the  toes  of  her  naked  feet  are  partly  enveloped  in  chinelas — a kind  of 
slipper,  flat  like  a shoe  sole  with  no  heel,  but  just  enough  upper  in  front 
to  put  two  or  three  toes  inside. 

Altogether,  the  appearance  of  a Philippine  woman  of  well-to-do 
family  dressed  on  a gala  day  is  curious,  but  by  no  means  engaging, 
whilst  her  slouching  gait  is  a severe  contrast  to  that  air  gracieux  which 
distinguishes  the  majority  of  Spanish  ladies. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  something  picturesque  and  typical  in 
the  simple  costume  of  a peasant  woman  going  to  market.  She  has  no 
flowing  gown,  but  a short  skirt,  which  is  enveloped  in  a tapis , generally 
of  cotton.  It  is  simply  a rectangular  piece  of  stuff ; as  a rule,  all  blue, 
red  or  black.  It  is  tucked  in  at  the  waist,  drawn  very  tightly  around 
the  loins,  and  hangs  over  the  skirt  a little  below  the  knees.  The  figure 
of  a peasant  woman  is  erect  and  stately,  due  to  her  habit  from  infancy 
of  carrying  jars  of  water,  baskets  of  orchard  produce,  etc.  on  her  head 
with  a pad  of  coiled  cloth. 

At  times  the  better  class  wear  the  more  becoming  short  skirt  and 
t&pis  of  silk  or  satin,  with  gold-lace  embroidered  chinelas.  This  dress 
is  pretty. 

The  Yisaya  woman  wears  the  patallon — a robe  like  the  Javanese 
sarong, — which  is  kept  in  place  by  being  drawn  tightly  around  and 
tucked  in  at  the  waist.  It  just  reaches  her  feet.  At  times  she  will 
put  the  t&pis  over  this.  On  feast  days  and  special  occasions,  the  dusky 
Venuses  of  high  degree  sport  the  gaudy-flowing  gown  of  silk  or  satin, 
known  as  the  saga  suelta. 


414 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


A “ first  class  ” Manila  funeral  was  a whimsical  display  of  pompous 
ignorance  worth  seeing  once.  There  was  a hideous  bier  with  rude 
relics  of  savagism  in  the  shape  of  paltry  adornments.  A native  driver, 
with  a tall  “ chimney  pot  ” hat,  full  of  salaried  mournfulness,  drove 
the  white  team.  The  bier  was  headed  by  a band  of  music  playing 
a lively  march,  and  followed  by  a line  of  carriages  containing  the 
relations  and  friends  of  the  deceased.  The  burial  was  almost 
invariably  within  twenty-four  hours  of  the  decease — sometimes  within 
six  hours. 

There  is  nothing  in  Manila  which  at  once  impresses  one  as 
strikingly  national,  whether  it  be  in  artistic  handicraft,  music,  painting, 
sculpture  or  even  diversions.  The  peculiar  traditional  customs  of  au 
Eastern  people,  their  native  dress,  their  characteristic  habits,  constitute, 
by  their  originality  and  variation,  the  only  charm  to  the  ordinary 
European  traveller.  The  Manila  native,  in  particular,  possesses  none 
of  this  ; he  is  but  a vivid  contrast  to  his  vivacious  Spanish  model ; an 
expressionless,  immobile  being  ; a striking  caricature  of  both  his  own 
picturesque  aboriginal  state,  from  which  he  has  departed,  and  of  his 
Western  master,  whose  grace  and  easy  manners  he  unsuccessfully 
assumes.  In  short,  he  is  neither  one  thing  nor  the  other  in  its  true 
representation,  whilst  the  genial,  genuine,  unalloyed  and  natural  type 
is  to  be  found  in  the  provinces. 


CHAPTER  XXIII, 


TOURING  IN  LUZON  ISLAND, 

The  charm  of  Manila  consists  in  the  picturesqueness  of  its  suburbs, 
where  Nature  plays  so  great  a part,  and  in  the  town  proper,  where 
native  customs  contrast  so  strangely  with  Spanish  fagon  de  faire. 
There,  for  eleven  years,  spreading  over  a period  of  seventeen,  I had  my 
home — nominally,  however,  for  my  programme  was  to  go  everywhere 
in  the  Colony,  and  in  hundreds  of  journeys  I carried  it  out,  excepting 
only  a>  portion  of  the  northern  Pacific  coast  of  Luzon  and  east  coast 
of  Samar. 

With  the  least  luggage  possible,  I drove  off  in  a carriage  to  catch 
the’little  steamer  which,  every  morning,  went  up  the  Pasig  River  into 
the^Laguna  de  Bay. 

It  was  just  one  minute  to  seven  when  I reached  the  Ayala  bridge. 
I could  see  the  smoke  from  the  steamer’s  chimney  ; a blast  of  her 
whistle  had  just  warned  me  to  hurry  on,  and  still  my  driver  walked  the 
pair  of  ponies  at  an  exasperatingly  slow  pace,  seeming  not  to  care  one 
iota  whether  I arrived  in  time  or  not.  I menaced  him  and  entreated 
him,  but  he  was  inexorable.  At  last  he  explained  something  in  incom- 
prehensible Castillian,  and  turned  off  the  bridge  down  to  the  steamer 
side  at  full  gallop.  We  were  in  time.  In  an  instant  my  servant 
Nicomedis  had  placed  my  belongings  in  the  cabin,  and  I ascended  a 
tiny  ladder  to  the  hurricane-deck  to  join  the  skipper  in  the  look-out. 
The  skipper  was  a half-caste,  somewhat  advanced  in  years,  with  a 
round  head,  his  white  hair  clipped  all  over  as  short  as  scissors  would 
permit,  and  his  face  clean  shaven. 

We  exchanged  a mutual  “good  morning,”  and  stood  gazing  in 
silence  at  the  commotion  alongside  the  steamer.  It  was  market  day  in 
a Laguna  town.  Scores  of  natives  were  crowding  in  with  baskets  of 


41 G 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


wares — women  squatting  to  re-arrange  their  goods — porters  shouting 
and  scuffling  on  board  with  their  loads,  whilst  a line  of  carromatas1 
was  perceptible  on  the  bridge,  coming  at  a walking  pace,  but  evidently 
bound  for  the  steamer.  It  was  a quarter  past  seven. 

“ At  what  time  does  the  steamer  leave  ? ” I inquired  of  the  captain, 
thinking  I had  mistaken  the  hour. 

“ At  seven  o’clock  every  morning,”  was  the  reply. 

“ But  it  is  already  a quarter  past  seven,”  I rejoiued. 

“ Yes,  but  I see  carromata-loads  of  passengers  still  arriving  from 
the  bridge.” 

“ Well,  they  don’t  seem  at  all  in  a hurry,”  I remarked. 

“ Of  course  they  can’t  hurry  ; it  would  be  against  the  regulations 
even  to  trot  a pony  on  the  bridge.  Don’t  you  know  that  there  is  a 
seutiuel  posted  there  to  see  that  they  go  al  paso  7 ” 

This  dialogue  explained  everything.  My  driver  was  no  longer  the 
obstinate  fellow  I thought  him,  but  a law-abiding  citizen  ; time  was 
not  money  in  this  colony,  I cogitated,  and  the  hour  of  departure  was 
only  nominal. 

I weut  below  ; the  main  deck  was  crowded  with  natives  going  to 
the  Santa  Cruz  market.  They  covered  every  available  space,  sitting 
on  liliputian  bamboo  stools,  and  in  the  centre  of  the  group  was  the 
tiangui , or  buffet,  presided  over  by  a fat  woman,  who,  half  reclining, 
served  out  hard-boiled  eggs,  boiled  rice  folded  up  in  plantain  leaves 
( sriman  and  poto ),  rice  sticks  ( poto  scco),  betel-nut  ( buxjo ),  sweetstuff 
( matamis ) cakes,  bananas,  etc. 

It  was  7.30  when  we  weighed  anchor,  leaving  a throng  of  empty 
vehicles  and  native  carriers  on  the  quay.  To  our  left  we  passed  the 
Convalescent  Hospital  and  Mad-House,  the  residences  of  the  Admiral 
and  the  Governor-General,  the  European  Club  and  a number  of  private 
villas  ; on  our  right  the  villages  of  Paudacan,  Santa  Ana,  Guadalupe, 
of  historic  interest  in  the  Chinese  riots,  etc. 

The  morning  sun  was  already  oppressive,  so  the  captain  offered  me 
a chair  beside  his  under  an  awning  which  served  for  a wheel-house  on 
the  hurricane-deck.  I thought  I was  the  only  cabin  passenger,  but,  as 

1 The  carromata  is  a two-wheeled  spring  vehicle  with  a light  roof  to  keep  off 
the  sun  and  rain.  It  is  commonly  used  by  the  natives  in  Manila  and  by  all  classes 
in  the  provinces.  Though  wanting  in  comfort,  it  is  a light,  strong  and  useful 
conveyance. 


UP  THE  PASIG  RIVER. 


417 


v/e  were  seated,  up  came  a Chinese  half-caste,  a man  apparently  verging’ 
on  sixty,  who  took  a chair  near  us.  The  stranger  turned  out  to  be  a 
partner  in  one  of  the  richest  native  merchant  houses  in  Manila. 

“ This  is  the  sort  of  navigation  I should  like  were  I a captain,” 
I observed.  “ At  least  there  can  be  none  of  those  heartrending  scenes 
one  experiences  at  sea.” 

The  captain,  Don  Bruno,  took  me  up  at  once. 

“ Don’t  you  believe  it  is  so  easy ; it  requires  all  one’s  skill  to  get 
the  vessel  through  this  tortuous  river.  And  then  the  chance  of  running 

high  aud  dry  ! Why,  in  the  dry  season  I have  had  to ” 

But  the  conversation  was  interrupted. 

“ Tic-iu  ! Tic-iu  ! ” shouted  the  captain,  and  half-a-dozen  natives 
rushed  to  the  port  side  of  the  steamer  to  push  her  off  from  the  right 
bank  with  long  bamboos,  iron-spiked  at  the  tip,  to  ease  her  round  a 
bend  in  the  river.  The  current  was  running  very  strongly  against  us. 
We  were  still  in  the  wet  season,  and  the  streams  feeding  the  lake  had 
been  converted  into  torrents  by  the  recent  heavy  rains. 

“ Where  are  you  going  ? ” inquired  the  Chinese  half-caste. 

“ To  Calamba  or  Yinau  ; it’s  all  the  same  to  me.” 

“ To  sell  jewellery,  I suppose  ? ” 

“ No,”  I rejoined,  “I  neither  sell  it  nor  wear  it.” 

“ Well,  if  you  don’t  know  anyone  in  Calamba,  you  can  accompany 
me  if  you  like.” 

“Thanks  very  much,  I will,”  and  thus  an  acquaintanceship  was 
struck  up  which  lasted  for  years. 

We  had  got  safely  round  the  first  bend,  thanks  to  good  old  Don 
Bruuo’s  provision  of  tie-ins,  and  the  sailors  were  still  hanging  about  in 
expectation  of  having  to  push  off  at  the  point  called  Maldpat-na-bato, 
an  immense  boulder  jutting  out  into  the  river,1  on  the  left  bank,  which 
greatly  obstructed  navigation.  But  we  cleared  it  well,  and  just  in  time 
to  save  a collision  with  a large  2o-tou  cargo-boat — a kind  of  Noah’s 
Ark  with  matting  sails  set,  taking  advantage  of  the  light  breeze  aud 
current. 

Don  Bruno  was  on  his  legs,  and  always  on  the  look-out.  He  blew 
the  steam-whistle,  and  the  cargo-boat  men,  by  the  use  of  their  bamboos, 
got  their  craft  near  the  bank  to  let  us  proceed.  We  passed  by  the 


1 It  has  since  been  cut  away. 


D D 


418 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


"Mariquina  affluent,  and  then  slowed  down  and  whistled  as  we  neared 
Pasig.  Passengers  were  waiting  there  in  canoes  ready  to  come  up 
alongside  and  embark  as  the  steamer  kept  slowly  on  her  course.  Then 
we  went  full  speed  again — quite  three  miles  an  hour  against  the 
current — and  Don  Bruno  seemed  once  more  at  his  ease. 

“ We  have  passed  Pasig,  so  I suppose  you  can  take  a rest  now, 
captain,”  I remarked. 

“ Wo  Seiior,"  rejoined  the  old  man,  “ one  never  knows  what  may 
happen — but,  I forgot  to  ask  if  either  of  you  would  take  anything. 
You,  Seiior  Ingles,”  addressing  himself  to  me  in  particular,  “ a glass 
of  beer  ? Yes,  I know  Englishmen  like  beer.  Oybata!  a glass  of 
beer  for  the  Seiior  Ingles ,”  and  up  came  his  boy — the  batu,  with  a half- 
bottle of  German  lager. 

“ Well,  here  I am,  my  dear  sir,  always  looking  out  for  those  wretched 
canoe-men,”  continued  Don  Bruno.  “ They  hear  the  whistle  and  don’t 
budge  until  one  has  slowed  down  and  shouted  one’s  self  hoarse.  I really 

think ” but  the  rest  of  the  sentence  was  cut  short  by 

the  deafening  sound  of  the  whistle.  A raft  of  cocoa-nuts  from  the  lake 
had  just  turned  a bend,  and  was  in  imminent  danger  of  being  cut 
through  by  our  stem.  It  just  shaved  past  our  paddle-box  by  a hair’s- 
breadth,  amidst  the  vociferations  of  our  sailors,  who  had  Ijeen  standing 
ready  to  pole  off  the  floating  mass. 

Here  and  there  was  a canoe  made  fast  in  the  stream  to  receive 
river-bed  sand  brought  up,  by  native  divers,  in  baskets.  There  is  a 
great  demand  for  it  in  Manila  for  making  mortar.  All  along  the  banks 
we  saw  men,  women,  children  and  cattle  bathing  together — women 
washing  clothes  and  men  fishing  with  large  hand  nets. 

When  we  got  near  Pinagbuhatan,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cainta  river, 
I thought  we  were  about  to  enter  the  lake,  so  I congratulated  Don 
Bruno  on  having  got  out  of  his  trouble  for  that  journey. 

“ Ca  ! ” ejaculated  the  old  mariner,  “ this  is  just  where  the  trouble 
would  begin  for  one  who  did  not  know  every  inch  of  the  route  as  I do. 
This  is  a flood.  The  river  course  is  lost  to  view.  Come  again  in  the 
dry  season  and  you  will  see  how  different  it  is.” 

We  appeared  at  least  to  be  crossing  a lake,  but,  in  effect,  it  was 
only  a fluvial  inundation  due  to  the  late  rains  in  the  mountain  district. 

“ Do  you  see  that  steam-launch  belonging  to  Seiior ? well,  it 

draws  only  two  feet  of  water  and  is  not  in  the  river  at  all  ; it  is  now 


THE  FLOODS. LAGUNA  DE  BAY. 


419 


crossing  swamped  rice  paddy  fields  to  make  a short  cut  and  save  the 
turns.” 

But  Dou  Bruno  did  not  deviate  from  the  track  he  knew  so  well. 
It  seemed  strange  to  me  for  the  first  time  to  be  gliding  along  between 
rows  of  huts  and  clusters  of  bamboos  emerging  from  the  water.  Being 
almost  an  annual  occurrence,  the  natives  become  quite  accustomed  to 
it,  and  not  in  the  least  alarmed.  The  communication  between  the  huts 
was  by  canoe,  although  a few  low-built  shanties  had  been  abandoned 
where  the  water  had  reached  the  top  storey. 

To  get  to  the  steamer  by  seven  o’clock  in  the  morning,  we  had 
taken  coffee  so  early  that  we  felt  it  was  eleven  o’clock  without  looking 
at  our  watches.  We  had  crossed  the  Barra  de  Napiudan,  and  were  in 
the  Laguna  de  Bay  when  breakfast  was  announced. 

After  my  half-caste  friend  had  discussed  sugar  crops  with  the 
captaiu,  the  conversation  became  more  general.  Our  worthy  host,  the 
genial  Don  Bruno,  could  not  have  been  -more  complaisant  or  attentive. 
The  wind  was  freshening  from  the  north,  the  steamer  tilted  to  one 
side,  and  Don  Bruno,  like  a veritable  old  salt,  told  us  how  lives  had 
been  lost  in  the  lake,  which  was  not  exempt  from  the  fury  of 
typhoons. 

There  is  nothing  grand  in  the  view  of  the  lake  from  the  regular 
steamer,  because  to  call  at  Vinan  and  Calamba  we  ran  down  the  west 
coast  with  a vast  plain  always  before  us.  The  contrast  to  the  beautiful 
Pasig  was  unfavorable.  To  the  east,  on  the  Morong  side,  are  low 
mountain  ranges,  of  which  one  sees  only  the  outlines,  whilst  before  us 
were  high  peaks  in  the  distance. 

At  1.30  we  cast  anchor  between  an  islet  and  the  shore  of  Calamba, 
and,  after  bidding  farewell  to  good  old  Don  Bruno,  I got  into  a prahu 
which  was  being  washed  and  bumped  up  against  the  steamer  side. 
3Iy  half-caste  friend  followed,  and  we  filled  up  with  a crowd  of  natives, 
baskets  and  luggage.  Off  went  the  steamer  to  Santa  Cruz,  whilst  we 
were  paddled  and  poled  to  within  fifty  yards  of  the  shore,  where  we 
grounded.  Then  the  water  came  rolling  in  at  the  stern,  until  we  and 
our  portmanteaux  were  fished  out  by  natives,  almost  naked,  whose 
shoulders  we  mounted,  as  if  they  were  horses,  to  get  to  the  beach.  We 
were  not  at  Calamba  yet,  but  at  a fishing  village  some  twenty  minutes’ 
drive  from  the  town.  Carromatas  were  waiting  for  us,  and  away  we 
drove  to  the  convent — the  half-caste  and  I with  our  servants.  There 

D D 2 


420 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


I made  the  acquaintance  of  the  native  parish  priest,  Father  Leoncio 
Lopez,  who,  it  appeared,  was  related  by  marriage  to  my  half-caste  friend. 
Father  Leoncio  was  the  most  intelligent  native  priest  whom  I have 
ever  met.  He  was  really  a man  of  learning  and  practical  knowledge, 
one  of  the  exceptions  of  his  race.  How  little  did  I then  think  that  we 
were  destined  to  become  intimate  friends,  and  that  it  would  be  my 
lot  to  comfort  him  on  his  death-bed  at  the  house  of  his  wealthy 
relation  who  had  introduced  me  to  him  ! 

Calamba  is  a very  dreary  town.  The  Town  Hall  was  merely  a sugar 
shed  ; the  streets  are  always  either  muddy  or  dusty.  There  are  three 
or  four  large  houses  of  well-built  exterior.  The  market,  held  on 
Fridays,  is  of  considerable  local  importance,  natives  coming  there 
from  great  distances.  The  market-place  is,  however,  always  dirty  and 
disorderly.  Nearly  all  the  landed  property  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
Calamba,  and  as  far  as  the  town  of  Los  Banos,  belonged  to  the 
Dominican  Corporation,  whose  administrators  resided  in  the  casa 
hacienda , or  estate-house,  in  the  town.  The  land  was  rented  out  to 
native  planters,  chiefly  for  rice  and  sugar  crops.  In  the  vicinity  there 
are  several  European  steam  and  cattle  power  sugar-mills,  and  many  of 
the  inhabitants  are  comparatively  well  off.  Calamba  is  situated  at  the 
foot  of  the  Maquiling  mountain,  once  an  active  volcano. 

F ollowing  the  lake  shore  in  a carromata  in  an  easterly  direction, 
wflth  the  lake  on  the  left  and  cultivated  plains  on  the  right,  I arrived 
in  an  hour  along  a pretty  road  at  the  town  of  Los  Banos,  or  the  Baths. 
The  town  owes  its  origin  to  the  hot  springs  flowing  from  the  Maquiling 
mountain,  which  have  been  known  to  the  natives  from  time  immemorial 
when  the  place  was  called  Maynit,  which  signifies  “hot.” 

At  the  close  of  the  16th  century,  these  mineral  waters  attracted  the 
attention  of  Fray  Pedro  Bautista  (one  of  the  martyrs  of  Jajiau),  who 
sent  a brother  of  his  order  to  establish  an  hospital  for  the  natives.  The 
brother  went  there,  but  shortly  returned  to  Manila  and  died.  So  the 
matter  remained,  and  nothing  further  was  done  for  years.  Afterwards 
a certain  Fray  Diego  de  Santa  Maria,  an  expert  in  medicine  and  the 
healing  art,  was  sent  there  to  test  the  waters.  He  found  they  contained 
properties  which  rendered  them  highly  beneficial  in  curing  rheumatism 
and  certain  other  maladies,  so  since  then  many  natives  and  Spaniards 
went  there  to  seek  bodily  relief.  But  there  was  no  convenient 
abode  for  the  visitors  ; no  arrangements  for  taking  the  baths.  The 


JALAJALA. — LOS  BAiNOS. 


421 


Government  did  uotliiug.  A Franciscan  friar  was  sent  there  as 
chaplain  to  the  sick  visitors,  but  his  residence  was  very  incommodious 
and  inadequate  for  the  lodging  of  patients.  The  priest  declared  the 
project  of  establishing  an  hospital  impracticable  for  want  of  funds,  and 
returned  to  Manila.  In  1604,  the  Governor-General,  Pedro  de  Acuna, 
gave  his  attention  to  this  place,  and  consented  to  the  establishment  of 
an  hospital,  church  and  convent.  The  hospital  was  constructed 
of  bamboo  and  straw,  and  dedicated  to  Our  Lady  of  Holy  Waters. 

Fray  Diego  de  Santa  Maria  was  appointed  to  the  vicarage  and 
the  charge  of  the  hospital.  The  whole  was  supported  by  gifts  from 
the  many  sick  persons  who  went  there,  but  the  greatest  difficulty  was 
to  procure  food.  Several  natives  made  donations  of  lands,  with  the 
produce  of  which  the  hospital  was  to  be  maintained.  These  gifts, 
however,  proved  insufficient.  The  priests  then  solicited  permission 
from  the  inhabitants  of  the  village  of  Pila  (on  the  lake  shore  near 
Santa  Cruz)  to  pasture  cattle  on  the  tongue  of  land  on  the  opposite 
coast  called  Jalajala,  and  which  belonged  to  them.  Their  consent  was 
given,  and  a cattle  ranche  was  established  there  ; subsequently,  a 
building  was  erected,  and  the  place  was  in  time  known  as  the  Estancia 
dc  Jalajala.  Then  the  permission  was  asked  for  and  obtained  from 
the  Pila  natives  to  plant  cocoa-nut  palms,  fruit  trees,  and  vegetables. 
Later  on,  the  Austin  and  Franciscan  friars  quarrelled  about  the  right 
of  dominion  over  the  place  and  district  called  Maynit,  but  in  the  end 
the  former  gave  way  and  ceded  their  alleged  rights  in  perpetuity  to  the 
Franciscans. 

In  1640  Los  Banos  (formerly  a dependency  of  Bay,  under  the 
Austin  friars)  was  constituted  a “ town.”  The  Franciscans  continued 
to  beg  one  concession  after  another,  until  at  length,  in  1671,  stone 
buildings  were  commenced — a church,  convent,  hospital,  bathing-pond, 
vapour-house,  etc.  being  constructed.  Natives  and  Europeans  flocked 
in  u umbers  to  these  baths,  and  it  is  said  that  people  even  came  from 
India  to  be  cured. 

The  property  lent  and  belonging  to  the  establishment,  the 
accumulated  funds,  and  the  live  stock  had  all  increased  so  much  in 
value,  that  the  Government  appointed  an  administrator.  Henceforth 
the  place  declined  ; its  popularity  vanished  ; the  administrator  managed 
matters  so  particularly  for  his  own  benefit,  that  food  again  became 
scarce,  and  the  priest  was  paid  only  $10  per  mouth  as  salary.  In 


422 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Jalajala  a large  house  was  built  ; the  laud  was  put  under  regular 
cultivation  ; tenants  were  admitted  ; but  when  the  property  was  declared 
a Royal  demesne,  the  Pila  inhabitants  protested,  and  nominally  regained 
possession  of  the  lent  property.  But  the  administrators  re-opened 
and  contested  the  question  in  the  law-courts,  and,  pending  these 
proceedings,  they  rented  Jalajala  from  the  Government.  During  this 
long  process  of  legal  entanglements,  the  property  had,  several  times, 
been  transferred  to  one  and  another  until  the  last  holder  regarded 
it  as  his  private  estate. 

The  Bathing  Establishment  was  gradually  falling  to  decay,  until  its 
complete  ruin  was  brought  about  by  a fire,  which  left  only  the  remnant 
of  walls.  The  priest  continued  there  as  nominal  chaplain  of  The  Baths, 
with  his  salary  of  $10  per  month  and  an  allowance  of  rice.  The 
establishment  was  not  restored  until  the  Government  of  Domingo 
Moriones  (1877-80).  A rapour-bath-house  and  residence  were  built, 
but  the  hospital  was  left  unfinished,  so  that  in  November,  1888,  it  was 
still  rotting  away  from  neglect. 

Three  hours’  journey  from  Los  Banos,  on  the  river  Malauin,  1 ,000 
feet  above  sea-level,  there  is  a boiling  lake  called  Natuugos.  In  the 
Laguna  de  Bay,  about  1,800  yards  from  Los  Banos  shore,  there  is 
small  island  in  which  is  an  oval-shaped  lake  4,000  feet  across  at  the 
widest  part,  called  “ crocodile  lake  ” ( Laguna  de  caimanes ) — depth 
unknown,  but  ascertained  to  be  over  200  feet. 

The  portion  of  the  Hospital  of  Los  Banos  which  is  intact,  and 
the  house  attached,  which  the  natives  call  “ the  palace,”  still  serve  to 
accommodate  invalids  who  go  to  take  the  hot  baths.  These  baths 
should  only  be  taken  in  the  dry  season — December  to  May. 

Besides  the  convent  and  church,  the  town  simply  consists  of  a 
row  of  dingy  bungalows  on  either  side  of  the  high  road,  with  a group 
of  the  same  on  the  mountain  side.  On  subsequent  occasions  I have  had 
some  good  wild  duck  shooting  on  the  lake  between  Calamba  and  Los 
Banos.  The  lake  here  forms  a kind  of  bay,  in  which  thousands  of 
aquatic  plants,  like  cabbages — called  quiapos — drifting  about  the  lake, 
collect  and  cover  this  inlet,  giving  it  the  appearance  of  a floating  lawn. 
Leaving  Calamba  in  a canoe  about  5 o’clock  in  the  morniug,  oue  can 
paddle  up  to  the  vegetable  mass,  and  pole  into  it  by  sunrise.  Then  oue 
must  be  ready  with  the  gun,  for  the  ducks  are  very  shy,  and  raise  their 
heads  from  under  the  quiapos  only  for  an  instant.  1 here  is  only  sport 


SANTA  CRUZ. DON  FRANCISCO  DE  YRIARTE. 


423 


to  be  gained  in  this.  As  to  the  food  to  be  got  from  them,  they  are  so 
bony,  that  half-a-dozen  barely  make  a scanty  meal.  After  8 o’clock 
scarcely  a duck  will  be  seen,  and,  in  order  not  to  weary  himself,  the 
sportsman  should  pole  through  the  quiapos  into  the  swamp  amongst  the 
tall  trees,  where  he  will  find  plenty  of  native  birds — bato-bato  pigeons, 
bac-bac  and  tic-lin,1  all  very  fleshy  and  excellent  eating. 

From  Los  Banos  I continued  my  journey  in  a carrornata  as  far 
as  Santa  Cruz,  the  modern  capital  of  the  Laguna  Province,  the  old 
provincial  centre  being  Pagsanjan.  It  is  comparatively  a large  town — 
the  principal  port  of  the  lake.  There  is  a bamboo  jetty  when  a 
hurricane  has  not  blown  it  away.  It  is  an  important  local  centre — the 
meeting-place  for  all  the  neighbouring  cocoa-nut,  nut-oil,  and  live  stock 
dealers.  The  Town  Hall  is  well  built.  The  principal  thoroughfare  is 
called  the  Escol/a,  named  after  that  of  Manila.  On  market  days  there 
is  no  town  more  lively  within  50  miles  of  Manila.  The  church  is  a very 
large  stone  building,  which  suffered  severely  from  the  earthquake  of 
1880,  quite  half  of  it  having  been  reduced  to  ruins. 

At  that  date  chief  judges  were  Governors  of  provinces.  I took 
with  me  a letter  of  introduction  to  H.  E.  Don  Francisco  de  Yriarte,  the 
Alcalde-Governor,  whom  I found  at  home  in  the  Government  House. 
Due  to  the  refined  taste  of  His  Excellency,  the  official  residence  was  a 
very  fine  building,  the  facade  elegantly  adorned,  and  the  whole  edifice, 
inside  and  outside,  as  imposing  as  an  earthquake  country  under  a 
tropical  sun  would  permit. 

Had  I been  a prince,  Don  Francisco  could  not  have  welcomed  me 
more  cordially.  He  had  that  easy  grace  and  noble  bearing  typical  of 
the  Spanish  cavalier  of  the  old  school.  He  slioAved  me  o\rer  the 
GoA'ernment  House,  which  contaiued  spacious  saloons  furnished  in  the 
most  modern  style  : a very  fine  round  table,  the  top  of  which  was  one 
solid  piece  of  wood  21  feet  in  circumference  ; native-carved  chairs 
from  Paete,  and  several  paintings,  especially  one  of  the  Madonna  and 
Child — extremely  beautiful.  The  sleeping  rooms  Avere  all  elegantly 
fitted  out — one  of  them  entirely  in  Japanese  style.  The  stables, 
although  far  from  perfect  according  to  British  ideas,  Avere  comparatiArely 
excellent  for  this  Colony. 

“You  luiA-e  taken  possession  of  your  house,”  said  His  Excellency, 
using  the  customary  Spanish  compliment,  “ and  now  I leave  you,  whilst 


1 Rallvs  torrpiatus.  Lin. 


424 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


I despatch  business  in  my  bureau.  The  carriage  is  at  your  disposal  and 
waiting  at  the  door,  so,  till  presently  ; we  lunch  at  noon  you  know — 
the  conventional  hour.” 

I drove  off  to  the  house  of  a notary  and  sugar-cane  planter  and 
presented  my  letter  of  introduction.  I wished  to  see  his  estate. 
He  told  me  I was  welcome  to  go  out  there,  twenty  minutes  drive 
from  town,  but  he  could  not  accompany  me  until  the  afternoon,  so  we 
appointed  3 o’clock.  Then  I called  on  the  petty-governor, — and 
having  sent  back  the  Governor’s  carriage,  we  went  out  together  in  a 
carromata  to  his  plantation.  Just  off  the  high-road  was  his  mill  with 
vertical  stone  rollers  and  molave  wood  teeth  to  gear  oue  into  the  other. 
It  was  of  the  most  primitive  kind,  such  as  the  Chinese  made  for  the 
natives  centuries  ago.  The  mill  was  being  driven  by  two  buffaloes, 
part  of  the  expressed  juice  running  through  a bamboo  conduit  to 
Chinese  boiling-pans  for  concentration,  and  the  residue  going  off  with 
the  crushed  cane  to  waste.  The  old  man  listened  to  my  suggestions 
that  he  should  use  at  least  an  European  cattle-power  mill,  if  not  a 
steam-mill.  I pointed  out  to  him  the  great  saving  it  would  bring,  but 
he  yielded  nothing  to  my  arguments.  “ I have  no  capital,”  he  said, 
“ and  then  if  the  iron  mill  broke,  what  should  I do  ? Take  it  to 
Manila  to  be  mended  whilst  my  cane  is  being  parched  in  the  fields  ? 
2\o,  our  old  style  may  be  wasteful,  but  it  costs  less,  and  we  have  our 
remedies  against  breakages  on  the  spot.” 

The  mill  was  sheltered  by  a nipa  palm-leaf  thatching,  on  bamboo 
supports.  The  cattle,  abreast,  trudged  round  at  a very  slow  pace, 
making  now  and  again  a sudden  spurt  as  the  bata,  a little  six -year  old 
rascal,  switched  them  with  a rattan.  Each  jerk  brought  a great  strain 
on  the  mill,  but  fortunately  the  roll-gearing  held  out.  The  battery 
of  Chinese  pans  was  in  a line,  in  a pit,  where  the  half-naked  stoker 
was  constantly  feeding  the  pan-furnace  uuderneath  with  sun-dried 
megass.  Alongside  of  this  pristine  sugar  factory  was  the  bungalow, 
the  ground  floor  of  which  served  as  a temporary  store  for  the  sugar,  as 
it  was  turned  into  burnt  clay-pots  ( pilones ).  There  they  drained  on 
the  ollas  until  some  Chinese  broker,  making  his  rounds  from  one  estate 
to  another,  would  buy  the  sugar. 

I kept  my  appointment  with  the  notary,  and  then  returned  to  the 
Government  House,  where  I took  chocolate  at  about  half-past  four 
o’clock  with  the  Governor.  A cool  breeze  was  coming  across  the  river 


SCENES  IN  SANTA  CRUZ. — PAGSANJAN. 


425 


as  we  sat  smoking  and  chatting,  to  kill  time,  until  the  sun  was 
sufficiently  low  to  venture  out  in  an  open  carriage.  Between  five  and 
six  we  drove  through  the  Escoltn , down  to  the  lake,  and  back  through 
the  principal  thoroughfares.  It  was  near  sunset  ; the  siestas  were 
over  ; everybody  was  up  and  about ; the  children  were  gambolling  in 
the  roads.  The  little  shanty  stores  presented  a scene  of  activity  ; 
Avomen  and  children  were  making  their  small  purchases  for  the  evening 
meal,  and  the  young  men  were  generally  loafing  or  arranging  their 
gambling-tables  and  cards  for  the  licensed  panguingui.  Old  men  and 
women,  who  had  been  resting  all  the  sunny  hours  of  the  day,  were 
taking  their  legs  out  for  a trial  trot.  Whei'ever  we'  passed,  the  men 
politely  doffed  their  head-gear — hats  or  cloths — whilst  the  women 
sullenly  stared  without  making  salute  or  curtsey. 

We  stopped  once  before  a group  of  natives  who  had  come  out  of 
their  dwellings  to  kiss  the  hand  of  the  parish  priest  as  he  took  his 
evening  stroll.  His  Reverence  did  not  seem  the  least  bit  concerned 
at  their  devotion — he  was  too  used  to  it — his  natural  right  of  course — 
so  he  went  on  mechanically  dispensing  his  benedictions  on  the  faithful 
as  he  chatted  with  us.  “ Adios  padre  ! ” we  exclaimed — “ Adios 
Senores  !”  and  we  returned  to  the  Government  House,  where  we  dined 
at  8 o’clock. 

There  were  several  invited  to  dinner  ; the  notary,  the  administrator 
and  other  officials  came.  All  seemed  bent  on  making  themselves  as 
agreeable  as  possible  to  the  foreign  visitor.  I was  to  go  duck- 
shooting ; I was  to  hunt  deer  at  the  foot  of  the  Monte  San  Cristobal  ; 
I was  to  visit  the  Cascade  of  Botocan — but  for  all  these  pleasures  in 
store,  I was  begged  to  wait  a few  days.  A few  days  in  Santa  Cruz  ! 
Not  I.  It  is  hardly  a place  to  spend  days  in.  It  is  amusing  for  a 
twenty-four  hours’  visit,  so  I frustrated  all  their  plans  by  asserting  the 
imperative  necessity  of  continuing  the  route  I had  planned  out,  but  I 
would  return  another  day.  The  next  morning  I took  myself  off  to 
Pagsanjan  in  the  Governor’s  carriage.  It  is  a forty  minutes’  drive 
from  Santa  Cruz  through  groves  of  cocoa-nut  palms.  The  ajtproach 
to  the  old  provincial  capital  is  guarded  by  a massive  stone  entrance 
through  which  one  enters  into  the  town.  Pagsanjan  has  the  appearance 
of  a once  flourishing  and  important  centre.  And  so  it  was.  At  a time 
when  much  of  the  present  Manila-Chinese  trade  was  in  the  hands  of 
half-castes — when  all  one  side  of  the  Rosario  was  occupied  by  mestizo 


426 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


sellers  of  stuffs — Pagsaujan  was  their  home,  the  repository  of  their 
trade  earnings.  They  formed  a clique  ; they  had  little  competition  to 
fear  outside  their  own  circle,  and  their  conservative  system  of  mutual 
protection  founded  their  fortunes.  The  houses  of  the  main  thoroughfare 
— the  High  Street — are  built  in  the  old  style  of  stone  with  tile  roofs, 
and  here  and  there  a modern  wooden  innovation.  One  side  of  the  town 
is  on  a slope,  and,  from  a rising  ground  still  farther  back,  one  can  get  a 
fine  coup  d'ceil  of  the  country  around — extensive  valleys,  once  sylvan 
wilds,  but  now  artificial  forests  of  cocoa-nut  palms.  There  were  two 
Town  Halls,  one  for  half-caste  and  another  for  pure  native  affairs,  each 
with  its  petty-governor  and  contingent  of  officials. 

I alighted  at  the  native  Town  Hall.  I knew  no  one  in  the  town, 
but  strolling  about  I happened  to  drop  into  a little  store  where 
European  canned  meats  and  preserves  and  bottled  refreshments  were 
sold.  There  I lunched.  The  owner,  a young  half-caste,  was  very 
obliging,  and  I accepted  his  offer  to  take  me  to  his  house  on  the  rising 
ground.  His  family  were  fairly  well  to-do.  His  father  was  a clerk  in 
one  of  the  Government  Offices  in  Santa  Cruz  ; they  had  also  a few 
plots  of  cultivated  land,  whilst  the  store  served  as  a profitable 
amusement. 

“ If  you  like  to  stay  here  to-night,  I can  offer  you  a couch,  and 
to-morrow  morning  we  will  shoot  down  the  river  as  far  as  Lumbang. 
Then  after  sending  our  guns  and  game  to  the  house,  we  will  turn  back 
up  the  river  and  visit  the  cascade.” 

I accepted,  so  at  five  the  next  morning  we  were  in  our  canoe  with 
two  paddles,  a bata,  provisions,  guns,  ammunition,  and  a net.  The 
river  was  thicklv  wooded  down  to  the  banks  on  either  side,  and  from 
sunrise  until  half-past  seven  there  was  no  lack  of  birds  and  iguanas 
(a  kind  of  lizard  from  one  to  four  feet  long).  We  took  our  breakfast 
afloat,  and  then  sent  the  bata  to  the  house  with  the  net  full  of  our 
victims,  the  guns,  etc.,  whilst  we  proceeded  up  stream. 

We  passed  by  a small  cocoa-nut  oil  factory — a rough  shed  with 
rougher  apparatus,  where  almost  as  much  oil  was  lost  as  was  gained. 

The  current  was  becoming  stronger  and  the  river  more  shallow, 
until  at  length  our  men  had  to  wade  it,  to  lighten  the  canoe  and  pull  it 
over  the  boulders. 

On  either  side  were  gigantic  rocky  cliffs,  computed  to  be  over  a 
thousand  feet  to  the  top,  and  in  an  hour-and-a-half  we  were  at  the 


BOTOCAN  CASCADE. — MAJAYJAY. 


427 


cascade.  It  was  not  a clear  sheet  of  water,  but  an  irregular  fall  from 
boulder  to  boulder.  At  the  bottom  of  this  deep  chasm  we  sat  contem- 
plating it  for  half  an  hour.  The  marvellous  grandeur  of  the  locality — 
the  powerful  rush  of  water,  and  the  immensity  of  the  ravine  made  me 
feel  my  own  relative  insignificance. 

We  returned  to  town,  having  taken  a bath  on  the  way.  From  the 
Town  Hall  I got  saddle  and  pack  ponies  to  go  on  to  Majayjay,  via 
Magdalena,  but  whenever  I saw  a cocoa-nut  oil  factory,  or  the  chimney 
of  a sugar-boiling  house,  I went  off  the  route  to  visit  it,  so  that  we  did 
not  arrive  at  Majayjay  until  the  evening.  Majayjay  is  one  of  the  most 
picturesque  villages  in  the  Colony.  It  is  crossed  and  re-crossed  by 
deep  clefts,  the  sides  of  which  are  covered  with  foliage,  and  are 
connected  by  massive  stone  bridges.  There  is  one  street,  properly  so 
called,  the  others  being  short  rows  of  bungalows  with  a wooden,  or 
wood  and  stone,  cottage  here  and  there.  In  the  centre  of  this  group 
of  dwellings  stands  the  church  and  convent — a fine  noble  old  edifice, 
reminding  one  of  the  ancient  English  abbeys  ; the  church,  with  its  lofty 
tower  and  belfry  which  the  priest  kindly  allowed  me  to  ascend. 

Majayjay  stands  on  high  ground.  In  three  hours  the  traveller 
has  passed  from  the  flat — often  swamped — banks  of  the  Laguna  de 
Bay,  the  waters  of  which  can  just  be  discovered,  to  600  feet  above  the 
sea-level,  whilst,  on  the  other  side,  the  eye  is  carried  still  farther  to  the 
profile  of  comparatively  colossal  mountain  peaks — the  Banajao  and 
the  San  Cristobal.  The  A*iew  from  the  church  is  superb.  All  the 
surrounding  villages  can  be  descried  like  specks  in  the  midst  of  a 
thickly  matted  palm  forest — an  endless  profusion  of  verdure. 

I had  lunched  with  the  amiable  parish  priest,  and  our  ponies  were 
ready  for  the  journey  to  the  Cascade  of  Botocan  and  thence  to  Lugbang. 
The  road  on  the  mountain  ridges  is  covered  all  the  way  with  roundish 
stones  about  the  size  of  one’s  head.  The  ponies  are  used  to  it,  but 
have  to  pick  out  a stepping  very  carefully  to  avoid  breaking  their  legs. 
My  poor  little  animal  floundered  about  so  much,  that  I expected  any 
minute  he  would  come  on  his  knees,  but  experience  had  made  him 
cautious. 

Nowhere  was  there  a couple  of  hundred  yards  of  straight  road 
before  us,  so  that  we  seemed  to  be  constantly  descending  and  ascending 
into  a mass  of  lovely  foliage.  On  either  side  there  was  a luxuriant 
vegetation  : gigantic  ferns,  tall  bari  palms,  the  fibres  of  whose  leaves 


428 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


serve  for  plaiting  a hundred  useful  articles  ; here  aud  there  palms  of 
other  species  ; wild  strawberries  in  abundance  ; a rich  undergrowth, 
aud  graceful  festoons  of  leafage  on  the  slopes  down  the  deep  ravine 
at  our  sides,  with  dense  forest  on  the  mountain  heights,  forming  a 
charming  background.  Everything  around  us  denoted  an  exuberant 
fertility  which  gave  a dazzling  splendour  to  the  spectacle.  There  were 
perhaps  a dozen  streams  on  our  way,  three  or  four  of  which  were 
rustically  bridged  over  with  bamboos.  At  each  rivulet  there  was  an 
exquisite  landscape — the  rippling  currents  beating  over  smooth  boulders 
between  two  high  beds  of  tropical  plants  to  find  their  outlet  under 
our  feet  down  the  ghyll.  Who  could  gaze  on  such  beauties  of  Nature 
without  emotions  of  rapture  ? 

I left  my  little  nag  to  himself.  I found  he  was  more  capable  of 
guiding  me  than  I him.  We  turned  sharp  off  to  the  left,  and  up  the 
steep  mountain  path  leading  to  Botbcau.  In  ten  minutes  we  could  hear 
the  distant  murmur  of  the  torrent  forming  the  cascade.  We  were 
nearing  a little  hut,  where  some  bari  cutters  lived.  The  women  rushed 
out  to  ask  for  money.  In  ten  minutes  more  we  were  beholding  the 
famous  Waterfall  of  Botocau.  The  fall  is  computed  to  be  about  600 
feet  in  an  almost  unbroken  sheet  of  water,  some  60  feet  wide.  It  was 
grandly  fascinating.  One  could  sit  unwearied  for  hours  to  watch  the 
never-ceasing  silvery  stream.  At  Niagara  Falls  I did  so,  but  here 
there  was  no  shelter  from  the  sun,  so  in  half-an-liour  we  turned  back 
to  our  stony  path  and  continued  the  journey  to  Lugbang. 

About  a mile  this  side  of  the  town  the  road  was  good — muddy 
certainly,  but  we  were  able  to  get  our  pouies  into  a trot.  The  land  was 
just  flat  enough  for  cultivation.  Terraced  fields  of  rice  were  planted 
out  on  either  side.  We  could  see  the  whole  of  the  town  before  us,  for 
Liigbang  is  some  800  feet  higher  than  Majayjay.  We  arrived  at  the 
Town  Hall,  a large  well-built  stone  edifice,  with  a spacious  saloon  aud 
private  rooms,  to  accommodote  travellers.  Liigbang  is  a very  clean 
town,  with  concrete  canals  on  both  sides  of  the  streets,  bridged  over  at 
every  crossing.  The  maiu  street,  where  the  native  shops  are,  is  very 
tidy.  There  are  scores  of  good  houses,  aud  the  large  stone  church  and 
convent  stand  in  the  centre  of  the  plaza  or  square. 

At  the  Town  Hall  I met  some  foreigners  who  had  arrived  from  the 
south,  and  were  going  the  road  I had  come.  They  were  to  leave 
the  next  morning  very  early  in  hammocks,  so  the  Alguacil,  the  official 


TAYABAS. — PAGBILAO. 


429 


who  attended  to  travellers’  wants,  had  the  twenty-four  hammock-bearers 
locked  up  below,  otherwise  they  would  not  have  been  forthcoming  at 
the  hour  of  starting.  I called  at  the  convent  to  see  the  priest,  a very 
jolly  Biscayan,  and  yielded  to  his  persuasion  to  pass  the  night  there. 
Having  lived  for  years  in  his  native  province,  we  got  along  admirably 
well,  and  he  gave  me  a very  hearty  welcome.  The  next  day  I hired 
ponies  and  a guide,  who  accompanied  me,  to  visit  the  plantations. 

Cocoa-nut  oil  seems  to  be  the  chief  trade,  and  my  guide  took  me 
to  several  factories.  We  did  not  return  till  the  evening,  for  my  day’s 
peregrinations  took  me  some  distance  up  the  Banajao  mountain,  whence 
I obtained  a magnificent  view  of  the  surrounding  country. 

With  fresh  ponies  we  left  Liigbang  for  Tayabas  and  Pagbilao. 
Tayabas  is  the  capital  of  the  province  of  that  name,  which  we  entered 
on  leaving  Majayjay.  It  differs  very  little  from  Liigbang.  It  has 
some  good  houses  and  a large  church  and  conveut  on  high  grouud. 
Streams  of  clear  water  from  the  Banajao  run  through  the  street  canals. 
At  night,  heavy  dews  fall  here,  and  after  sunset  it  is  imprudent  to  be 
in  the  open  air  without  extra  clothing  or  an  umbrella,  for  fever  seizes 
the  incautious. 

I called  on  the  provincial  governor,  whose  acquaintance  I had  made 
long  before  in  Bulacan.  He  invited  me  to  dinner  and  to  accompany 
him,  his  wife  and  two  charming  daughters  to  the  annual  feast  of 
Sariaya.  He  and  his  family  went  in  their  carriage,  and  a dozen  of  us 
— all  Europeans — formed  a cavalcade,  each  having  his  clean  suit  in  the 
coachman’s  box.  We  Avere  a merry  party  until  the  rain  fell  in  torrents. 
The  carriage  stuck  in  the  mud,  from  Avhich  it  Avas  at  last  lifted  out 
Avith  bamboos.  We  entered  the  village  of  Sariaya  grimy  and  drenched 
to  the  skin.  The  rain  ceased  ; every  house  was  open  to  receive  the 
Senor  Gobernador  and  his  party.  Our  boys  washed  our  clothes  and 
Ave  went  dry  to  the  ball,  Avhich  lasted  till  the  early  hours.  Then  I bid 
adieu  to  my  friends  and  trotted  doAvn  to  Pagbilao.  I alighted  at  a 
Avretched  hovel,  Avhich  served  as  a Town  Hall,  and  Avas  making  my 
arrangements  for  a praliu  to  couArey  me  the  next  day  to  Laguimanoc 
Avhen  the  parish  priest — a Franciscan  friar — Avho  Avas  taking  his 
evening  Avalk — called  in  and  kindly  invited  me  to  his  comment,  where  I 
supped  and  stayed  the  night. 

There  is  nothing  remarkable  in  the  dreary  village  of  Pagbilao, 
which  stands  about  a mile  up  the  river.  The  next  morning  I embarked 


430 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


in  the  prahu  with  two  paddlers  and  a pilot.  We  descended  the  river, 
bordered  on  both  sides  with  mangrove  swamp1  to  the  open  sea,  where 
we  set  sail,  and  after  a pleasant  three  hours’  run  through  the  channel 
to  the  north  of  Pagbilao  Island,  we  landed  at  Laguimanoc,  which  is  a 
ward  of  Atimouau  town.  The  village  is  on  a promontory,  very 
prettily  situated  in  front  of  Capuluan  Island.  It  consists  of  one  street, 
formed  by  two  rows  of  wretched  huts,  with  a wooden  cottage  dotted 
here  and  there  down  the  slope.  There  was  also  the  office,  house, 
timber-yard  and  establishment  of  Mr.  Henry  Brown,  an  Englishman2, 
who  had  been  many  years  resident  in  this  out-of-the-way  corner,  and 
was  liked  by  everybody.  Laguimanoc  has  a very  good  harbour,  and 
was  a port  of  call  for  the  subsidized  mail  steamers.  The  only  trade 
here  is  building  timber  and  firewood,  by  far  the  greater  part  being  then 
in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Brown.  I was  his  guest,  and  he  generously  lent 
me  a sailing-boat  for  my  excursions  around.  I went  over  to  a small 
islet  and  brought  down  a few  birds,  and  then,  returning  to  the  mainland, 
a little  north  of  the  village,  I Avent  ashore  and  succeeded  in  shooting  a 
couple  of  monkeys.  Laguimanoc  is  hardly  a spot  an  European  would 
choose  for  a long  residence,  unless  it  were  to  make  money.  Upon  this 
peak  there  is  literally  no  space  to  ride  or  drive,  and  a walk  is  only 
obtainable  under  difficulties.  The  road  to  the  town  of  Atimouau,  of 
which  Laguimanoc  is  a dependency,  is  abominable  at  all  seasons,  so  I 
freighted  a prahu  with  five  men  and  arranged  to  leave  for  San  J uan  de 
Bocboc  at  midnight,  to  have  the  advantage  of  the  moon  and  the  early 
morning  breeze. 

I got  down  to  our  craft,  and  Nicomedis,  my  servant,  stowed  the 
baggage  in  the  little  cabin,  which  was  just  large  enough  for  it  and  me, 
but  only  one  man  was  on  board  ; the  others  were  about  in  all  directions. 
The  lieutenant  of  the  village  made  a search  for  them,  and,  one  by  one, 
they  were  secured.  We  had  just  started,  two  hours  late,  when  I 
perceived  that  one  of  the  fellows  was  drunk  (a  rare  occurrence  by  the 
way),  so  I had  to  put  back  and  send  him  ashore  in  exchange  for 
another. 


1 There  are  three  kinds  of  swamp  tree — Tangil,  useful  for  fencing,  roof 
framing,  etc. — Bacauan,  the  best  kind  of  firewood, — and  LalTT/ary,  an  inferior  kind 
of  firewood. 

2 His  business  was  subsequently  taken  over  by  a Limited  Liability  Company 
incorporated  in  Hongkong  16th  May,  1889. 


431 


TO  SAN  JUAN  DE  BOCBOC. (BATANGAS.) 

At  3 a.m.  we  were  fairly  on  the  run,  but  the  wind  only  favoured, us 
by  little  intermittent  gusts,  so  that  we  were  twelve  hours  sailing  along 
the  S.E.  coast  of  Tayabas. 

In  front  of  San  Juan  de  Bocboc  the  sea  is  very  shallow  ; we  were 
constantly  running  aground,  and  passed  half  an  hour,  in  vain,  trying  to 
find  the  channel.  At  last  we  gave  it  up  as  a bad  job.  Nicomedis  got 
into  the  water  and  waded  through  with  my  saddle-bags  on  his  head 
whilst  I — straddled  on  the  shoulders  of  a native — rode  to  shore. 
From  the  beach  we  took  a path  in  the  direction  of  San  Juan,  but  as 
our  progress  was  soon  interrupted  by  a large  morass,  I waited  whilst 
Nicomedis  went  back  to  hail  the  other  men.  One  remained  in  charge 
of  the  prahu,  whilst  the  others  came  to  our  assistance. 

We  formed  a single  line  procession  of  six,  one  in  advance  to 
discover  the  route  for  the  march  through  the  black  pestiferous  slime — 
two  carrying  respectively  my  saddle  and  leather  saddle-bags  and  wallet 
— one  for  me  to  ride — and  another  behiud  as  his  relay.  Now  and 
again  we  could  hear  the  dull  thump  of  the  bohie-knife  on  the 
mangrove  trees  which  were  being  felled  around  us  for  fuel.  We 
halted,  but  no  one  could  be  seen.  Then  my  biped  called  upon  his 
relay  to  relieve  him  and  after  a deal  of  fumbling,  in  Avhich  I nearly 
took  a header  into  the  mire,  I was  transferred  to  the  reserve  carrier. 
His  collar-bone  was  sharper  than  the  other  man’s,  and  I felt  how  little 
dignified  would  be  my  entry  into  San  Juan  if  we  had  to  continue  in 
this  fashion.  HoAvever,  we  were  soon  out  of  it,  coming  on  to  an  open 
green  plot  whence  a good  road,  with  a broken  bridge,  led  to  the  town. 
San  Juan  lies  very  low — in  a hole  in  fact — and  it  has  several  times 
been  so  completely  inundated,  that  the  inhabitants  have  had  to  get 
from  house  to  house  on  rafts.  The  country  all  around  is  planted  with 
sugar-cane.  There  are  half-a-dozen  substantial  houses  in  the  town 
besides  bungalows  of  wood,  bamboos  and  palm-leaf.  The  church 
looked  like  a barn,  with  a dilapidated  convent  of  wooden  boards  and 
thatched  roof.  Not  knowing  a soul  in  the  place,  I took  up  my 
quarters  in  a tumble-down  wooden  building  which  was  pointed  out  to 
me  as  the  Town  Hall.  Some  question  of  local  interest  was  being  dis- 
cussed by  the  headmen  when  I entered  ; but  they  all  turned  their 
attention  to  the  Castila  as  I was  called.  After  the  usual  questions — 
“ Where  did  I come  from,  where  was  I going,  and  what  was  my 
business  ? ” — I was  invited,  out  of  pity  undoubtedly,  to  shift  my 


432 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


lodging  to  a private  house.  My  host  happened  to  be  the  son  of  the 
richest  planter  here,  and  he  took  me  to  the  best  house  in  the  town, 
built  of  stone  and  fine  timber  and  covered  with  an  iron  roof. 

The  next  day  my  host  had  to  visit  his  sugar  estate. — “ Would  you 
like  to  go  ? ” he  inquired — “ Certainly  and  we  were  provided  with 

splendid  ponies  for  the  excursion.  We  reached  his  plantation,  lunched 
at  the  bungalow,  and,  with  a man  he  lent  me  as  guide,  I scoured  the 
country  around,  from  estate  to  estate,  for  two  days  more.  The  owners 
were  there  ; and  they  were  all  very  hospitable,  and  satisfied  all  my 
numerous  inquiries.  On  Saturdays  they  usually  go  to  San  Juan  to 
hear  mass  the  next  day  and  return  on  the  Monday  to  their  labours.  I 
got  back  to  San  Juan  in  the  afternoon,  three  days  after  I had  set  out. 
My  host  conjectured  I was  lost. — “ What  is  there  to  be  seen  about 
here  ? ” I asked  ; “ Very  little,”  he  replied,  “ but  if  you  are  not  too 
tired,  we  will  look  round  the  village  and  then  visit  the  salt  fields.”  So 
we  called  at  several  headmen’s  houses,  where  I was  courteously  offered 
cigars,  beer,  or  sugar  and  water  ; then  we  went  to  the  public  billiard- 
room — a rough-and-tumble  shed  with  a wooden  table,  which  served  to 
amuse  the  rustics  after  mass  on  Sundays.  The  salt  fields  are  close  by. 
They  are  terraced  flats  into  which  sea-water  is  conducted,  and  from 
which  the  salt  is  obtained  by  evaporation  in  the  heat  of  the  sun. 
When  once  full,  they  are  securely  banked  up  until  the  dry  product  is 
ready  to  be  taken  off  the  surface. 

It  was  past  sunset  when  we  were  crossing  the  square  of  the  town. 
The  angelus-bell  had  announced  vespers.  The  villagers,  wherever 

they  might  be,  stood,  facing  the  church.  We  stopped  too,  until  a 

continuous  peal  from  the  belfry  burst  forth  to  tell  us  that  another  day 
had  closed.  My  host  and  I looked  at  each  other  simultaneously — 
saluted  with  a “ buenas  noc/ics — “ good  night,”  and  as  we  passed  the 
townspeople  on  our  way  the  same  greeting  in  native  dialect  met  us — 
gabi-po ; gabi-po  naman  we  both  replied. 

The  priest  was  watching  us  from  the  window  of  his  convent — 
u Buenas  Jioc/ies,  padre,"  I exclaimed, — Buenas  noches."  “ Shall 
we  go  up  ? ” I said  in  a low  voice  to  my  host.  “ Oh,  you  go  alone, 
I’ll  see  you  at  home  presently.”  The  priest,  perceiving  our  hesitation, 
called  out  : “ Won’t  you  come  up  P ” “ Yes,  Father,  thanks  ” ; so  my 

host  went  his  way — why  not  with  me  ? I reflected,  as  I mounted  the 
convent  steps.  The  holy  friar’s  reception  was  very  cordial,  and  when 


SAN  JUAN  DE  BOCBOC. (BATANGAS.) 


433 


we  had  settled  into  chairs — lighted  our  cigars  and  he  had  invited  me 
to  take  chocolate,  conversation  turned  on  all  sorts  of  subjects.  He 
seemed  really  pleased  to  have  an  European  to  talk  to.  We  touched  on 
everything  and  discussed  nothing  earnestly,  until  he  disclosed  to  me  his 
hobby.  He  had  made  up  his  mind  to  remove  the  town  of  San  Juan  to 
another  place,  on  high  land,  where  it  would  be  free  from  floods.  The 
townspeople — the  house  and  landed  proprietors  rather — had  formed  a 
clique  to  oppose  him.  They  urged  that  their  interests  would  greatly 
suffer  by  such  a reform,  but  what  were  these  compared  with  the 
interests  of  the  Church  and  the  health  of  the  pastor  ? So  the 
shepherd  and  his  flock  were  at  variance,  and  my  host  was  not  of  the 
priest’s  way  of  thinking.  We  sat  chatting  until  the  supper  was  on  the 
table,  and  the  kind  padre  would  not  let  me  go.  No,  he  would  send  a 
message  to  my  lodging  to  say  that  I was  going  to  sup  at  the  convent. 
We  were  at  table,  when  down  came  the  rain  in  torrents,  beating  with 
fury  against  the  oyster- shell  window  panes. 

“ A nice  journey  you  will  have  to-morrow  to  Rosario,”  remarked  the 
padre , “ but  there  ! we  are  in  the  wet  season  ; to-morrow  and  the  next 
day  may  be  the  same,  but  you  are  welcome  to  stay  here  as  long  as  you 
please.  At  least  you  can’t  go  through  this  rain  to  your  lodging  ; stay 
here,  I will  send  a message  to  let  them  know.” 

The  hospitality  was  so  genuine — the  good  father  so  solicitous  of 
my  comfort,  that  I willingly  yielded.  As  we  smoked  we  talked  of  local 
affairs,  politics,  crops  and  religion  until  the  ten  o’clock  bell  reminded 
us  that  each  had  better  go  his  way  for  the  night. 

The  next  morning  the  father  had  said  mass  ; we  had  taken  our 
chocolate,  and  I went  to  see  my  planter  friend  to  say  good-bye  and 
thank  him. 

The  ponies,  hired  for  the  journey,  I sent  to  the  convent  door  with 
my  luggage.  It  was  7 o’clock  ; the  day  was  bright,  but  the  effect  of 
the  heavy  rains  was  only  too  visible.  “ Adios,  padre,"  1 exclaimed. 
— “ Adios,  Don  Juan , and  a pleasant  journey  to  you.” 

We  were  on  the  way  to  Rosario.  Nicomedis  took  the  saddle-bags 
on  his  pony,  and  the  guide  threw  my  waterproof  wallet  across  his, 
whilst  my  nag  followed  in  the  rear.  We  trotted  for  five  minutes  to  the 
river,  which  we  had  to  wade  up  to  the  ponies’  bellies,  so  I strung  my 
shoes  and  socks  around  my  pony’s  neck,  and  put  on  my  sandals. 

E E 


434 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


We  went  on  for  about  five  miles,  and  then  our  troubles  began. 
The  route  was  no  longer  a road — it  was  a mud  track.  Our  ponies 
were  up  to  their  knees  in  mud,  struggling  as  best  they  could,  one  after 
the  other  in  Indian  file.  But  they  kept  on  their  legs  and  advanced  ; 
that  was  the  main  point.  A couple  of  miles  more  were  covered,  when 
we  came  to  a slight  descent.  At  the  bottom  was  a large  pool  of  mud 
obstructing  our  passage  altogether.  The  guide  was  in  the  middle  of 
•t,  and  I halted  to  see  the  result.  It  was  a “ toss  up  of  a 

ia’penny  ” whether  he  would  get  out  of  it  on  the  pony.  It  came 

down  on  its  haunches,  then  wavered  to  and  fro,  and  I calculated  it 
was  sinking,  but  the  native  flapped  his  legs,  shouted,  and  urged  it, 
until,  by  a desperate  effort,  it  landed  on  the  other  side.  I hung  my 

revolver  to  my  neck  and  tried  a new  place,  but  was  not  long  in  doubt 

about  my  luck.  My  poor  little  steed  had  walked  clean  into  the  deepest 
part,  and  forthwith  took  a mud  bath.  It  was  a regular  dip,  and  he 
was  completely  submerged ; so,  to  liberate  myself  from  his  plunging,  I 
made  a jump  into  the  pool  and  scrambled  along  somehow.  I looked 
around,  and  just  saw  my  pony’s  head — such  a pitiable  object  ! I had 
only  got  up  to  my  waist  in  mud.  My  pony  cast  a longing  glance 
behind  as  if  he  would  willingly  return  to  his  stable,  but  Nicomcdis  kept 
him  off  the  idea,  and  there  he  stuck. 

The  guide  tied  up  his  animal,  although  there  was  no  fear  that  he 
would  bolt,  and  felt  his  way  to  the  other  side  again  to  fetch  my  saddle- 
bags. So  far  the  luggage  was  safe  ; how  ISTicomedis  was  going  to 
cross  was,  as  yet,  problematical. 

As  wc  were  reflecting  on  what  should  be  done — for  my  pony 
seemed  destined  to  become  a fixture — a native  woman,  apparently  a 
well-to-do  peasant,  came  along  in  a tall  sledge — a par&gus — drawn  by 
a couple  of  splendid  buffaloes.  She  accosted  me,  and  seemed  very 
much  concerned  about  my  predicament.  She  addressed  me  as  Don 
Juan,  and  evidently  had  seen  me  before.  It  turned  out  that  she  was 
the  mother  of  my  native  planter  friend  in  San  Juan,  and  that  the  day 
previous,  before  the  heavy  rain  fell,  she  had  left  the  house  to  visit 
some  fields  iu  this  direction  which  she  was  having  drained.  She 
seemed  really  very  anxious  about  me,  and  had  one  of  her  buffaloes 
taken  out  of  the  sledge  and  yoked  to  my  pony,  which  was  hauled  out 
by  force.  Whilst  this  was  going  on,  one  of  her  rustics  arrived  on  a 
hack.  "Are  you  really  going  onto  Ixosario?”  she  asked.  “It  is 


A VILLAGE  MARKET.  A LUZON  BUNGALOW. 


ON  THE  MUD  TRACK  TOWARDS  LIRA. 


435 


ten  leagues  from  San  Juan.”  “Yes,”  I said,  “I  never  like  to  turn 
back.”  “ But  there  are  brigands  on  the  way  ; sixteen  of  them  have 
just  turned  off  the  high  road  towards  the  plantations,  and  they  will 
see  you.  I will  send  my  man  back  to  tell  six  of  my  people  to 
accompany  you  on  ponies  as  far  as  the  estate-house  of  Don  Juan”  (a 
proprietor  in  Lipa).  I thanked  her  and  mounted  her  man’s  pony, 
whilst  he  led  my  animal,  which  was  in  too  indecent  a condition  for 
riding,  to  a bungalow  close  by.  Nicomedis’  pony  was  attached  by  a 
piece  of  bush-rope  to  the  buffalo,  so  that,  by  hook  or  by  crook,  he  had 
to  get  through  the  pool.  At  the  hut,  we — the  ponies  and  I — had 
a wash  down,  the  natives  kindly  throwing  cocoa-nut  shells  full  of 
water  over  us.  Then,  following  the  good  old  woman’s  orders,  six  of 
her  men,  mounted  on  tiny  nags,  escorted  me  to  the  estate-house  of  Don 
Juan,  where  I rested  for  an  hour  and  lunched. 

“This  is  really  awful,”  said  Don  Juan’s  nephew,  a young  Basque  ; 
“ I have  to  be  day  and  night  on  the  qui  vive  for  the  bandits  roaming 
about  here.  I have  made  up  my  mind  to  return  to  Lipa  until  the 
country  is  safer,  so  I’ll  trouble  you  to  take  a letter  to  my  uncle  telling 
him  so.” 

Fortunately  there  was  a parugus  sledge  going  to  Rosario,  and  I 
hired  it  for  the  journey.  The  ponies  were  completely  used  up  for  that 
day.  The  sledge,  drawn  by  a buffalo,  moved  at  about  three  miles  an 
hour,  and  we  reached  Rosario  towards  five  o’clock  in  the  afternoon. 
The  Town  Hall  is  very  good.  I went  there  to  order  a carromata  and 
bullock  to  take  me  to  Lipa,  where  I arrived  in  an  hour. 

Lipa1  is  the  centre  of  the  Batangas  province  coffee  trade.  It  is 
a rich  town,  perhaps  the  wealthiest  in  the  Colony,  excepting  the  ports 
open  to  foreign  trade.  In  1888  it  was  raised  from  a pueblo  to  a villa , 
and  ranked  between  a town  and  a city.  The  general  aspect  of  Lipa  is 
quite  unique,  many  of  the  houses  having  two  storeys  above  the 
ground-floor.  The  temperature  there  is  exceptionally  cool,  the  town 
lying  very  high  above  the  sea-level,  but  residents  say  it  is  not  a 
healthy  site,  on  account  of  the  damp  attracted  by  the  coffee  plantations 

1 The  first  town  of  Lipa  was  formed  in  1605,  on  the  shore  of  the  Bombon 
Lake.  In  1754,  it  was  destroyed  by  the  eruption  of  the  Taal  Volcano.  The  second 
town  was  established  in  a place  called  Paninsinguin,  but  the  scacrity  of  water 
obliged  the  inhabitants  to  move  on  to  its  present  site,  which  is  about  17  miles 
from  Batangas.  The  population  of  Lipa  in  1886  was  about  40,600  souls. 

E E 2 


436 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


around.  The  church  and  convent  together  form  an  immense  structure. 
There  is  a deep  ravine  at  the  north  entrance  to  the  town,  crossed  by 
a massive  stone  viaduct.  The  finest  ponies  and  a few  horses  are  to  he 
seen  in  Lipa,  but  it  is  not  a good  market  for  purchasing  them.  The 
wealthy  inhabitants  will  pay  more  than  others  to  secure  handsome, 
sound  animals,  but  they  will  reluctantly  part  with  them  even  at 
exorbitant  prices. 

The  two-storied  houses  are  (with  two  or  three  exceptions)  badly 
designed  inside.  There  was  a little  sugar-cane  grown  on  the  estates 
belonging  to  Lipa,  but  the  land  was  chiefly  occupied  by  coffee 
plantations,  which  extended  for  several  miles  around.  Now  it  is  the 
reverse,  due  to  the  worm  in  the  coffee  plants  (vide  page  337). 
Up  to  the  year  1760,  large  quantities  of  wheat  were  produced  in  this 
neighbourhood.  The  cultivation  of  this  cereal  seems  to  have  quite 
fallen  into  disuse  in  the  Colony. 

I had  met  a Lipa  coffee-planter  in  Calamba,  and  now  took 
advantage  of  his  invitation  to  call  upon  him  on  my  arrival.  It  was 
seven  o’clock  in  the  evening.  He  seemed  delighted  at  my  visit,  and 
wished  me  to  stay  several  days. 

“ At  least  we  count  upon  you  for  to-morrow  ; we  have  a great  day 
before  us.  I have  a new  nephew  ; and  the  feast  of  the  baptism  will 
take  place  at  my  brother-in-law’s.”  Then  he  went  on  talking  about 
his  son,  the  hope  of  the  family — how  much  he  should  like  to  send  him 
to  Hongkong  to  learn  English.  He  was  only  wasting  money  in 
Manila  in  dress,  ponies  and  amusements,  and  learning  nothing  but 
Manila  semi-European  manners,  which  were  ill-suited  for  his  becoming 
a coffee-planter  or  dealer.  Later  on,  in  a quiet  corner,  he  poured  forth 
his  troubles  to  me.  He  was  of  the  “ spotted  ones  ” by  the  parish 
priest,  to  whom  he  might,  any  day,  fall  a victim.  He  pointed  to  a 
high  wall  just  outside  a house  which  the  friar  had  had  built  to  shut 
the  family  off  from  the  sight  of  the  church  door.  How  long  his 
personal  liberty  would  last  was  doubtful. 

“ Put  yourself  al  fresco , Don  Juan  ; make  yourself  comfortable,” 
he  said,  for  it  was  a sultry  evening,  so  I took  off  my  jacket  and  pulled 
out  the  tail  of  my  China  shirt.  His  wife  was  going  to  and  fro — there 
was  always  something  to  do  ; moreover,  it  is  the  prevalent  custom  for 
the  Philippine  Islanders  to  associate  only  with  their  own  respective 
sexes.  They  are  only  together  quite  en  famille  by  necessity.  If  three 


MY  RECEPTION  IN  LIPA. 


437 


or  four  men  and  women  go  for  a walk,  the  women  take  the  lead 
together,  and  the  men  follow  like  poodles.  If  relations  of  the  two 
sexes  visit  their  friends,  the  woman  visitor  frequently  remains  in  a 
separate  room  with  the  women  of  the  family  visited,  and  the  two 
sexes  only  rejoin  each  other  on  leave-taking.  The  women — maidens 
or  matrons — go  to  mass  unaccompanied  by  their  male  relations  or 
husbands,  and,  in  the  church,  the  women,  in  a body,  separate  from  the 
men.  At  a meal,  whether  at  home  or  as  guests,  the  women  get 
together  ; they  do  not  understand  being  alternated  with  male  guests. 

Supper  was  laid  d la  Russe — all  the  dishes  from  first  to  last  course 
ou  the  table  at  once.  They  never  drank  wine  themselves,  but  knew 
that  it  was  an  European  custom,  so  I was  served  with  a glass  of 
moscatel  after  my  soup — the  tinola.  For  my  host,  wine  was  wine — he 
was  not  a connoisseur  of  sorts. 

My  host  was  out  early  the  next  morning  ; he  was  to  be  one  of  the 
sponsors  at  the  baptism.  Just  on  leaving,  he  called  out  “ Make 
yourself  at  home,  Don  Juan  ; I will  return  for  you  after  the  ceremony 
with  the  carriage.”  Everybody  but  the  poorest  rustic  has  some  kind 
of  vehicle  and  ponies,  or  a saddle  pony,  whilst  many,  who  can  only  just 
make  two  ends  meet  by  the  produce  of  a plot  of  land,  will  keep  their 
hacks.  It  is  not  a luxury  in  this  climate,  but  a necessity,  and  a 
hardship  to  have  to  go  on  foot. 

I took  my  chocolate  and  glass  of  water  and  waited  for  my  host, 
who  we  will  call  Captain  B,1  for  he  was  an  ex-petty-governor.  He 
returned  shortly,  and  off  we  drove  to  the  house  of  his  brother-in-law, 
Captain  G.1 

It  was  a large  residence,  with  a wide  staircase  highly  polished  with 
plantain  leaves  for  the  occasion.  Captain  G.  was  at  the  top  of  the 
staircase.  No  presentation  was  necessary  or  usual.  He  had  heard  all 
about  the  Castila's  arrival  from  his  brother-in-law.  He  relieved  me  of 
my  hat  and  conducted  me  to  the  sala — a large  drawing-room  about 
thirty  feet  wide  and  forty  feet  long.  “ My  Senora,”  said  he,  as  a stout 
Chinese  mestiza  advanced  towards  us. 

“ Buenos  dias  tengan  Vds .” — good  day  to  you  all — I said,  on 
seeing  a group  of  young  women  seated  in  arm-chairs  and  a half-dozen 
young  men  lounging  together  in  a corner.  There  was  a faint  response 


1 B.  and  G . are  only  assumed  initials. 


438 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


from  the  men  ; the  young  women  were  too  much  preoccupied  with 
their  gala  dresses  and  adornments  to  make  any  audible  reply.  I was 
not  introduced  to  any  one.  It  is  not  usual — and  I do  not  know  any 
of  their  names  to  this  day.  One  has  to  find  out  by  himself  who  he  is 
talking  to.  The  elderly  men  were  dressed  in  black  trousers  with  pi  tin 
muslin  shirts  fastened  down  the  front  with  enormous  studs,  some  with 
diamonds,  others  with  pearls.  The  young  men — the  high  life  of 
Lipa — were  attired  either  in  black  or  white  trousers,  one  or  two  with 
European  shirts  and  black  jackets,  others  with  muslin  shirts.  The 
women  were  in  the  usual  costumes  (described  at  page  412),  with  a 
large  amount  of  jewellery,  which  must  have  cost  some  thousands  of 
dollars  between  them. 

It  was  a very  awkward  position  to  be  in.  The  young  women  were 
apparently  petrified  by  my  presence.  Not  one  spoke  a word,  and  even 
had  I been  a native  acquaintance  it  would  have  been  a most  terrible 
violation  of  their  habits  to  have  seated  myself  amongst  them. 

So  I wandered  carelessly  over  to  the  men  and  lighted  a cigar, 
to  do  something,  as  I saw  they  were  smoking.  Then  the  Sehora 
approached,  and  silently  held  before  me  cigars  and  buyo  on  a silver- 
plated  salver.  I took  it  as  a compliment,  but  declined  the  offer,  for 
Europeans  do  not  chew,  and  I was  smoking.  With  the  men  we 
managed  to  get  up  an  edifying  conversation  about  my  journey,  the 
bad  roads,  the  difficulties  attendant  travelling,  etc. 

There  was  a bustling  in  tbe  caida — the  entrance  hall.  A peasant 
messenger  had  arrived.  Captain  G.  was  angry  ; there  was  evidently 
something  amiss.  He  seemed  to  be  vigorously  laying  down  the  law 
to  his  brother-in-law.  For  the  want  of  something  better  to  do,  I 
sauntered  towards  them. 

“Excuse  me,  Don  Juan,”  he  said,  “but  I shall  have  to  leave  you 
for  a couple  of  hours.  I just  learn  that  the  brigands  have  stolen  eight 
or  ten  of  my  buffaloes,  and  I am  going  off  to  the  estate  to  see  about  it.” 

“ Oh,  I’ll  accompany  you,”  I said  at  once. 

« Ho,  no,”  insisted  Captain  G.,  “ I don’t  want  any  one  to  be 
deprived  of  pleasure  on  my  account.” 

“ But  I would  like  to  see  your  hacienda , if  you  don’t  mind,”  I 
continued,  thinking  that  by  tbe  time  I came  back  the  feast  might  have 
acquired  a little  more  life.  As  it  was,  it  was  remarkably  slow. 

“Well,  if  you  like,  come.” 


THE  BAPTISMAL  FEAST. SUDDEN  INTERRUPTION.  439 


“ Most  happy,”  I replied,  “ for  I wish  to  see  the  country  as  well 
as  the  town.” 

In  the  dry  season  he  could  go  to  his  plantation  in  a carriage,  but 
the  road  was  bad  at  this  time,  and  we  started  off  in  a carromata  with  a 
couple  of  horses.  The  night  had  been  fine,  and  this,  with  the  morning 
sun,  had  just  dried  the  mud  sufficiently  to  make  the  road  very  heavy. 
Each  clung  to  the  rail  which  supported  the  roof  of  the  vehicle.  The 
ponies  were  high-blooded  little  animals  and  exerted  every  nerve  to  pull 
us  out  of  the  mire.  We  were  jolted  and  bumped  against  each  other,  and 
against  the  rails,  until  we  came  to  a standstill  in  a bog.  The  off-side 
pony  was  impatient ; he  reared  and  plunged  so  that  the  driver  had  to 
jump  down  to  quiet  him.  Some  field  labourers  coming  along  took  hold 
of  the  wheels  and  lifted  us  bodily  out  of  the  hole,  and  off  started  the 
ponies,  and  snap  went  one  shaft. 

The  native  is  ever  fertile  in  resource.  At  once  the  driver  got  from 
the  bushes,  alongside  of  the  road,  a kind  of  leaf,  the  fibres  of  which  he 
twisted  into  a rope,  and  lashed  the  broken  shaft  with  it.  Nothing, 
else  appeared  to  have  yielded.  We  laboured  on  for  another  half-hour, 
until  the  ponies  were  so  fatigued,  that  we  had  to  stop  to  rest  them. 
We  were  approaching  a better  road.  By  an  extraordinary  effort  they 
reached  this,  and  we  were  going  along  at  a good  pace,  when  suddenly 
the  cord,  passing  from  shaft  to  shaft  under  the  pony’s  belly,  gave  way. 
Up  tilted  the  vehicle  ; the  driver  rolled  off ; the  ponies  plunged  ; the 
shafts  were  up  in  the  air,  and  Captain  G.  and  I were  on  our  backs 
inside  the  carromata.  We  -were  not  hurt  in  the  least.  Our  man  righted 
the  conveyance,  and  we  jumped  out  and  held  the  ponies,  whilst  he 
got  into  a field  and  found  another  twig  with  which  to  fasten  the 
belly-rope.  The  road  before  us  was  fairly  good,  and  we  arrived , 
without  further  misadventures,  near  to  Captain  G.’s  estate.  We 
walked  from  the  road  along  the  pildpil  of  a terraced  rice  field  towards 
the  bungalow1. 

“We  had  better  return  mounted  if  you  don’t  mind,”  suggested 
Captain  G.,  and,  as  I quite  agreed,  he  gave  instructions  to  his  driver 

1 The  usual  native  hut  is  of  bamboo  and  palm  leaves  in  Luzon  Island,  and  all 
bamboo  in  Yisayas.  Their  bed  is  a simple  mat  (jpetate , a Mexican  word)  spread 
on  the  split  bamboo  floor,  whilst  a pillow  is  hardly  a luxury  ; some  use  them — 
others  rest  their  heads  on  a block  of  wood. 


440 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


to  take  back  the  conveyance  and  bring  us  a couple  of  saddled  ponies. 
Meanwhile  the  native  in  charge  -was  advancing  towards  us  from 
the  bungalow. 

“ Arao-po" — “good  day” — he  said  to  each  of  us  in  his  dialect  as 
he  politely  pressed  his  right  hand  on  his  forehead  and  bent  the  left 
knee  to  salute. 

Captain  G.  opened  his  inquiries  cautiously,  putting  questions  and 
cross-questions,  followed  by  remonstrances,  which  flowed  one  after 
another,  each  time  less  patiently,  until  he  lashed  himself  into  a fury 
which  seemed,  however,  to  have  little  effect  upon  the  passive  pertinacity 
of  his  caretaker.  The  man  had  neglected  to  drive  the  buffaloes  home 
to  their  pen  last  night,  and  they  were  no  longer  to  be  found. 

“ Tumble  down  there,”  cried  Captain  G.  wrhen  he  saw  that  the  man 
recognized  his  fault.  Then  he  calmly  went  to  a corner  to  look  for  the 
great  factor  of  civilization — the  bejuco — a fine  rattan  cane  which  made 
more  smarting  than  bruises. 

“ I shall  give  you  twenty-five,  and  we’ll  see  if  this  occurs  again, 
and  I shall  add  the  buffalo  to  your  debt.”  Thereupon  he  set  to  with 
the  rattan,  whilst  the  culprit  lay  on  the  floor,  bellowing  at  each 
stroke. 

Captain  G.  looked  at  me.  He  evidently  thought  he  must  explain 
away  the  necessity  of  such  harshness.  We  were  almost  strangers  ; how 
could  he  guess  what  I thought  of  it  ? 

“ There  is  no  other  remedy  but  the  lash,”  he  observed.  “ The 
fellow  already  owes  me  forty  dollars,  and  he  will  go  on  borrowing 
without  scruple.  It  is  no  use  talking  to  these  men.” 

“ I have  been  long  enough  in  the  Colony,”  I replied,  “ to  understand 
that  they  have  no  sentiment  to  appeal  to.  But  what  a sad  compulsion 
is  the  appeal  to  brute  force  between  man  and  man  1” 

The  ponies  had  arrived.  We  could  hear  them  neighing  in  the 
high  road,  where  they  stood  ready  caparisoned,  with  the  bridle  hauging 
at  the  saddle  bow,  so  we  walked  back  past  the  rice  fields  and  mounted. 
They  were  sturdy,  graceful  little  creatures,  and  we  let  them  have  rein. 
In  ten  minutes  we  were  at  the  mud  again,  but  they  bounded  through 
it  with  an  energy  which  conquers  greater  difficulties.  Splashes  flew  in 
all  directions,  and  when  we  arrived  at  Lipa,  my  white  suit  was  piebald, 
so  I went  to  Captain  B.’s  to  change,  and  then  rejoined  the  feast. 


WE  RETURN  TO  THE  FEAST. 


441 


Several  Europeans  had  arrived  ; they  were  drinking  German 
bottled  beer  ad  libitum  ; some  had  had  as  much  as  it  was  prudent 
to  take. 

There  was  a sugar  broker,  two  government  officials,  an  officer  of 
the  civil  guard,  and  a Swiss  pedlar  standing  around  the  glasses  when 
I entered. 

“ Senor  Ingles ,”  they  exclaimed,  “ a glass  of  beer.” 

“ Where  have  you  been  whilst  all  the  fun  is  going  on  ? ” asked  the 
officer,  a loquacious  Andalusian.  “ How  can  you  tear  yourself  away 
from  all  the  flower  of  Lipa  beauty  ? ” 

“ There’s  time  for  everything,”  I replied.  “ I saw  the  flower  of 
beauty,  as  you  rightly  say,  this  morning,  and  was  loth  indeed  to  quit 
such  fragrance.” 

So  we  chatted  and  quaffed  beer.  Captain  G.,  our  host,  was  not 
to  be  seen.  Everybody  did  as  he  liked.  The  person  least  visible  and 
least  necessary  to  the  company  present  at  a Philippine  feast,  is  he  who 
gives  it.  The  boys  were  at  our  orders,  and  they  would  bring  us  what 
we  might  want. 

We  were  in  the  Caida , and  the  girls  in  the  drawing-room  were  so 
far  animated  that  we  distinctly  heard  a giggle.  We  had  finished  our 
glasses,  and  went  in  to  join  the  ladies. 

Some  of  the  jeunesse  doree  had  approached  within  a yard  of  the 
girls’  chairs.  As  we  entered,  there  was  perfect  silence.  In  time  the 
young  men  recovered  their  hilarity  somewhat  ; each  girl  had  resumed 
her  natural  solemnity  of  countenance. 

I was  not  going  to  tolerate  this  any  longer.  I deliberately  seated 
myself  near  the  women,  and  tried  to  open  a conversation.  It  was  no 
doubt  a violence  of  their  canons  of  good  taste  and  manners.  I began 
seriously  and  ended  with  frivolities,  and  had  actually  succeeded  in 
raising  a smile  on  the  faces  of  two,  and  extracted  a whimpering  “ si  ” 
or  “ no,”  when  something  went  wrong  with  a girl’s  coiffure — another 
had  to  pin  her  paiiuelo  and  must  needs  retire.  Without  any  ceremony 
or  apologies  whatever,  off  went  the  two  to  a private  room,  the  others 
following  one  by  one,  like  a flock  of  sheep,  until  we  men  were  left 
alone. 

A band  of  music  had  started  playing  the  “ Bella  Filipina  ” in  front 
of  the  house.  Oue  of  the  girls  in  the  private  room  had  undoubtedly 


442 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


said  something  very  funny,  for  a series  of  screeches  was  heard  in  the 
drawing-room.  The  Andalusian  who  had  talked  himself  dry,  but 
could  not  be  inactive  for  a moment,  began  whistling,  and  then,  seeing 
a barrel-organ  in  the  corner  of  the  room,  ho  turned  the  handle,  and 
competed  with  the  band. 

A smile  of  satisfaction  illuminated  the  visage  of  the  Sonora. 

“ Here’s  Padre ,”  she  exclaimed,  in  a suppressed  voice,  as  she  passed 

through  the  drawing-room  and  hastened  on  to  the  women’s  refuge. 

“ Matilde,  Matilde ! ” she  called  out,  “ here’s  Padre madali — make 

haste,”  and  the  devout  matron  was  just  out  into  the  caida  in  time  to 
kiss  the  hand  of  the  priest  who  entered. 

Father was  the  vicar  of  a neighbouring  town — a Friar  who 

showed  no  contempt  for  the  good  things  of  this  world.  Always  “ in 
fair  round  belly  with  good  capon  lined,”  he  strove  to  harmonise  his 
taste  for  liberal  living  with  his  teaching,  that  heaven  could  be  gained 
by  starvation  and  bodily  suffering. 

One  after  another  the  girls  and  the  old  fogies  had  kissed  his  hand 
— the  young  men  had  wished  him  “ buenos  dias ,” — we  had  all  made 
our  obeisance. 

The  company  was  henceforth  divided  into  three  factions  : the 
Europeans,  whose  figure-head  was  the  padre — the  native  men,  and  the 
beau  sexe.  Captain  G.  made  his  appearance  at  last. 

“Hola  Captain  G. !”  cried  the  padre , “where  have  you  been  hiding- 
all  this  while  ? ” 

“ Nowhere,  father,”  meekly  replied  the  captain,  as  he  kissed  the 
hand  automatically  extended  towards  his  lips. 

“ Come,  come,”  continued  the  priest  jocosely,  “ there’s  something 
in  the  wind — what  is  it  ? ” 

“ Nothing,  father,”  said  Captain  G.  timorously,  “ as  to-morrow  is 
cock-fighting  day  I Avas  just  seeing  that  everything  Avas  in  order.” 

“ Ah,  so  there  are  heavy  bets  on,  eh  ? ” 

“ I think  the  red  cock  has  a chance,  father  ” ; and  Captain  G. 
anxiously  awaited  the  first  pause  to  withdraw,  and  so  avoid  further 
confessions. 

The  soup  was  on  the  table  ; the  chairs  Avere  arranged  in  order  ; 
the  young  dudes  were  lounging  at  the  window-sills,  smoking  cigarettes 
and  spitting  at  every  few  puffs.  The  women  guests  were  in  the 


AN  IMPORTANT  GUEST. — THE  PEDLAR’S  CHARM.  443 


bed-rooms  and  the  kitchen — everywhere  where  guests  should  not  be — 
whilst  we  Europeans  sat  together,  discussing  the  news  which  the 
Manila  periodicals  had  brought  us. 

“ To  the  table,  to  the  table,  Scnorcs  ! ” exclaimed  the  priest,  who 
took  the  lead  and  placed  himself  in  the  seat  of  honour. 

“ Come  along,  youngsters,”  he  cried,  addressing  himself  to  the 
young  dandies,  who  showed  a certain  diffidence  at  seating  themselves. 

“And  the  girls  ?”  inquired  the  Andalusian  as  he  saw  Captain  G. 
enter  giving  his  orders  to  his  servants. 

“ They’re  coming,”  he  replied.  “ Oy  ninas,  niTias  ! where’s  Matilde  ? 
where’s  Angelina  ? Why  don’t  they  come  ? The  padre  is  seated.” 

But  the  soup  was  already  served  out  all  around,  when,  with  an  air 
of  peevish  reluctance,  the  young  women  slowly  drew  near  to  occupy 
the  vacant  chairs.  There  was  a little  shuffling  and  re-arranging  of 
places  ; the  damsels  objected  to  be  separated. 

Captain  G.  shouted  from  the  window  to  the  band  to  resume 
playing,  and  then  continued  to  busy  himself  with  the  service  of  the 
table.  The  Senora  was  keeping  the  cook  up  to  his  work  ; the  sight  of 
a kitchen  in  the  East  would  spoil  any  European’s  appetite.  The 
girls  were  mute ; the  young  gallants  made  their  little  jokes  quietly, 
among  themselves,  whilst  we  were  kept  convulsed  in  laughter  at  the 
jests  and  mirthful  controversies  raised  principally  between  the 
Andalusian  officer,  the  sugar  broker,  and  the  Friar. 

The  dinner  was  over  ; it  had  been  an  hour  of  trial  for  the  native 
guests,  who  were  used  to  eating  with  their  fingers  ; it  was  a day  of 
triumph  for  Captain  G.,  whose  house  was  honoured  with  the  visits  of  so 
many  Castilas. 

The  women  retired  to  their  rooms  ; the  men  to  the  arm-chairs. 
The  pedlar  had  vanished,  but  no  one  perceived  it  until  we  saw  him 
re-enter,  laden  with  a number  of  small  boxes,  followed  by  a native 
carrying  a trunk.  With  his  eye  always  to  business,  he  had  correctly 
judged  that  this  hour,  between  two  and  three  o’clock,  was  leisure  time 
for  all,  and  that,  bored  by  the  heat,  we  should  at  least  amuse  ourselves 
by  examining  his  stock  if  we  did  not  make  purchases.  The  Senora 
was  apparently  in  the  secret,  for  she  closely  followed  him  into  the 
drawing-room  with  eyes  beaming  curiosity.  The  best  householders  in 
the  provinces  seem  to  have  no  objection  to  converting  their  saloons 
into  bazaars,  for  the  convenience  of  itinerant  vendors. 


444 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  goods  were  spread  out  ou  the  centre  table.  There  were 
French  gold  watches,  chains,  lockets,  rings,  hair-pins  ; diamonds  and 
pearls  set  in  gold,  as  tiaras,  sprays,  etc.  ; even  shoes,  silk  gowns, 
musical  boxes  and  silver-plated  candlesticks  formed  items  of  the  pedlar’s 
wares.  He  kept  his  eye  on  all  with  apparent  unconcern. 

The  padre  was  driving  a bargain — he  offered  $120  for  a gold 
watch  priced  at  $200.  One-hundred-and-fifty  dollars  was  the  very 
lowest  figure. 

“ Ay ! Dios  mio ! ” vociferated  the  Senora  as  she  picked  up  a 
small  diamond  and  gold  tiara,  and  rushed  to  the  room  where  her 
Matilde  was  : “ Come,  all  of  you,  come  ! ” she  cried  to  the  young 
women.  “ How  pretty  ! ” 

“ What  is  it  nanay  ? ” inquired  Matilde. 

“Here’s  Don  Benjamin  with  such  beautiful  jewellery,”  shouted 
the  Senora. 

In  ten  minutes  the  girls  had  forgotten  they  were  sleepy.  The 
sight  of  the  gems  had  actually  moved  them  to  enthusiasm. 

They  cackled  and  haggled  aud  fluttered  around  the  table  with 
evident  rapture — and  with  such  peals  of  laughter,  which  more  than 
compensated  for  their  previous  obmutescence. 

The  tiara  was  purchased  ; the  Friar’s  bargain  was  closed  at  $130'; 
the  Senora  got  her  term  of  credit  ; the  priest  would  pay  cash  when 
Don  Benjamin  passed  through  his  town. 

Captain  B.  was  going  home,  so  I went  with  him.  I understood 
that  everybody  was  anxious  to  take  the  siesta.  Captain  G.  had  his 
dinner  comfortably  with  his  wife,  in  their  own  fashion  : ou  the  floor, 
using  fingers.  He  accompanied  us  to  the  staircase,  politely  handed  me 
mv  hat,  and  said  “ Till  presently  then  ; we  shall  expect  you  to-niglit.” 

We  were  walking  to  Captain  B’s. — “ What  is  there  to-night  ? ” I 
inquired.  “ A dance,  I suppose  ? ” “ Yes,”  he  rejoined,  “ aud  I think 

my  Senora  will  come  too.” 

The  siesta  was  over,  and  we  went  for  a drive.  At  every  doorway 
the  native  was  fondly  caressing  the  pugnacious  chanticleer,  which  was 
to  show  his  prowess  at  the  pit  the  next  day.  We  called  at  a headman’s 
house,  my  friend,  the  captain,  having  some  wagers  to  fix  for  the 
following  day.  He  had  heard  that  the  puti  cock  was  expected  to 
vanquish  the  vaunted  balic.  Just  then  the  angelus-bell  tolled,  and  no 
one  took  any  notice  of  our  entry.  They  were  a devout  family,  and  all 


THE  ELITE  OF  LIP  A. THE  BALL. 


445 


its  members  who  were  at  home — the  servants  also,  came  up  one  by 
one,  in  the  train  of  the  Senora,  who  intoned  an  Avc  Maria , and 
dropped  on  her  knees  before  the  images  of  the  Holy  Virgin  and  Saints 
Paul  and  Peter,  which  stood  on  a raised  sideboard  like  the  altar  of  an 
oratory.  We  all  did  likewise.  The  Senora  took  the  lead,  and  the 
auditory  chanted  the  responses. 

In  five  minutes  it  was  over.  “ Bacnas  noches ,” — good  night — 
exclaimed  the  heads  of  the  family,  whilst  the  children  and  the  bevy  of 
servants,  male  and  female,  came  and  knelt  before  ns  to  kiss  hands. 

After  supper  at  Captain  B.’s,  we  returned  to  Captain  G.’s  house. 
There  was  quite  a crowd.  The  band  of  music  was  playing  an  habanera 
dance.  The  place  was  brilliantly  lighted  ; the  gauze  covers  had  been 
taken  off  the  chandeliers  for  this  special  occasion.  There  was  a side 
table  with  lemonade,  bottled  beer,  cigars,  etc.,  etc. 

The  powder  lavished  on  the  women’s  faces  gave  them  a more 
exsanguious  appearance  than  ever.  The  sight  of  so  many  spectral 
countenances  was  a novelty  for  me.  Their  jet-black  hair,  bedecked 
with  diamond  and  gold  pins,  contrasted  wonderfully  with  their  chalk- 
whitened  cuticles.  The  typical  tapis  was  not  to  be  seen  ; all  wore 
long  flowing  skirts  of  silk  or  satin  ( saya  suelta ),  so  irksome  to  waltzers  ; 
they  seemed,  indeed,  to  have  vied  with  each  other  in  the  length  of  their 
gowns.  The  dancing  was  over  about  two  o’clock  in  the  morning. 
The  young  native  swells  were  in  agonies  under  their  cloth  coats ; they 
were  wiping  their  perspiring  faces  with  handkerchiefs,  already  looking 
like  dish-cloths.  The  condition  of  the  young  women  was  still  more 
pitiable  ; the  sweat-drops  rolling  down  their  cheeks  and  necks  had 
collected  the  blanc  de  perlc  on  their  way  and  converted  it  into  pellets 
of  paste.  In  my  white  drill  suit,  I imagine  I suffered  the  least.  Some 
of  the  Spaniards  who  had  come  simply  to  enjoy  themselves,  had 
brought  with  them  mestizo  shirts  of  pi  ha  and  silk — but  they  were 
Spaniards,  and  they  found  no  pleasure  in  aping  European  customs 
in  a mid-tropical  clime,  to  their  own  discomfort. 

I left  Lipa  for  Tauauan  in  a carromata.  Here  sugar-growing 
begins  again  and  extends  up  to  the  lake  coast.  Tanauan  is  a most 
dreary,  uninteresting  place,  but  we  had  a lively  time  at  the  convent, 
where  I found  Padre  Jose  busy,  when  I entered,  receiving  mass  fees. 
We  were  near  Saint  Nicholas’  day,  and  the  relations  of  the  defunct 
Nicholases  were  crowding  in  to  purchase  the  father’s  intervention  for 


446 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  repose  of  their  souls.  One  after  another  the  devout  timorously 
approached  the  table,  laid  down  the  dollar,  gave  the  name  of  the 
deceased,  kissed  the  priest’s  hand,  made  a genuflection  before  us,  and 
retired  to  the  end  of  the  hall  to  squat  on  the  floor  and  watch  us.  I 
was  not  the  only  guest.  The  Colonel  of  the  Civil  Guard  was  there 
en  passant,  making  his  tour  of  inspection;  a well-known  pedlar,  Dou 
Benito,  was  on  his  rounds,  and  the  parish  priest  of  Santo  Tomas — the 
next  village — had  come  to  whisper  a few  words  in  the  ear  of  the 
Colonel  about  the  rural  police.  We  were  all  well  known  to  each  other, 
so  that  at  the  dinner  table,  the  mutual  chaff,  the  dry  jokes  of  the 
Colonel,  and  the  anecdotes  of  the  Alsatian  jeweller  kept  us  pretty 
merry.  Of  course  the  reverend  fathers  were  bent  on  taking  their  usual 
siesta,  but  the  Colonel  decided  they  should  not.  The  priest  of  Santo 
Tomas  and  I occupied  one  room  ; Father  Jose  had  his  own,  and  the 
Colonel  and  the  pedlar  another.  The  Colonel  turned  us  off  our  mats,  so 
we  barricaded  ourselves,  but  sleep  was  out  of  the  question.  We  found 
a number  of  Taal  riding-whips  in  the  corner  of  the  room  with  which  we 
armed  ourselves,  and  the  end  of  it  was  that  the  Colonel  invited  us  to 
open  warfare.  He  and  the  pedlar  piled  up  the  chairs  across  the  hall, 
and  challenged  us  to  break  through  them  and  drive  our  opponents  into 
their  room.  The  priest  of  Santo  Tomas  deserted  us  and  went  over  to 
the  adversary,  but  I had  a stock  of  whips,  of  which  I made  good  use 
on  the  deserter’s  legs  -when  Father  Jose  and  I broke  through  the 
barricade  ; but  I got  so  waled  myself  that  I had  to  beat  a retreat,  and 
Father  Jose  surrendered.  After  the  fight  we  induced  the  pedlar,  who 
had  shut  himself  up,  to  open  the  door,  and  we  all  gave  him  a sudden 
douche  bath  with  basins  of  water.  After  5 o’clock  chocolate,  the 
pedlar  made  his  calls  in  the  village  ; the  good  padre  went  to  take 
confessions,  and  the  Colonel  and  I went  for  a stroll  until  supper  time, 
when  I bid  them  all  “ good-bye,”  for  I had  my  ponies  ordered  for  5.30 
in  the  morning. 

From  Tanauan  to  Suplan  is  a pretty  ride.  I arrived  there  in  a 
couple  of  hours.  There  was  a deal  of  mud,  but  the  distance  was  short, 
and  our  ponies  were  comparatively  good.  The  half  of  the  road  near 
Suplan  is  steep,  but  very  picturesque,  as,  little  by  little,  one  ascends  to 
a height  which  overlooks  the  country  for  many  miles  round. 

I could  not  say  exactly  where  Suplan  village  begins  or  ends.  I 
saw  a hut  here  and  there,  and  continued  the  route  until  I arrived  at 


BOMBON  LAKE. TALISAY. 


447 

the  outpost  of  the  civil  guard,  standing  quite  isolated  ou  a rising 
ground.  Looking  from  this  place,  there  are  few  landscapes  more 
delightful  within  a week’s  journey  of  Manila.  To  the  south,  one  has 
a bird’s-eye  view  of  the  Bombon  Lake,  with  the  volcano  in  the  centre, 
and  volcanic  islets  around.  To  the  N.E.,  there  is  the  Laguna  de 
Bay ; at  one’s  back,  the  Sungay  mountain,1  about  2,500  feet  high, 
covered  with  dense  forest.  In  the  valley,  on  the  Bombon  Lake  border, 
one  discerns  the  church  of  Talisay  village. 

Having  arrived  at  Suplan  in  the  afternoon,  I was  there  at  sunset, 
and  at  sunrise  the  next  morning — the  best  hours  to  scan  this  grand 
panorama.  A Spanish  corporal  was  in  charge  of  the  outpost,  and  he  at 
once  invited  me  to  share  his  room.  As  I had  plenty  of  provisions  with 
me,  I did  not  hesitate  to  accept  his  generous  offer.  After  breakfast  the 
next  day,  he  mounted  my  guide’s  pony,  and  accompanied  me  to  Talisay 
village,  going  through  the  mountain  paths,  downhill  all  the  way,  to 
the  Bombon  Lake  shore.  It  was  very  muddy,  but  our  ponies  -were 
fresh,  although  we  had  to  take  them  very  carefully  down  the  slippery 
descent  until  we  came  to  the  high  road  connecting  Talisay  with 
Banadero  de  Sala.  Talisay  consists  of  a well-built  church  and  convent, 
an  outpost  of  the  civil  guard,  a collection  of  native  huts  and  a couple 
of  houses  properly  so  called. 

There  is  nothing  to  be  seen  in  the  village  itself ; the  view'  of  the 
lake  is  the  only  attraction.  I w'as  the  guest  of  the  sub-lieutenant 
commanding  the  outpost.  I had  not  bathed  that  morning,  so  I went 
with  him  for  a swim  in  the  lake.  There  are  some  legends  of  crocodiles 
having  been  seen  in  these  waters.  In  the  meantime,  I was  having  a 
canoe  prepared  for  my  visit,  two  days  hence,  to  the  volcano,  and  wrhilst 
this  was  going  on,  I went  off  with  a Spaniard,  just  arrived  from 
Batangas,  to  take  a run  round  the  sugar  estates.  There  was  a large 
tract  of  land  in  which  my  acquaintance  was  interested,  but  w'hich  had 
been  taken  possession  of  by  “ squatters  ” — natives  who  ignore  property 
law's,  erect  huts  and  claim  all  the  land  they  care  to  till  in  defiance  of 
rights  and  owners.  Fortunately  the  Spaniard  did  not  enforce  his  rights 
when  I was  there — when  he  did  so  later  on  it  cost  him  his  life. 

Being  benighted  far  away  from  Talisay,  we  slept  in  a squatter’s  hut. 
We  had  a small  bag  of  rice,  some  dried  sausages,  a tin  of  salmon,  and  a 
leather  bottle  of  wine  with  us.  I was  cook,  whilst  my  companion 


1 Sungay  means  Stag  in  native  dialect. 


448 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


stirred  up  the  native  to  get  us  some  banana  fruit  with  plantain  leaves 
for  dishes. 

The  next  day,  following  the  Tagaytay  Cordillera,  we  descended 
by  Calauan,  passed  several  groups  of  huts  and  small  sugar-cane  fields, 
arriving  in  Talisay  the  same  evening.  The  priest  invited  all  the 
Europeans  iu  the  place — my  travelling  companion,  the  sub-lieutenant 
and  me — to  the  convent  to  supper.  A heavy  shower  came  on.  It  was 
very  hot,  and  we  were  glad  to  follow  our  host’s  suggestion  to  sit  in  our 
shirts  with  the  tails  outside  our  pants — native  fashion.  The  beating 
raiu  had  obliged  a host  of  flies,  moths,  wiuged  ants,  etc.  to  take  refuge 
in  the  dining-room.  The  lamps  were  covered  with  these  insects. 
They  darted  at  our  eyes  and  attacked  the  dishes,  hundreds  coming  to 
an  untimely  end  iu  the  gravies  or  in  the  lamp  globes.  The  serving 
boys  relieved  us  somewhat  with  paper  flails,  gummed  on  canes,  which 
they  whisked  about  to  keep  off  the  enemy. 

Each  one  went  his  way  about  ten  o’clock.  I slept  at  the 
guard-house.  The  next  day  my  canoe  and  men  were  ready  ; the  canoe 
had  an  awning  of  nipa  palm  leaves,  and  was  gaily  decked  out  with 
festoons  of  buri. 

The  petty-governor,  to  whom  I had  not  yet  spoken,  came  to  pay 
his  respects — he  evidently  thought  I was  a distinguished  personage. 
He  had  a red  and  white  flag  stuck  up  at  the  bows  of  the  canoe,  and  off 
we  started  for  the  volcano  island.1 

Talisay  is  the  best  point  to  start  from  when  visiting  the  crater. 
We  were  ashore  on  the  island  iu  an  hour  and  a quarter.  The  native 
lieutenant  offered  me  a mare  on  which  to  make  the  ascent,  but  I 
preferred  going  on  foot  with  the  two  canoe-men  who  followed  me.  On 
the  way,  and  when  we  were  near  the  bald  crest  of  the  Volcano,  about 
every  twenty  feet  distance  we  saw  steam  spurting  through  the  lava. 
The  crater  was  too  steep  where  I arrived  to  make  the  descent,  so  I 
had  to  walk  about  five  hundred  yards  round  to  the  left,  where  there  is 
an  easier  slope.  I went  down  the  crater,  to  the  edge  of  the  green  lake, 
in  half  an  hour.  It  was  bubbling  on  the  surface,  and  the  sulphurous 
vapours  were  oppressive.  I imagined  I could  feel  the  lava  moving 
under  me,  so  I set  about  making  my  exit.  The  ascent  was  not  so  easy 
as  the  descent,  and  I was  fully  an  hour  getting  (o  the  top  of  the  crater 
again  as  my  feet  sunk  into  the  scoria. 

1 Vide  Chap.  I.  for  description  of  the  crater. 


PANSIPIT  RIVER. — TAAL. 


449 


I came  down  the  lava  mountain  by  the  same  path  by  which  I had 
ascended.  The  petty-governor  had,  I presume,  sent  a message  from 
Talisay  to  the  lieutenant  concerning  me,  for  I found  that,  during  my 
two-and-a-half  hours’  absence,  he  had  fixed  up  an  awning  of  bamboos 
and  leaves,  and  had  brought  a table  and  a chair  from  his  hut  for  my 
accommodation.  So  Nicomedis  got  out  the  provisions,  and  I breakfasted 
prior  to  continuing  my  journey  iu  the  same  canoe  to  Taal. 

About  ten  o’clock  I started  for  Taal.  We  rounded  the  N.  and  W. 
coasts  of  the  Volcano  Island,  and  to  our  right  was  the  lake  shore, 
with  Tagaytay  mountain  range  in  the  distance.  Had  there  been  a 
breath  of  wind,  the  journey  would  have  been  very  enjoyable.  In  three 
hours  we  were  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pansipit  River.  Here  lie  the  ruins 
of  the  old  town  of  Taal  ( vide  Chap.  I.),  but  they  might  often  be  passed 
unnoticed.  In  this  clime  the  alternate  excessive  wet  and  heat  play 
havoc  with  the  works  of  man.  Hature  asserts  its  superior  potence, 
and,  forcing  decay  into  structures  of  wood,  stone  and  irou  alike,  muffles 
up  with  its  flowery  mantle  the  ruin  which  it  produces,  and  annihilates 
its  existence,  as  it  were,  to  the  vulgar  eye.  The  Pansipit  River  is  very 
shallow,  and  navigation  is  rendered  still  more  difficult  by  fishing 
corrals — bamboo  fencing  reaching  from  the  river  bed  to  the  water’s 
surface  to  prevent  the  escape  of  fish.  These  cut  off  the  communication 
with  the  lake,  but  my  men  dived  and  opened  a way  for  our  canoe  to 
pass,  and  then  closed  it  again.  The  lake  end  of  the  river  is  extremely 
pretty.  Wooded  perpendicular  cliffs  from  the  banks,  and  farther  down 
fields  of  sugar-cane  reach  to  the  water’s  edge.  In  one-hour-and-a-half 
we  could  see  the  church  of  Taal,  which  stands  on  a hill  ; in  half-au- 
hour  more  we  were  at  the  town. 

Taal  is  situated  on  the  left  bank,  and  Lemeri  town  is  on  the  right 
bank,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Pansipit.  A bridge  connects  the  two 
parishes.  Lemeri  is  on  a plain,  and  has  a fine  church  and  convent,  but 
there  is  nothing  else  worthy  of  attention.  It  is,  comparatively,  of 
quite  recent  foundation. 

Taal  is  a very  old  town.  It  was  removed  from  the  lake  end  of 
the  river  iu  1754,  after  the  great  eruption  of  the  volcano  (vide  Chap.  I.). 
Up  to  that  date  it  was  the  capital  of  the  Province  of  Taal  y Balayan, 
now  called  Batangas.  The  present  town  of  Taal  is  extremely  dirty 
and  untidy.  There  is  not  a single  good  street  in  it.  Every 
thoroughfare  is  either  up  or  down  a steep  hill,  on  the  summit  of  which 


F F 


450 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


stands  the  church.  From  the  river -side  up  to  the  ceutre  of  the  town 
there  is  an  immense  staircase.  The  original  Taal  people  are  said  to  be 
descendants  of  Japanese  settlers.  It  is  the  only  Philippine  town  where 
the  inhabitants  will  not  tolerate  a single  Chinese  resident.  The  staple 
trade  is  sugar, — “ Taal  sugar  ” being  an  article  known  in  foreign 
markets  as  a speciality  of  the  Colony.  About  fifty  per  cent,  of  it  is 
crystallizable,  the  remainder  of  the  bulk  being  molasses,  dirt  and 
rubbish.  The  sugar-caue  plantations  in  this  neighbourhood  can  hardly 
be  termed  estates,  the  laud  being  divided  into  such  small  lots.  Most  of 
the  cane-mills  have  stone  crushers,  but,  little  by  little,  European  mills 
are  finding  their  way  there.  Taal  cotton  stuffs  are  also  a speciality, 
and  the  market  is  an  important  centre  in  the  surrounding  locality.  The 
population,  which  in  1790  was  9,000,  was  in  1896  about  56,000. 
Small  coasting  steamers  from  Manila  call  there  two  or  three  times  a 
week . 

From  Taal  I took  a carromata  and  drove  on  to  Batangas,  passing 
through  Bauau.  Batangas  is  the  modern  capital  of  the  province  of 
that  name,  and  although  situated  only  half-a-mile  from  the  sea  coast,  it 
is  extremely  hot.  The  environs  are  not  at  all  pretty.  There  are  some 
good  houses  of  wood,  stone  and  iron  roofs.  The  Government  House 
is  well  built,  and  commodiously  designed  inside.  This  town  was  the 
residence  of  the  Spanish  officials  of  the  province — the  Governor,  the 
Chief  Judge,1  the  captain  of  the  civil  guard,  the  administrator,  etc. 
There  is  a pleasant  drive  down  to  the  jetty  at  the  sea-side,  and  it  is  the 
custom  for  the  European  residents  to  meet  there  from  about  five  or  six 
in  the  evening  to  promenade  and  enjoy  the  sea-breeze.  The  church 
and  convent  are  very  large  buildings  of  stone  and  wood.  The  “ square  ” 
is  laid  out  as  a public  garden  with  a kiosk  in  the  centre. 

Across  the  river,  about  lialf-au-hour  from  the  town,  there  is  a 
sugar  factory  employing  a vacuum  pan  for  making  crystallized  grain 
sugar,  but  it  did  not  seem  to  be  very  flourishing.  One-fourth  of 
Batangas  has,  in  my  recollection,  been  three  times  desolated  by  fire. 

I lodged  at  a planter’s  house,  and  the  schoolmaster  came  to  visit  me. 
After  a lengthy  preamble  he  told  me  that  his  wife,  who  was  enceinte , 
had  an  antojo  (a  craving  wish).  She  had  seen  me  pass  by  his  house, 
and  as  she  wanted  her  child  to  bear  my  features,  would  I be  kind 
enough  to  honour  his  humble  home  and  let  her  gaze  upon  me  ? I was 

1 In  1888,  the  acting  Chief-Judge  of  Batangas  was  a Chinese  half-breed. 


TAGALOG  WOMEN  AND  CHILDREN  IN  HOLIDAY  ATTIRE. 


BALAYAN. — MARAGONDON. 


451 


so  surprised,  that  whilst  I paused,  he  added,  “ Oh,  it  is  quite  a common 
thiug  for  a married  woman  to  have  an  antojo .”  “ But  suppose  it 

turned  out  to  be  a girl  ? ” I inquired.  “ Never  mind,  it  will  satisfy  her, 
Senor,”  said  the  schoolmaster,  so  I consented  to  visit  him  that  afternoon 
aud  sit  for  my  portrait  to  he  impressed  on  the  coming  infant. 

A local  steamer  left  me  at  Balayan  on  her  way  to  Manila.  I went 
out  to  see  a sugar  factory  belonging  to  a half-caste.  The  cane-mill 
was  driven  by  water-power,  aud  a vacuum  pan  was  used  to  make 
crystal  grain  sugar.  The  owner,  however,  was  not  highly  satisfied  with 
the  financial  results.  Balayan  is  a well-built  town,  with  several  good 
houses  of  stone,  wood  and  iron  roofs.  Up  to  the  end  of  last  century  it 
had  been  three  times  burnt  by  Mussulmans.  Some  splendid  ponies  are 
to  be  seen  here,  aud  they  are  cheaper  than  in  Lipa.  I rode  several,  and 
had  a beautiful  little  animal  lent  me  to  go  to  Tuy.  There  I changed 
for  a miserable  nag,  and  went  over  some  low  ranges  of  mountains  to 
Nasugbu.  It  was  a very  pretty  ride.  Nasugbu  is  a wretched  place, 
but  the  half-caste  parish  priest  and  his  sisters  made  me  welcome.  They 
were  all  clever  musicians,  and  after  my  ride  with  the  padre , we  had  a 
concert. 

The  greater  part  of  the  cultivated  land  around  Nasugbu  and  for 
several  miles  to  the  south,  belongs  to  a rich  Manila  native,  Pedro 
Rojas,  whose  name  figured  very  prominently  years  later  in  the  rebellion 
of  1896. 

It  being  the  wet  season,  the  mountain  path  leading  north  from  Nasugbu 
was  not  passable,  so  I started  in  a canoe  for  Maragondon.  Off  Punta  del 
Fuego  a storm  came  on,  and  we  were  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  a creek, 
protected  by  rocks,  against  which  the  surging  billows  lashed  with  fury, 
whilst  it  poured  with  rain.  I was  wet  through.  Fortunately  we  found 
a fisherman’s  hut,  where  I changed  my  clothes,  and  in  a couple  of  hours 
we  put  to  sea  again.  It  was  still  rough  ; my  legs  were  bathed  with 
sea-water.  The  monsoon  was  on  the  eve  of  changing,  and  a N.E. 
breeze  was  opposing  us,  so  it  was  midnight  before  we  reached  the 
mouth  of  the  Maragondon  river.  I had  a letter  to  a half-caste  resident, 
and  there  I settled  for  the  night.  The  next  day  I rode  out  to  visit  a 
sugar  estate.  It  was  a venturesome  journey  ; our  ponies  were  up  to 
their  knees  in  mud,  but  the  ride  was  pretty.  Gorgeous  clusters  of 
bamboo  were  gracefully  reclining  over  us  on  one  side,  forming  a bower, 
and  there  was  a precipice  down  to  the  river  on  the  other  slope.  We 


F F 2 


452 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


were  going  uphill,  to  the  mountain,  when  my  pony  lost  his  footing  on 
the  slippery  rise  ; he  slid  back,  and  landed  me  in  a pool  of  mud,  out  of 
which  I scrambled,  leaving  him  to  manage  for  himself. 

We  rode  over  the  estate,  and  returned  by  another  route,  which  led 
us  to  the  ravine  where  the  mill-stream  flowed.  The  water,  bounding 
over  the  rocks  in  the  gorge,  was  the  only  sound  we  heard  besides  the 
screeching  of  the  birds  on  the  tall  trees.  It  was  a lovely  retreat ; I 
should  have  liked  to  have  lunched  there,  but  we  had  nothing  with  us, 
as  we  (the  young  planter  and  I)  were  invited  to  the  convent  for  12 
o’clock.  We  sent  a man  back  by  the  ridge  leading  our  ponies,  whilst 
we  stepped  over  to  the  other  side  through  the  water  and  followed  the 
bank  until  we  came  to  the  unobstructed  river.  There  we  had  a bamboo 
raft  made  for  us,  and  on  it  we  floated  down  stream,  towards  the  town, 
continuing  the  short  distance  thence  on  foot. 

We  lunched  with  the  native  priest,  who,  that  afternoon,  had  to  go  up 
to  the  mountain  to  confer  his  blessing  on  an  European  cattle-power  mill 
newly  erected.  I accepted  his  invitation  to  accompany  him.  We  rode 
out  about  4 o’clock  on  very  quiet  strong  ponies,  with  a servant  in  front 
of  us  to  remove  any  obstacles.  At  o o’clock  we  were  there,  when  a 
rough-looking  native  quietly  approached  the  father,  kissed  his  hand, 
and  begged  permission  to  come  down  with  his  companions.  They  were 
a brigand  party — it  was  the  best  policy  to  say  “Yes,”  so  in  a quarter 
of  an  hour  six  ruffians  kept  us  company.  They  said  they  had  seen  us 
turn  off  the  high  road  into  the  mountain  path,  and  could  have  sent  a 
bullet  into  us  very  easily,  but  they  superstitiously  respected  the 
sacerdotal  habit ; they  were  hungry  too,  and  wished  to  eat,  so  we 
supplied  them  with  rice,  fish,  betel-nut,  etc. 

After  the  meal  they  showed  us  their  weapons  at  our  request.  One 
man  armed  with  an  ancient  pistol  said  he  had  the  anting -anting, — that 
is  to  say,  he  was  proof  against  harm.  The  priest  said  he  was  the  same, 
and  as  he  talked,  he  quietly  loaded  the  pistol,  putting  the  bullet  first 
and  the  powder  afterwards.  The  man  did  not  perceive  the  trick.  Then 
the  priest  stuck  up  a white  handkerchief  on  a bough,  and  bid  the 
brigand  hit  it.  The  bandit  smiled  disdainfully  and  fired — the  smoke 
puffed  out,  and  the  bullet  fell  at  his  feet  as  he  lowered  the  weapon. 

“Ah!”  cried  the  priest,  “ you’re  helpless  with  him  who  has  the 
anting -anting,"  and  the  brigand  turned  away  from  the  holy  man, 
dumbfounded. 


SANTA  CRUZ  DE  MALABON. — NOVEL  RICE-MILL.  453 


After  passing  the  next  (lay  in  and  around  Maragoudon,  I went  on 
to  Naig.  The  road  is  pretty  in  the  wet  season  on  account  of  the  fine 
lawn-like  fields  of  green  rice  on  either  side.  Around  Naig  most  of  the 
land  belonged  to  the  Dominican  Corporation,  whose  estate-house  was 
an  imposing  building,  well  constructed,  with  a large  high-walled 
enclosure  in  front,  occupying  all  one  side  of  the  public  square.  The 
river  runs  to  the  north  of  the  town,  and  is  crossed  by  a massive  single- 
arched  bridge.  It  is  never  very  safe  travelling  about  here,  and  all 
the  rest  of  the  journey  up  to  Cavite  is  dangerous,  owing  to  the  bands 
of  outlaws  constantly  infesting  this  locality.  The  road  from  Naig  to 
Santa  Cruz  de  Malabon  (Tanza  it  is  called  by  the  natives)  was  simply 
a mud  trail,  and  my  guide  advised  me  to  turn  off  on  to  the  sea-shore. 
It  was  very  heavy  work  for  our  ponies,  who  could  not  get  a good 
footing.  On  our  left  was  the  sea,  and  in  the  far  distance  we  could 
descry  Corregidor  Island  and  the  peaks  of  the  Mariveles  Cordillera  ; 
to  our  right  was  mostly  barren  land  overgrown  with  heather.  There 
was  nothing  attractive  in  this  run,  and  we  stopped  only  once  to  quench 
our  thirst  with  cocoa-nut  milk.  When  one  is  within  half-an-liour  of 
Santa  Cruz,  some  rocks  jut  out  into  the  sea  very  awkwardly,  obliging 
the  rider  to  take  a foot  bath  at  high  tide,  but  they  are  passed  in  five 
minutes. 

Santa  Cruz  de  Malabon  is  a neat  little  place.  The  square  and  the 
native  shops  are  tidy,  and  there  are  a few  fairly  well-to-do  natives 
living  here.  The  chief  produce  is  rice.  The  arable  land,  upon  which 
the  town  depends,  belonged  to  a religious  corporation.  There  are 
several  water-power  rice-husking  mills  in  the  locality.  I stayed  at 
the  house  of  an  ex-petty-governor,  who  told  me  that  a friend  of  his 
was  excavating  at  the  river-side,  preparatory  to  the  erection  of  a 
perpetual-motion  rice-mill.  His  friend  was  anxious  for  me  to  see  the 
model  and  have  my  opinion  on  it,  so  I went  round  to  the  shed  where 
it  was  set  up. 

A water-wheel  was  to  be  placed  with  the  shaft  at  land  level.  This 
wheel  was  to  be  put  in  motion  by  a stream  of  water  flowing  from  a 
reservoir.  The  motion  of  the  water-wheel  would  be  communicated  to 
two  wheels,  one  at  each  end  of  the  same  shaft.  Over  these  wheels  a 
series  of  buckets  were  to  revolve.  These  buckets  were  to  bring  up 
water  from  the  river,  and  empty  themselves  into  a canal  leading  to  the 
reservoir,  to  replace  the  water  which  had  fed  the  driving-wheel.  Hence, 


454 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


provided  the  river  did  not  dry  up,  the  machine  was  expected  to  go  on 
perpetually  and  transmit  its  motive  power  to  a rice-husking  mill.  I 
explained  to  him,  as  far  as  I knew,  the  mechanical  defects  in  the 
contrivance,  but  he  had  money  to  spend,  and  preferred  to  find  out  the 
errors  of  his  theories  by  experience. 

The  country  around  is  a vast  plain,  lying  low,  and  just  suited 
for  rice-growing.  It  is  generally  refreshing  to  the  traveller  to  see  fields 
of  green  rice,  but  here  its  cultivation  is  so  extensive  that  it  becomes 
monotonous. 

My  host’s  son  procured  ponies  for  me,  and  accompanied  me  to 
Iudan.  We  passed  the  civil  guard  outpost  of  Quintana.  There  was  a 
great  sameness  in  the  immense  rice  fields  all  around,  until  two  miles 
journey  further  on  Avhen  we  entered  a horsepath  leading  through  a 
coffee  plantation  to  the  high  road  near  Indan.  We  were  in  the  heart 
of  the  Cavite  coffee  district.  There  was  nothing  to  see  in  Indan  town. 
The  headmen  in  the  Town  Hall  were  discussing  coffee  prices,  and  thought 
I had  come  to  buy  that  product,  or  offer  advances  against  the  coming 
crop.  We  rode  on  to  Silan.  On  leaving  Indan,  and  about  one-third 
of  the  way  to  Silan,  there  were  so  many  rises  and  falls  in  the  road  that 
I suppose  no  one  ever  attempted  the  journey  in  a vehicle,  but  the  route 
is  very  good  for  riding.  The  last  two-thirds  of  the  road  are  better 
still,  and  we  went  at  a fast  trot  all  the  way  to  Silan.  There  was 
nothing  but  coffee  plantations,  or  waste  land,  or  fields  out  of  tilth  to 
be  seen  on  the  way.  Two  miles  of  the  road  this  side  of  Silan  were 
splendid.  I was  in  the  heart  of  that  region  which,  in  1896,  became  the 
centre  of  the  Tagalog  rebellion. 

Silan  stands  high  up,  and  it  was  cold  and  damp.  For  the  first 
time,  in  this  Colony,  I really  felt  chilly.  There  was  some  excitement 
about  coffee  prices.  There  had  been  a market  rise  in  Manila,  and  several 
brokers  had  come  to  adjust  bargains  for  the  next  deliveries.  I was 
mistaken  for  one  of  these  persons.  Silan  is  a large  town,  with  a few 
fairly  good  houses,  a large  church  and  convent,  a very  hospitable  priest, 
and  a civil  guard  station.  The  townspeople  happened  to  be  celebrating 
their  annual  fete.  Here  and  there  were  groups  of  fighting-cock  owners 
and  sportsmen.  On  one  side  of  the  church  there  was  a big  fair.  At 
night  the  principal  streets  were  illuminated  by  every  householder 
hanging  out  paper  lanterns  of  varied  colours.  The  windows  were  wide 
open — the  neighbours  were  paying  mutual  visits — wayfarers  from  afar 


455 


SILAN. — :THE  MORO  MORO  ” DANCE. 

were  welcome  everywhere.  Iu  each  dwelling  a table  was  spread  with 
confectionery,  sweetmeats,  drinks  and  buyo.  I had  alighted  at  the 
Town  Hall,  but  was  at  once  kindly  invited  by  a headman  to  his  house. 
As  I passed  along  with  my  host  we  were  repeatedly  called  upon  by  the 
townfolks  to  “honour  their  houses.”  Sometimes  we  thanked  the  inviter 
and  passed  on,  but  at  three  or  four  places  we  entered  and  accepted 
sweets,  cigars,  and  betel-nut  as  a matter  of  compliment.  Nowhere  had 
I witnessed  such  a display  of  disinterested  hospitality.  Iu  the  square 
a temporary  theatre  had  been  erected,  before  which  a good-humoured 
mob  stood  gazing  with  delight  at  the  “ Moro  Moro  ” performance. 
All  was  gaiety — prince  after  prince  was  being  slain — the  piratical 
tyrant  was  eating  the  dust — the  Christian  cavaliers  were  winning  their 
laurels.1 

The  next  day  we  rode  on  from  Silan  with  the  same  ponies  through 
Carmona  to  Vinan — an  uneventful  journey  by  beaten  paths  through 
fields,  only  enlivened  by  a magnificent  bird’s-eye  view  of  the  Laguna 
de  Bay  when  we  were  near  to  Carmona.  From  Carmona,  sugar  estates 
begin  again,  and  from  the  high  road  we  turned  off  several  times  to  see 

1 The  burthen  of  a native  play  in  the  provinces  is  almost  invariably  founded 
on  the  contests  between  the  Mussulmans  of  the  South,  and  the  Christian  natives 
under  Spanish  dominion. 

The  Spaniards,  in  attaching  the  denomination  of  Moros  to  the  Moslems  of 
Sulu,  associated  them  in  name  with  the  Mussulman  Moors  who  held  sway  over  a 
large  part  of  Hispania  for  over  seven  centuries  (711-1492).  A “ Moro  Moro" 
performance  is  usually  a drama — occasionally  a melo-drama — in  which  the  native 
actors,  clad  in  all  the  glittering  finery  of  Moslem  nobility  and  Christian  chivalry, 
assemble  in  battle  array  before  the  Moslem  princesses,  to  settle  their  disputes 
under  the  combined  inspirations  of  love  and  religious  persuasion.  The  princesses, 
one  after  the  other,  pining  under  the  dictates  of  the  heart  in  defiance  of  their 
creed,  leave  their  fate  to  be  sealed  by  the  outcome  of  deadly  combat  between  the 
contending  factions.  Armed  to  the  teeth,  the  cavaliers  of  the  respective  parties 
march  to  and  fro,  haranguing  each  other  in  monotonous  tones.  After  a long- 
winded,  wearisome  challenge,  they  brandish  their  weapons  and  meet  in  a series 
of  single  combats  which  merge  in  a general  melee  as  the  princes  are  vanquished 
and  the  hand  of  the  disputed  enchantress  is  won. 

The  dialogue  is  in  the  idiom  of  the  district  where  the  performance  is  given, 
and  the  whole  play  (lasting  from  four  to  six  nights)  is  brief  compared  with 
Chinese  melo-drama,  which  often  extends  to  a month  of  nights. 

Judged  from  the  standard  of  European  histrionism,  the  plot  is  weak  from  the 
sameness  and  repetition  of  the  theme.  The  declamation  is  unnatural,  and  void  of 
vigour  and  emphasis.  The  same  tone  is  maintained  from  beginning  to  end, 
whether  it  be  in  expression  of  expostulatory  defiance,  love,  joy,  or  despair.  But 
the  masses  are  intensely  amused,  thus  the  full  object  is  achieved.  They  seem  to 
never  tire  of  gazing  at  the  situations  created,  and  applauding  vociferously  the 
feigned  defeat  of  their  traditional  arch-foes. 


456 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  cane-crushing  at  the  several  steam  and  cattle-power  mills.  We 
were  glad  to  arrive  at  Vinan  on  the  lake  shore  to  rest  our  ponies. 
We  were  now  in  a comparatively  rich  town,  inhabited  by  a great  many 
Chinese  half-castes.  There  is  quite  a number  of  good  stone  and  wooden 
houses,  some  with  tiles  and  others  with  iron  roofs.  The  river  runs 
through  the  centre  of  the  town,  and  near  its  left  bauk  stands  the  old 
church  which  was  ruined  by  the  earthquake  of  1880.  The  lauds 
around  were  the  property  of  a religious  corporation,  the  planters  being 
tenants  who  complained  bitterly  of  the  treatment  they  received  from 
the  landlords’  agent.  There  are  several  steam  cane-mills  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  clayed  sugar  is  the  chief  article  of  trade. 

We  returned  to  Carmona  and  I went  to  the  civil  guard  station  to 
ask  for  an  armed  escort  over  the  mountains  to  Perez  Dasmarinas.  The 
officer  at  once  furnished  me  with  a couple  of  native  guards  to  protect 
me  on  the  journey.  We  started  in  the  cool  of  the  afternoon,  through 
the  mountain  paths,  up  hill  and  down  dale  all  the  way.  The  dells  were 
very  muddy,  but  we  got  through  without  mishap.  It  was  a very 
agreeable  ride,  sometimes  between  tall  trees  in  the  thick  of  the  forest, 
then  along  a path  leading  through  a grove  of  guava  bushes  about  ten 
feet  high. 

Isight  came  on,  but  there  was  moonlight  sufficient  for  us  to  see  the 
way.  It  was  deliciously  cool,  and  the  cayinin  fires1  iu  the  mountain 
made  the  scene  poetic.  In  about  three  hours  we  came  to  an  outpost 
of  the  civil  guard.  Here  we  changed  escort,  and  took  the  opportunity 
of  having  our  supper.  The  native  guard  in  charge  was  kind  enough 
to  give  my  Santa  Cruz  companion  and  my  servant  Nicomedis  some 
rice,  aud  whilst  the  last  two  potatoes  of  my  provisions  were  being 
boiled,  we  turned  out  a can  of  beef.  There  was  no  hurry  ; the  ponies 
would  have  to  rest  somewhere,  and  they  might  as  well  do  so  here,  so  we 
took  out  their  bits  and  slacked  their  saddle-girths  whilst  we  supped. 
It  was  not  a sumptuous  meal,  and  I fear  an  epicurean  would  be  quite 
melancholy  in  these  parts. 

Iu  half-au-hour  after  leaving  this  place,  we  were  on  the  high  road 
from  Silan  to  Perez  Dasmarinas,  and  then  a long  dreary  hour’s  ride 
brought  us  to  the  latter  town.  It  was  quite  dark,  aud  we  were  all  tired. 
The  guards  who  escorted  us  went  to  their  quarters,  and  at  1 1 o’clock 
we  turned  in  at  the  Town  Hall,  where  everybody  was  asleep,  but  the 


1 Cayinin  (Tagdlog  dialect),  a land  clearance  made  by  firing  the  undergrowth. 


PEREZ  DASMARINAS. CAVITE  VIEJO. 


457 


Algiiacil  stirred  about  after  a while  and  brought  me  a large  mat  and 
pillows  to  sleep  on  the  floor.  In  the  early  morn  there  was  a great 
commotion.  I was  awakened  by  loud  voices  and  stamping  of  feet 
over  the  loose  floor  planks.  The  night  before,  a party  of  brigands  had 
committed  some  atrocity  close  by,  and  the  cuadrillero  guards  were 
being  called  out  to  assist  the  civil  guard  in  giving  them  chase.  They 
were  buckling  on  their  bohie-kuives  and  clicking  the  hammers  of  their 
archaic  muskets.  Hearing  the  tramp  of  ponies’  hoofs  below,  I went 
down  in  my  sleeping  suit  to  see  that  our  mounts  were  not  appropriated 
amidst  the  bustle. 

Perez  Dasmarinas  is  a large  quiet  town,  with  a good  church  and 
convent,  and  here  and  there  a house  in  the  square  with  the  usual  group 
of  huts.  Being  up  so  early  we  started  betimes  for  Irnus,  famous  as  a 
brigand  centre.  The  road  was  pretty,  with  large  trees  along  on  both 
sides,  amongst  them  being  hundreds  of  mango  trees,  which  bring  a 
regular  income  to  the  owners.  The  only  novelty  which  we  encountered 
on  the  road  was  a bamboo  and  nipa  bungalow  moving  towards  us,  with 
some  hundred  naked  legs  dangling  beneath  it.  It  was  going  to  take 
up  new  quarters  close  by  its  old  resting-place,  and  was  being  removed 
by  bayanin  (labour  given  gratis  to  a neighbour). 

From  Imus  we  went  on  to  Cavite  Viejo,  a dirty  fishing  town, 
strewn  with  nets,  canoes,  sails,  bamboos,  etc.,  on  the  seaside.  There 
were  a few  rows  of  rough-and-tumble  shops,  and  in  the  middle  of  this 
uninteresting  group  is  the  large  church  and  convent.  The  only 
amusement  here  was  to  listen  to  the  townsfolk  disputing  amongst 
themselves  in  broken-Spanish,  a mongrel  jargon  invented  by  the  Cavite 
coast  natives — a philological  treat. 

Passing  through  Novaleta  and  Rosario  we  were  again  in  Santa 
Cruz  de  Malabon.  The  ponies  were  very  fatigued,  but  when  they 
recognized  their  home  they  required  no  urging  to  arrive  at  a hard  trot 
at  the  finish  of  the  sixty-mile  journey. 

From  Santa  Cruz  I took  a carromata  to  Cavite,  where  the  Arsenal 
is  established.  Cavite  is  a fortified  town,  with  streets  of  houses  built 
of  brick,  stone,  &c.,  as  in  Manila.1  It  has  its  theatre,  cafes,  hotels, 

1 Up  to  the  beginning  of  the  17th  century,  the  houses  in  Cavite  were  built  of 
wood  with  nipa  palm  roofing.  At  that  period  a great  fire  occurred  which  consumed 
three-fourths  of  the  buildings,  including  the  Royal  Granaries  and  much  cargo 
which  was  awaiting  shipment  to  Mexico.  The  town  and  Arsenal  were  afterwards 
re-constmcted  with  more  solid  materials— stone,  bricks,  etc.,  and  tile  roofs  being 
uBed. 


458 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


jetty,  sea-wall,  etc.,  but  is  not  considered  healthy.  Being  then  the  chief 
Government  Naval  Station,  there  was  a large  European  floating 
population.  Here,  and  especially  in  San  Roque,  fifteen  minutes’  drive 
from  Cavite,  a very  amusing  broken- Spanish  is  spoken  by  the  natives. 
There  was  a bi-daily  steamboat  service  between  the  capital  and  Cavite, 
the  run  being  about  miles,  so  I embarked  on  the  morning  boat  at 
7.30,  and  in  one  hour  was  again  in  Manila — the  so-called  “ Pearl  of  the 
Orient,”  or  the  “ Venice  of  the  Far  East.” 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


TOURING  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

Constant  rains,  coinciding  with  the  S.W.  monsoon,  had  delayed  my 
ramblings  in  the  South — the  Visayas  Islands — so,  as  soon  as  the  dry 
season  had  fairly  set  in,  I exhibited  my  passport1  at  the  ship-brokers, 
and  booked  for  Yloilo  in  the  fortnightly  mail  steamer  going  to 
Mindanao,  but  calling  at  several  ports  on  the  way. 

The  berths  were  below  the  main  deck,  and  I secured  a good  one, 
notwithstanding  there  were  several  cabin  passengers  ; for  being  a 
subsidized  mail  steamer,  Government  employes  were  carried  at  a special 
reduced  rate. 

The  vessel  was  advertised  to  leave  the  river  at  4 p.m.,  but  those 
experienced  in  Philippine  procrastination  evinced  a certain  surprise 
when  they  saw  the  crowd  of  leave-takers  hastening  towards  the  quay 
gangways  as  the  anchor  was  about  to  be  raised  at  5 o’clock. 

As  yet  no  one  had  concerned  himself  about  his  fellow  travellers. 
The  excitement  of  the  departure — the  waving  of  handkerchiefs — the 
last  adieux  shouted  to  those  on  the  wharf,  and  the  placing  of  one’s 
baggage,  had  dispersed  the  passengers  in  all  directions.  Only  the 
dozen  to  twenty  Chinamen  had  settled  down  between  decks,  on  grass 
mats  spread  over  their  packages,  waiting  to  get  fairly  under  way  before 
they  sought  dreamland  in  the  fumes  of  opium. 

By  the  aid  of  cable  stays  we  turned  round  in  the  river,  which  was 
too  much  blocked  with  shipping  for  a mail  steamer  to  attempt  to  strike 
a half-circle  with  the  steering-gear  alone.  We  were  now  in  the  stream, 
our  bows  facing  the  river  mouth.  The  last  canoe,  bringing  office  boys 
with  late  letters  to  be  scrambled  into  the  post-box,  bad  left  us.  The 


1 Since  July,  1884.  passports  are  not  required  within  the  Colony  ( vide  page 
248). 


460 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


hawsers  were  thrown  off,  and  in  ten  minutes  we  had  passed  the  light- 
house at  the  end  of  the  mole  and  were  in  the  bay.  The  dinner-hour 
had  struck — it  was  5 o’clock  and  past,  and  the  steward’s  boys  were 
hastening  to  lay  the  table.  It  was  at  dinner  that  the  passengers  were 
to  know  who  was  who. 

There  was  a major,  a lieutenant,  two  sub-lieutenants,  one  merchant 
and  two  civilian  employes,  all  Spaniards,  besides  two  half-breed 
Government  officials,  a Chinese  half-breed  broker  or  middleman,  with 
his  family  of  five,  who  occupied  two  cabins  and  took  their  meals  there — 
an  Austrian  polyglot  Jew  pedlar,  and  a young  Englishman. 

I was  told  the  day  before  that  this  last  person  would  be  with  us. 
He  was  a commercial  clerk,  of  gentlemanly  mien,  who  had  been  in 
Manila  four  months,  and  was  now  transferred  by  his  employers  to  their 
Yloilo  branch  house.  We  should  undoubtedly  be  company  for  each 
other  on  the  voyage  I concluded. 

Our  captain  was  a Basque — a frank,  genial  man,  who  made  himself 
agreeable  to  everybody.  We  had  already  been  chatting  on  the  bridge, 
so  when  we  went  below  to  diuner,  he  placed  me  on  his  left,  the  major 
on  his  right,  and  invited  the  Englishman,  who  we  will  call  Mr.  X.,  to 
take  his  seat  by  my  side,  probably  conjecturing  the  pleasure  it  would 
give  us  to  be  together,  as  we  spoke  the  same  language.  The  pedlar 
was  of  that  self-possessed  class  who  need  no  intimation  from  any  one 
to  put  themselves  forward,  so  he  seated  himself  vis-d-vis  to  Mr.  X., 
the  rest  of  the  company  filling  the  vacant  places  as  they  chose. 

The  order  thus  established  was  maintained  by  apparently  mutual 
but  unspoken  understanding  to  the  end  of  the  voyage. 

There  was  a fresh  breeze  outside,  but  we  could  not  dispense  with 
the  punka-fans  in  the  saloon. 

“ So  about  noon  to-morrow  we  shall  be  at  Romblou,”  remarked  the 
Major  inquiringly. 

“ Yes,”  said  the  Captain,  “ if  the  weather  be  fine.” 

“ Oh,  this  is  splendid  weather,”  continued  the  Major,  “ and  when 
shall  we  anchor  off  Capis  ? ” 

“ All  depends  upon  the  weather,”  insisted  the  Captain.  “ The  run 
from  Romblon  to  Capis  should  take  us  seven  to  eight  hours,  but  I see 
the  barometer  is  falling,  and  we  may  have  it  pretty  fresh  off  Punta 
Santiago.  However,  when  the  harbour-master  lets  us  leave  Manila 
and  shows  no  storm  signals  I suppose  the  gale  is  very  far  away.” 


MY  FELLOW-TRAVELLERS. 


461 


“ When  shall  we  be  off  Punta  Santiago,  Captain  ? ” I inquired. 

“ About  one  o’clock  in  the  morning.” 

I turned  to  Mr.  X.,  and  remarked  that  we  had  better  be  prepared 
for  a roll  in  our  berths. 

“ Indeed  ! ” he  exclaimed. 

“ Have  you  heard  what  sort  of  place  Yloilo  is  ? ” I continued, 
thinking  that  Mr.  X.  must  be  somewhat  bored  by  the  foreign 
colloquialisms  which  he  barely  understood. 

“ No,”  he  murmured. 

“ I am  going  to  make  it  my  centre  for  a few  months  whilst  I travel 
over  Panay,  Negros,  and  the  islands  about  there.” 

“ Ah  ! ” muttered  Mr.  X. 

“ Mr.  Blank  told  me  you  were  coming  down  to  Yloilo.  You  will 
be  taking  up  your  new  residence  under  favourable  circumstances  with 
the  most  pleasant  season  before  you.” 

“ Yes.” 

My  talk  writh  Mr.  X.  had  been  so  one-sided,  that  I feared  I had 
been  indiscreet  ; indeed,  having  lived  abroad  since  I was  a youth,  it 
did  not,  at  first,  occur  to  me  that  we  had  not  been  introduced,  so  I 
joined  in  the  general  conversation  with  the  Captain,  the  Major,  and  the 
Lieutenant,  when  Mr.  X.  was  attacked  by  his  vis-d-vis  the  pedlar. 

“ Veer  are  you  going  ? ” asked  the  itinerant  vendor. 

“ I ? ” said  Mr.  X.,  looking  surprised. 

“Yes,  veer  are  you  going  ? ” 

“ To  Yloilo.” 

“ Oh,  zair  are  plenty  of  Eengleeshman  in  Yloilo,  but  I don’t  like 
zee  plaise.  In  zee  vet  vedder  you  lose  yourselve  een  zee  mud,  and 
zair  are  no  public  carriage  as  een  Manila.  In  zee  try  zeezon  zair  ees 
plentie  dust  and  too  much  hot.” 

Mr.  X.  did  not  seem  to  care  one  jot  whether  it  was  so  or  not,  but 
the  pedlar  had  roughed  it  too  much  in  the  world  even  to  perceive  a 
slight.1 

“ May  it  do  you  good,”  we  all  (except  Mr.  X.)  mutually  exclaimed, 

1 “ Anything  is  better  than  the  deadly  taciturnity  of  an  English  traveller. 
“ How  often  have  I been  whisked  along  for  miles  and  hundreds  of  miles  with  one 
“ of  the  latter  species  without  a single  interchange  of  thought  to  enliven  the 
“ way,  with  no  return  to  any  overture  of  sociality  but  defensive  hems  and 
“ predetermined  monosyllables  ! ” Curran's  Sketches  of  the  Irish  Bar,  Yol.  I., 
pub.  (Hurst  & Blackett),  London,  1855. 


462 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


following  the  Spanish  formula  of  politeness,  as  we  rose  from  the  table 
— and  each  one  went  his  way,  the  Captain  to  the  bridge,  the  passengers 
to  their  cabins  or  to  the  deck. 

There  wrere  no  lady  passengers,  so  each  could  be  attired  at  his  ease. 
The  military  officers  had  thrown  off  their  uniforms  ; the  lieutenant  and 
sub-lieutenants  occupied  chairs  on  the  poop.  I had  discarded  my  white 
jacket  for  a cotton  pyjama  shirt,  and  was  leaning  over  the  stern-rail, 
fascinated  by  tbe  bright  phosphorescent  track  of  the  vessel.  It  was  a 
dark  night,  and  we  could  only  just  distinguish  Corregidor  Island  before 
us.  The  Major  was  sauntering  about,  studying  human  nature  among 
the  heaps  of  native  men  and  women  on  the  deck  and  the  Chinese 
below,  who  had  turned  in  for  the  night.  Mr.  X.  was  on  the  other  side, 
taking  a solitary  constitutional  in  his  flannel  pyjamas.  The  pedlar  was 
musing  in  an  armchair  with  his  feet  up  on  the  rail.  The  lieutenants 
were  energetically  discussing  some  military  service  question,  when  the 
Major  approached. 

“ A fine  breeze,”  he  exclaimed,  as  he  drew  up  a chair,  but  seeing 
me  standing,  he  at  once  offered  it  to  me.  It  was  the  only  one  near,  so 
I declined  with  thanks,  and  fetched  another. 

“I’m  glad  to  get  out  of  Manila,”  he  continued,  when  I had  seated 
myself.  “ A trip  there  now  and  again  to  see  old  companions,  to  make 
purchases  and  clear  up  questions  raised  in  the  official  centres  is  all  very 
well,  but  what  a time  it  takes.  Dios  mio ! In  every  Government 
office  the  reply  is  always  ‘ to-morrow  ’ and  again  ‘ to-morrow,’  until  a 
week  has  passed  away  with  some  trivial  matter  which  might  be 
settled  in  an  hour.  And  then  the  heat,  por  Dios  ! and  the  obligation 
to  wear  uniform  in  the  daytime,  and  put  on  a black  coat  if  one  wishes 
to  pay  a visit  in  the  evening.  It  is  a great  folly  to  attempt  to 
generalize  European  customs  under  a tropical  sun.  One  might  as  wrell 
try  to  grow  apples  on  the  equator.  I’m  glad  to  be  off  to  the  provinces 
again,  where  one  can  dress  as  he  chooses  with  decorum.” 

“ I tell  you  it  is  no  use,”  broke  out  the  lieutenant,  who  was  still 
warmly  pursuing  his  argument  with  the  subs. 

“ What’s  that  ? ” inquired  the  Major. 

“ I was  saying  that  it  is  all  nonsense  for  a civil  guard  officer  to 
capture  brigands  at  the  risk  of  his  own  life,  when  by  some  manoeuvring 
or  the  other,  they  get  free  of  the  law-courts  and  the  prisons  too,  and 
we  are  pestered  with  the  same  villains  again  and  again.” 


WE  EXPERIENCE  A GALE. 


463 


“ But  I thought  that  highway  murderers  were  garrotted,”  I 
interposed. 

“ Ca  ! ” ejaculated  the  lieutenant  as  a roar  of  laughter  from  all 
succeeded  my  remark,  “ such  a thing  happens  once  in  a while,  but  in 
the  meantime  the  brigand  has  been  in  and  out  of  prison  over  and  over 
again.  For  the  public  to  have  the  satisfaction  of  being  permanently 
rid  of  him,  an  European  must  have  fallen  a victim.” 

It  was  8 o’clock,  and  we  were  off  Corregidor  with  its  bright 
revolving  light.  One  by  one,  each  passenger  took  to  his  berth.  In 
five  hours  more  the  wind  blew  hard  ; the  steamer  rolled  tremendously, 
one  or  two  passengers  came  on  deck,  because  they  could  find  no  rest 
below  with  the  motion  of  the  vessel  and  the  heat. 

We  were  rounding  Punta  Santiago.  There  was  a great  swell  on, 
and  the  wind  increased  until  it  became  furious.  The  steward  and  all 
his  boys  were  up  ; the  glasses  and  plates  and  dishes  were  flying  about 
in  the  pantry.  No  one  could  make  a step  forward  without  holding  on 
to  something.  A tremendous  lurch  almost  submerged  one  side,  and 
as  the  vessel  righted  herself  we  heard  a crash  in  the  cabin.  It  was  the 
lamp  shade  which  had  been  jerked  off  its  frame  and  broken  to  atoms. 
The  succeeding  wave  had  just  met  the  righted  broadside,  and  broke 
over  the  deck.  The  natives,  sleeping  on  the  decks,  were  aroused  ; the 
men  looked  forlorn,  and  were  hanging  on  to  the  rail ; those  women 
who  were  not  seasick  were  appealing  to  the  saints  to  check  the  storm, 
whilst  ever  and  anon  the  exclamation  “ Naku  susmariosep  ” followed  a 
roll  of  the  vessel,  which  had  cut  short  their  orations.  The  Captain  and 
the  chief  officer  had  been  on  the  bridge  all  the  time.  The  Captain 
now  came  down  to  see  how  we  fared  ; for  everyone  he  had  a cheering 
word. 

“ Oh,  it’s  nothing,”  he  said,  as  Mr.  X.  was  shot  into  his  arms  like 
a ball  from  the  other  side  of  the  saloon,  and  the  wine  decanters  were 
playing  at  skittles  with  the  glasses  on  the  marble-top  sideboard.  I 
was  clutching  on,  disconsolate,  to  a saloon  window-frame,  whilst  the 
other  passengers  were  on  the  sofas,  trying  all  sorts  of  dodges  to  keep 
their  places. 

We  were  evidently  in,  or  near,  a typhoon — a bagnio  as  it  is  called 
here.  There  seemed  no  probability  of  getting  out  of  it  for  a while  ; 
it  was  increasing,  and  every  pitch  of  the  vessel  was  followed  by  a 


464 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


terrible  vibration  from  stem  to  stern  whilst  the  waves  lashed  her  sides 
with  fearful  violence. 

So  it  continued  all  night,  and,  as  at  7 o’clock  in  the  morning 
matters  had  not  improved,  the  Captain  told  us  he  should  take  refuge  in 
Maestre  de  Campo  until  the  storm  subsided.  In  an  hour  we  were 
there.  It  is  a well-protected  little  harbour,  and  we  steered  in  and  let 
go  the  two  anchors.  We  were  safe,  and  could  now  laugh  at  the  wind 
whistling  through  the  mountain  forest  which  surrounds  the  creek. 
The  Captain  at  last  confessed  that  he  had  expected  a rough  time,  but 
not  quite  so  bad,  although  the  barometer  had  been  falling  since  we 
left  Manila. 

Relieved  from  all  peril,  each  one,  little  by  little,  threw  off  his 
dejected  air,  and  was  ready  for  breakfast  at  10  o’clock.  One  or  two  of 
us  who  still  felt  squeamish,  opened  our  appetites  wfith  a plate  of  garlic 
soup.  We  had  a good  supply  of  flying-fish,  which  the  troubled  sea 
had  washed  on  board.  There  had  been  a great  smash  up  amongst  the 
crockery,  but  the  viands  were  not  wanting.  After  breakfast  several  of 
us  went  on  shore  with  the  Captain.  There  is  a small  village — a group 
of  huts  where  the  natives  live  by  fishing  and  plaiting  grass  into  sugar 
and  rice  bags,  called  bayones.  The  harbour  is  enclosed  on  three  sides 
by  mountains,  and  in  its  still  waters,  scores  of  medusa:  were  floating 
around  us.  There  is  the  relic  of  what  was  once  a well-built  stone  and 
wooden  house.  I was  told  that  it  formerly  belonged  to  a Spaniard,  who 
had  sacrificed  his  life  and  money  to  civilize  the  island  by  establishing  a 
cattle  ranche.  He  had  a large  number  of  cattle  there  at  one  time,  and 
everything  went  on  well,  until  some  oificial,  jealous  of  his  prosperity, 
entangled  him  in  difficulties  with  the  Government,  on  the  pretext  that 
he  had  dared  to  settle  himself  there  without  heeding  some  tedious 
formalities  required  by  law.  I was  assured  that  he  finally  died  in 
jail.  It  was  a caution  to  would-be  colonists. 

We  steamed  out  of  Maestre  de  Campo  at  2 o’clock  that  afternoon. 
At  6 p.m.  we  arrived  at  Romblon.  The  entrance  is  pretty,  and  we 
went  ashore  to  see  the  place,  and  pay  our  respects  to  the  Governor,  an 
infantry  captain.  The  Governor  regaled  us  with  cigars,  and  showed  us 
some  polished  samples  of  creamy-white  and  mottled  marble  found  in  the 
island.  Romblon  has  large  marble  deposits,  but  it  would  not  pay  any 
one  to  work  them.  The  island  is  a series  of  mountain  peaks.  There 


FROM  ROMBLON  AND  THROUGH  THE  SILANGA.  465 


is  no  high-road  leading  out  of  Romblou  town.  In  subsequent  visits 
I have  had  to  get  round  to  the  coast  villages  in  a canoe. 

Besides  the  Governor’s  residence,  the  church  and  the  convent, 
there  is  one  large  well-built  stone  and  wood  house,  worthy  of  Manila, 
owned  by  a Spaniard  who  has  a shop  on  the  ground  floor.  There  is 
also  a public  stone  fountain,  and  here  and  there  a decent  wooden  house 
among  the  rows  of  huts.  At  7.30  we  left  Romblon,  and  were  anchored 
in  front  of  Capis  about  3 or  4 o’clock  the  next  morning.  We  were 
quite  a mile  off  the  shore,  and  the  mails  were  sent  to  the  town  up  the 
river  by  the  chief  officer  in  the  ship’s  boat.  Here  several  Chinese  left 
us.  When  the  boat  returned,  in  an  hour,  we  started  for  Yloilo.  The 
morning  was  very  fine.  It  Avas  quite  enjoyable,  after  the  tumbling 
about  we  had  had,  to  lounge  in  bamboo  long  chairs,  gazing  at  the 
beautiful  scenery  on  the  N.E.  coast  of  Panay  Island. 

About  9 o’clock  we  were  at  the  entrance  to  the  Silanga,  some  TO 
miles  from  Yloilo.  We  passed  quite  close  to  a group  of  trachytic 
coniform  island  peaks — the  chief  of  which  is  Pan  de  aziicar , or  Sugar- 
loaf.  The  landscape  is  beautiful.  Looking  between  these  abrupt 
elevations,  one  can  see  the  fertile  valleys  of  Concepcion  district,  which 
are  about  half  cultivated  with  sugar-cane. 

“ What  a beautiful  country  ! Vrai  pays  de  Cocagne  ! ” exclaimed 
the  Major.  “ There’s  enough  wealth  here  to  make  all  the  beggars 
of  Europe  rich.” 

“ But  how  are  they  to  get  here  ? ” interposed  the  lieutenant  as  he 
stepped  up  behind  us. 

“ Ah  ! just  so,”  cried  the  Major,  who  could  not  suppress  a laugh 
at  his  own  thoughtlessness.  “ Anyhow,  I did  not  suggest  they  should 
come  ; we  are,  fortunately,  not  troubled  with  the  beggar  question  in 
this  country.” 

A circumstance  which  is  not  due  to  the  native’s  industry,  but  to 
nature.  She  makes  him  independent  of  work  by  supplying  his  wants,” 
rejoined  the  lieutenant.  “ The  forest  gives  him  material  to  build  his 
cottage  and  weave  his  clothes — fuel,  fruits,  game,  medicine — in  short, 
furnishes  gratis  all  his  first  necessities.  He  has,  at  his  fingers’  ends, 
an  infinity  of  things  which  he  can  barter  for  rice — if  he  wants  to  vary 
his  meal,  he  can  fish  in  the  rivers  or  the  sea.  As  to  dress,  he  is  best 
at  his  ease  when  he  only  just  fulfils  the  requirements  of  modesty.  I 
fail  to  see  that  the  native  needs  us  or  our  Government  at  all. 

G G 


4G6 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Independent  of  all  we  cau  do  for  him,  he  is  quite  indifferent  about 
what  we  do  do  for  him.  ‘ Paupertas  omnes  artes  pcrdocet  ’ — the 
masses  here  will  never  rise  in  the  social  scale  until  poverty  urges  them 
to  use  their  wits  and  energy.” 

We  could  just  perceive  the  coast  line  of  Negros  on  our  left  when 
we  sat  down  to  breakfast  at  10  o’clock.  It  was  very  hot  after  the 
meal.  Each  smoked  and  lounged  about  the  deck,  or  dropped  off  to 
sleep  in  his  chair. 

“ Siete  pecados  ” some  one  called  out  as  we  passed  between  a 
cluster  of  seven  small  madreporous  islets  thickly  wooded  to  the 
water’s  edge  and  named  the  “ Seven  sins.”  Guimarras,  with  its 
steep  forest-covered  cliffs,  was  on  our  left,  and  we  were  within  an 
hour  of  Yloilo. 

The  passengers  for  Yloilo  were  busy  with  their  luggage  and 
dressing  to  go  ashore.  Mr.  X.  was  on  the  bridge,  looking  silently 
towards  his  future  home  ; perhaps  wondering  which  out  of  the  hundred 
corrugated  iron  roofs  covered  his  employers’  offices.  We  were  going 
half  speed  at  the  entrance  to  the  creek  to  let  the  pilot  come  on  board. 
The  pilots  were  not  sure  of  their  soundings  after  the  heavy  blow  the 
day  before,  but  he  Avould  take  us  in.  The  vessel  had  to  make  some 
sharp  turns  to  enter,  but  one  turn  it  made  was  not  sharp  enough  and 
her  stem  ran  into  the  bank  on  our  right-hand  side.  It  had  happened 
many  a time  before  to  steamers. 

In  the  course  of  an  hour,  between  the  captain  and  the  pilot,  we 
got  off  and  steamed  up  the  creek  at  o o’clock — cast  anchor  in  the 
middle  of  the  stream,  aud  slackened  chain  until  the  steamer  was  as  near 
as  she  could  lie  to  shore.  There  were  neither  quays  nor  embankments, 
further  than  heaps  of  soil  and  rubble,  which  had  been  thrown  down  to 
reclaim  the  point,  for  the  safety  of  the  produce  sheds  built  there.  The 
creek  and  harbour  were  just  as  nature  made  them. 

Planks  were  placed  from  the  steamer  side  to  shore.  Several 
residents  came  on  board  to  get  letters,  or  to  inquire  about  cargo  or 
to  satisfy  their  curiosity.  The  person  to  whom  I had  a written 
introduction  passed  over  the  plank.  I heard  him  saluted  by  name,  so 
1 at  once  presented  my  letter,  and  met  with  a cordial  reception.  I 
told  him  about  our  English  fellow-passenger. 

Ah  ! just  so,  he  was  expected,”  said  my  friend.  “ He’s 

& Co.’s  new  man  ; I’ll  look  him  up.” 


THE  TORT  AND  TOWN  OF  YLOILO. 


467 


Just  then & Co.’s  manager  joined  us  ; I had  already 

made  his  acquaintance  in  Manila,  and  we  all  went  to  Mr.  X. 

“You  know  this  gentleman,  of  course?”  said & Co.’s 

manager,  addressing  Mr.  X.  and  waving  his  hand  towards  me. 

“ No,  I have  not  had  the  pleasure  of  being  introduced,”  so  on  this 
formality  being  fulfilled,  I soon  found  Mr.  X.  to  be  both  communicative 
and  cheerful. 

Yloilo,  the  second  port  of  the  Philippines,  is  situated  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  creek.  From  the  creek  point  to  the  square  are  sheds  used 
for  sugar-storing,  with,  here  and  there,  a commercial  office  between. 
The  most  modern  thoroughfares  are  traced  out  with  regularity,  and 
there  are  many  good  houses.  The  most  imposing  building  was  the 
residence  and  office  of  an  American  firm  ; perhaps  the  most 
comfortable  was  that  of  a Swiss  commercial  house,  but  this  is  a 
question  of  opinion. 

In  the  square  is  the  church,  which  at  a distance  might  be  mistaken 
for  a sugar  store,  the  Town  Hall,  the  convent  and  a few  small  fairly  well 
built  houses  of  stone  and  wood,  whilst  all  one  side  is  now  covered  by 
a fine  new  block  of  buildings  of  brick,  stone  and  wood  with  iron  roofs. 
The  centre,  or  open  space  of  the  square,  once  a carefully  laid  out 
public  garden,  had  the  appearance  of  a neglected  cattle-pen  when  I 
saw  it  then,  but  it  has  again  been  embellished. 

Just  off  the  square  there  was  a small  hotel  with  some  half  dozen 
private  rooms.  The  Callc  Real  or  High  Street  is  a winding  road, 
which  leads  through  the  town  into  the  country.  The  houses  are 
indescribable — they  are  of  all  styles.  Three  or  four  are  solidly  built 
with  no  pretence  at  architectural  adornment.  Some  are  high — others 
low — some  stand  back  with  a few  yards  of  pavement  before  them — 
others  come  forward,  and  oblige  one  to  walk  in  the  road.  Here  and 
there  is  a gap — a fetid  deposit  of  corruption — then  a row  of  dirty 
hovels.  This  is  the  retail  trading  quarter  and  the  centre  for  the 
Chinese.  Going  from  the  square  the  creek  runs  along  at  the  back  of 
the  right-hand  side  houses ; turning  off  by  the  left-hand  side 
thoroughfares,  which  cannot  be  called  streets,  there  is  a number  of 
roughly-built  houses  dispersed  in  all  directions.  At  the  extreme  end 
of  the  Calle  Real  is  the  Government  House,  built  of  wood  and  stone, 
and  then  in  a very  bad  condition,  but  the  style  is  good,  and  it  has 
quite  the  appearance  of  an  official  residence.  Before  it,  is  a semi- 

G G 2 


468 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


circular  garden,  and  in  front  of  this  there  is  a round  fenced-in  plot,  in  the 
middle  of  which  stands  a flag-pole.  Just  past  the  Government  House 
there  is  a bridge  crossing  the  Jaro  River,  which  empties  itself  into 
the  creek  of  Yloilo. 

Yloilo  lies  low,  and  is  always  hot.  Quite  one-third  of  the  shipping 
and  wholesale  business  quarter  stands  on  land  reclaimed  from  the 
swamp  by  filling  up  with  earth  and  rubble.  Iu  the  dry  season  it  is 
very  dusty  ; iu  the  wet  season  it  is  simply  an  abominable  collection  of 
filthy  pools,  and  one  needs  to  put  on  top  boots  to  get  decently  through 
the  mud  of  the  thoroughfares.  The  opposite  side  of  the  creek,  facing 
the  shipping  quarter,  is  a low  marshy  waste,  occasionally  converted 
into  a swamp  at  certain  tides. 

Living  is  somewhat  dearer  than  in  Manila,  aud  the  general  aspect 
of  Yloilo  and  its  environs  is  most  depressing.  No  public  conveyances 
are  to  be  seen  plying  for  hire  in  the  streets,  and  there  is  no  public  place 
of  amusement.  There  is  a bowling-alley,  a foreign  club,  and  a cafe  ; a 
company  of  strolling  comedians  sometimes  arrives  from  Manila  to  give 
performances  in  a coach-builder’s  shed. 

A great  many  Spaniards  have  settled  in  Yloilo,  several  of  them 
having  married  there.  Quite  a number  of  foreigners  are  employed  iu 
trade,  aud  there  are  three  or  four  vice-consulates.  The  Municipality 
was  established  by  Royal  Order  dated  ith  June,  1889. 

Fires  occur  frequently,  with  the  result  that  the  town  is  yearly 
improving  from  an  architectural  point  of  view. 

The  press  ■was  represented  by  two  news-sheets — the  “ Porvcnir  de 
Bisayas  ” and  the  “ Eco  dc  PanayP  For  export  statistics  vide 
page  29  L 

There  was  a small  schooner  going  to  sail  that  night  to  Negros 
Island,  so  I was  glad  to  take  advantage  of  her  departure  to  quit  this 
uninviting  place.  I got  my  bags  and  provisions  into  the  little  cabin, 
and  about  7 o’clock  we  were  on  the  way.  There  was  a fresh  N.E. 
breeze  blowing,  aud  we  were  carried  along  as  fast  as  our  craft  could  cut 
the  water,  arriving  at  the  Ginigaran  River  at  midnight.  It  was  a pitch- 
dark  night,  and  w'hen  we  disembarked  the  pilot  helped  me  to  find  the 
way  to  the  house  of  a planter  to  whom  my  Yloilo  friends  had  given  me 
a letter.  We  tramped  along  a high  road  for  about  half-au-hour  and 
came  to  the  house.  The  planter  was  little  disposed  to  open  the  door,  but 
when  he  heard  the  voice  of  a foreigner  he  seemed  to  conclude  that  there 


ALONG  THE  WEST  COAST  OF  NEGROS. 


469 


was  no  danger.  It  was  only  the  next  morning  that  I realized  where  I 
had  got  to.  It  was  a very  modest,  poorly  furnished  homestead  of  wood 
and  bamboo  construction,  with  a thatched  roof.  It  was  Sunday  morning, 
and,  to  my  great  surprise,  an  elegant  carriage-and-pair  was  brought  up 
to  the  door  to  take  the  family  to  Mass.  The  Seiiora  was  a good-looking 
half-breed.  Her  diamond  and  gold  jewellery  must  have  cost  as  much 
as  the  house  and  furniture  were  worth.  Off  we  went  in  the  carriage 
to  Mass,  and  afterwards  we  visited  some  of  the  planter’s  friends  in  town. 
The  town  of  Ginigaran  consists  of  one  street  and  a few  cross  rows  of 
small  dingy  wooden  houses.  There  is  also  one  fine  building — the 
residence  of  a wealthy  planter.  The  rooms  are  well  distributed,  but 
the  external  appearance  is  much  deteriorated  by  all  the  ground  floor 
being  converted  into  Chinamen’s  shops.  (A  palatial  residence  has  since 
been  built  there.)  On  leaving  Giuigaran,  we  crossed  the  river  iu  a 
two-pony  carromata  on  a raft,  and  from  the  other  side  we  were  driven 
for  about  two  hours  along  an  uninteresting  road  to  Marayo  (or 
Pontevedia),  thence  to  Valladolid.  I stayed  a day  in  Valladolid  to 
visit  the  estates  around,  and  then  went  on  to  Bago.  All  the  way 
there  was  nothing  to  be  seen  but  sugar  plantations  on  the  right,  and  the 
sea  on  the  left.  In  Yloilo  and  Negros  where  nipa  palm  is  comparatively 
scarce,  one  is  struck  with  the  quaint  appearance  of  huts  made  entirely 
of  bamboo,  including  the  roof,  whilst  iu  Luzon  Island  I do  not  remember 
having  seen  a poor  cabin  without  some  nipa  or  cogon  grass. 

On  the  south  side  of  Bago  town  there  is  a wide  river.  The  bush- 
rope,  which  served  to  pull  the  raft  from  one  side  to  the  other-,  had 
snapped,  so  we  had  to  find  a canoe  and  man  to  take  us  across.  Bago  is 
a very  dreary  place  ; we  stayed  there  a few  hours,  and  then  tried  to  get 
a conveyance  to  take  us  on  to  the  next  town — Sumag.  I sent  Nicomedis 
all  over  the  town  to  see  who  had  vehicles,  but  nothing  resulted  from  his 
search.  I went  to  the  Town  Hall,  but  nothing  would  put  energy  or 
good-will  into  the  officials.  Then  I sent  a letter  to  the  petty-governor, 
in  terms  which  quickened  him  considerably,  and,  in  the  end,  I got  a 
planter’s  private  carriage  to  take  me  to  Sumag. 

All  around  Sumag  is  very  barren  land,  almost  worthless.  Not  a 
field  of  either  cane  or  rice  was  to  be  seen  from  the  high  road  within  a 
mile  of  the  village.  Suddenly  the  coachman  stopped. 

“ What  is  it  ? ” I inquired. 

“ Senary 


470 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


“ What  ? ” 

“ Sefior .” 

“ Is  this  Sumag  ? ” 

“ Senor." 

I could  only  see  what  looked  like  a couple  of  barns  ou  the  left — 
a hut  here  and  there  and  a pile  of  boards,  house  shape,  on  my  right,  all 
in  an  open  field,  with  the  high  road  through  the  middle. 

“ Is  this  Sumag  ?”  I repeated. 

“ Senor." 

“ Go  to  the  Town  Hall,”  and  the  man  drove  me  to  this  pile  of 
boards.  It  looked  like  a large  box  suspended  in  the  air  on  six  poles. 
There  was  an  opening  in  the  box  and  a native  appeared. 

“ Is  this  Sumag  ? ” I inquired  again. 

“ Yes,”  said  the  man,  and  I heard  a peal  of  laughter  inside  the 
aerial  box. 

I alighted,  and,  as  Nicomedis  placed  my  bags  on  the  ground,  I 
looked  at  the  carriage,  with  regret,  to  see  it  returning,  for  I began  to 
wonder  by  what  means  I should  eventually  leave  this  place. 

I went  up  into  the  Town  Hall,  but  could  not  remain  there  ; it  was 
full  of  smoke.  Then,  on  descending,  I saw  they  were  roasting  a pig  on 
a spit  underneath  the  floor  boards. 

There  was  a hewn  log  lying  in  front  on  the  ground,  so  I sat  on  it, 
and  took  some  refreshment.  Then  I inquired  why  the  pig  was  being 
roasted  exactly  under  the  Town  Hall. 

“ There  is  going  to  be  a ball  to-night,  because  the  daughter  of 
Captain  Q.  has  been  married  to-day — the  pig  is  for  the  supper,  and  the 
smoke  will  drive  the  mosquitos  out  by  the  time  dancing  begins.” 

I called  at  the  convent  (Avhich  I had  mistaken  for  a barn),  but 
the  priest  had  gone  on  a journey.  I felt  anything  but  lively,  and  I 
vowed,  from  that  day,  I would  never  make  a stoppage  again  at  Sumag. 

It  was  8 o’clock  when  I re-entered  the  Town  Hall.  The  pig  was 
ready,  and  the  guests  were  arriving.  I was  not  invited  to  the  ball,  but  my 
presence  there  seemed  to  be  taken  as  a matter  of  course.  The  headmen 
and  “ swells  ” of  the  village  saluted  me.  There  was  one  man  particularly 
attentive,  and  very  anxious  to  display  his  meagre  knowledge  of  Spanish, 
lie  placed  three  wooden  arm-chairs, — one  for  me,  one  for  the  pctty- 
governor,  and  one  for  the  father  of  the  bride.  A band  of  music  had 
arrived,  and  the  entrance  was  blocked  up  by  the  farm  labourers  and 


SUMAG. THE  RUSTIC^  BALL. 


471 


townspeople  who  came  to  witucss  the  great  event.  The  young  women 
looked  amazed  when  they  saw  a Cachila 1 and  several  of  them  went  out. 
Later  on  I saw  some  shuffling  going  on  in  a corner  and  girls  crouching 
down.  I walked  over,  as  if  unconcerned,  to  see  what  they  were  doing. 
The  girls,  who  on  their  arrival  had  found  a Cachila , had  returned  to 
their  homes  to  fetch  their  finery,  and  they  were  changing  their  patallon 
cloths  for  flowing  skirts,  and  were  putting  on  their  trinkets.  The  love 
of  adornment  amongst  women  seems  to  be  the  same  all  over  the  world. 
Dancing  had  commenced.  The  Spanish-speaking  native  came  to  offer 
me  a partner,  remarking  that  if  I did  not  like  her  there  were  more  to 
choose  from,  so  I commissioned  him  to  bring  another.  He  arrived  with 
two  bronze-coloured  beauties,  and  I hesitated  in  my  selection.  “ You 
don’t  like  either  ? All  right,”  and  he  came  with  another.  I had  seen 
her  dancing,  and  thought  we  should  manage  to  keep  step  somehow. 
The  only  objection  was,  that  her  dark  skin  was  already  emitting  an 
unpleasant  odour  and  her  chemisette  was  soaked  with  perspiration. 
We  waltzed  or  polkad,  I cannot  say  which,  but  we  got  safely  round 
and  round  until  my  partner  was  w'et  through,  and  my  unbleached  linen 
suit  was  discoloured  from  top  to  toe  with  moisture.  Now  and  again 
there  was  a tumble,  and  the  loose  planks  clattered  amidst  roars 
of  laughter  from  the  lookers-on.  The  old  natives  smoked  and 
chewed  and  chatted  in  Yisaya  dialect,  occasionally  offering  me,  with 
genial  politeness,  cigars  or  betel-nut,  whilst  the  younger  men  kept  at  a 
respectful  distance,  watching  every  movement,  as  if  I had  been  a rare 
menagerie  specimen. 

“ What  could  a Cachila  want  in  Sumag  ? ” they  seemed  to  be 
thinking.  There  was  a sudden  uproar  ; the  pig  had  arrived  with  two 
bearers  ; the  musicians  stopped  to  make  way  for  his  passage.  Others 
followed  carrying  plates  of  boiled  rice,  whilst  another  was  sent  to  scour 
the  village  in  search  of  a knife  and  fork  for  the  Cachila — but  I had 
provided  myself  with  these  implements.  The  pig  was  carved  with  a 
bohie-knife.  We  all  went  to  table  in  the  adjoining  room.  My  presence 
quite  disconcerted  the  women,  who  insisted  on  huddling  together  ; they 
really  could  not  eat  anything  they  protested.  The  men,  however,  were 


1 Cachila  in  the  South  and  Castila  in  the  North  signify  “ European  it  is 
sometimes  applied  to  non-European  employers  of  labour  (half-breeds  and  Creoles), 
in  which  case  it  denotes  “ master.”  The  term  is  said  to  be  derived  from  the  war- 
cry  of  the  Spaniards  during  the  conquest — “ Viva  Castilla  /” 


472 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


very  active — tearing  their  lumps  of  meat  to  pieces,  aud  cramming  the 
rice  into  their  mouths  with  their  fingers. 

The  dancing  was  resumed,  whilst  the  remains  of  the  pig  and  rice 
were  being  devoured  below  stairs,  under  our  floor,  by  the  small  boys 
and  the  waifs  and  strays  who  usually  turn  up  at  festivals.  About  one 
o’clock  the  party  began  to  clear  off.  As  they  did  so,  the  headmen  and 
those  who  were  not  scared  at  the  Cachila , bent  one  knee,  placed  the 
hand  on  the  forehead,  and  bobbed  their  heads  to  me  by  way  of 
respectful  salutation  ; the  women,  however,  had  not  arrived  at  that 
stage  of  culture,  and  cleared  off  most  unceremoniously. 

My  bed  was  quickly  made  ; a straw  mat  aud  two  pillows  on  the 
floor  was  all  the  necessary. 

The  next  morning,  after  a deal  of  searching,  beseeching  and 
bantering,  I got  what  Avas  called  an  “ omnibus  ” to  take  me  to  the 
capital  town — Bacdlod.  This  \ ehicle  was  a rectangular  box,  a little 
longer  than  square,  set  on  springs  and  two  wheels,  and  drawn  by  a 
buffalo.  When  we  reached  the  first  river,  the  buffalo  would  insist  on 
bathing,  and  the  stupid  driver  forgot  to  twist  his  tail  to  keep  him  up. 
So  he  rolled  down  all  of  a sudden,  and  I was  pitched  forward  with  my 
bags  and  Nicomedis  sliding  towards  me.  The  driver  jumped  into  the 
stream,  and,  by  dint  of  jerking  the  twisted  cane  attached  to  the  buffalo’s 
nose-ring,  succeeded  in  getting  him  on  to  his  legs  and  us  out  of 
the  river. 

The  buffalo  was  perhaps  more  used  to  the  plough  than  this  kind  of 
labour,  and  it  was  only  by  occasionally  pricking  ,his  haunches  with  a 
stick  and  shouting  to  him  that  he  could  be  got  to  proceed.  Each 
pricking  sent  him  at  a slow  heavy  trot,  which  jostled  us  about  most 
unpleasantly  on  the  narrow  board  seat,  but  I soon  learnt  that  one  must 
be  thankful  for  any  kind  of  conveyance  in  Negros. 

We  were  uear  the  river  at  the  entrance  to  Bacolod,  and,  to  prevent 
the  animal  repeating  his  morning  dip,  he  Avas  driven  through  the  water 
at  a rush,  in  no  way  adding  to  our  comfort. 

Bacdlod  hardly  differs  from  the  generality  of  Negros  toAvns,  except 
that  there  are  half-a-dozen  large  good  houses  besides  the  Government 
House  and  offices  of  the  chief  judge  aud  other  provincial  officials. 
Moreover,  there  Avas  a clock  in  the  church  steeple — quite  a novelty  for 
the  province.  The  town  stands  on  the  coast,  but  the  sea  is  so  shallow 
for  quite  a mile  out,  that  steamers  have  to  anchor  a long  distance  off. 


N.W.  COAST  OF  NEGROS — AN  ARCADIAN  RETREAT.  473 


The  arable  land,  especially  in  the  direction  of  Sumag,  is  considered 
little  fertile,  but  rice  and  cane  crops  are  raised  on  it.  Bacblod  is  the 
modern  capital  of  Negros — the  island  most  advanced  in  agriculture  on 
a comparatively  broad  scale,  due  to  the  efforts  of  foreign  capitalists  (vide 
page  286).  Up  to  the  year  1844,  Jimamaylan,  situated  about  45  miles 
south  on  the  same  (Avest)  coast  was  the  seat  of  local  government.  In 
that  year  the  natives  murdered  the  GoAmrnor  of  the  island  and  besieged 
his  successor  in  the  Government  House.  The  armed  forces  stationed 
there  were  quite  inadequate  to  maintain  authority  against  such  a riotous 
population,  and  after  these  events,  it  is  said  that  the  new  Governor 
appointed  to  Negros,  having  heard,  on  his  arrival  from  Spain,  of  the 
state  of  affairs  there,  at  once  resigned,  and  later  on  the  capital  was 
removed  to  Bacolod.  The  archetypal  races  of  Negros  have  retreated  to 
the  cordillera,  where  they  live  in  independence.  Many  of  the  present 
domesticated  native  families,  under  Spanish  rule  in  Negros,  are 
descendants  of  criminals  and  outlaws  who  took  refuge  in  this  island, 
when,  up  to  60  years  ago,  it  was  almost  a terra  incognita.  Perhaps 
this  will  account  for  the  rude,  sullen  and  unpolished  character  of  the 
Negros  native  inhabitants  of  to-day  as  compared  with  their  Tagalog 
brethren. 

I managed  to  get  a carromata  to  continue  the  journey,  after  a deal 
of  bargaining  with  the  OAvner,  who  insisted  upon  the  fare  being 
deposited  before  starting.  I went  on  to  the  Hacienda  Ildefonso — the 
sugar-cane  estate  of  a Spaniard  at  Mataban,  just  this  side  of  the  next 
town,  Talisay.  The  planter — married  in  the  colony — had  been  here 
some  30  years  engaged  in  various  enterprises  until  he  took  over  this 
property  which  once  belonged  to  an  Englishman.  For  the  Philippines, 
where  cane  plantations  are  small,  this  was  relatively  an  extensive  estate. 
It  produced  annually  about  700  tons  of  raw  sugar,  but  as  the  factory 
employed  centrifugal  machines  for  purging  out  the  molasses, — the  nett 
output  of  dry  sugar  was  about  525  tons  per  annum. 

Following  the  coast,  I passed  through  the  tOAvns  of  Talisay  and 
Silay — the  latter  a flat,  dreary  wilderness  sort  of  place,  with  a church  in 
the  middle  of  a field,  and  sombrous-looking  houses  scattered  around  it. 
On  either  side  of  the  road  from  Silay  to  Saravia,  there  is  nothing  but 
cane  fields.  A Panay  Island  capitalist  had  just  laid  down  a tramway, 
to  bring  sugar  from  the  surrounding  estates  to  the  town  and  thence  to 
the  sea-shore.  With  this  object,  a way  had  been  cut  through  a forest 


474 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


and  swamp,  and  an  embankment  thrown  up  for  laying  the  rails  as  far  as 
Punta  Tomonton.  I was  assured  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  influence 
of  a native  woman  known  as  Tia  Miay,  the  labourers  could  never  have 
been  persuaded  to  finish  the  work. 

From  Sanivia,  the  road  north  is  rough,  and  to  pursue  my  journey 
1 had  to  hire  ponies.  I went  on  to  Victoria,  a village  surrounded  by 
sugar  estates,  nearly  all  of  which  belong  to  one  owner,  who  rents  them 
out  and  advances  capital  for  their  working. 

From  Victoria  to  Cadiz  Nuevo,  the  route  is  still  worse,  and  one  has 
to  ford  several  streams  and  a number  of  insecure  bridges  to  reach  the 
town.  Instead  of  going  directly  to  Cadiz  Nuevo,  I turned  off  to  a 
place  called  Bayabas — to  the  property  of  a half-caste  Chinese  planter, 
whose  acquaintance  I had  made  in  Yloilo.  His  estate-house  was  the 
neatest  and  prettiest  I had  ever  seen  on  any  Philippine  plantation. 
The  spacious,  airy  apartments  were  well  furnished  and  decorated,  whilst 
the  exterior  called  to  mind  a country  gentleman’s  residence  in  fair 
Andalusia.  Moreover,  the  furniture  of  the  house  was  chosen  with  rare 
taste,  whilst  the  vestibule  and  lobbies  were  void  of  that  miscellaneous 
lumber  so  generally  found  in  a Philippine  farmery. 

The  owner,  Don  Leandro,  and  his  Senora  showed  me  every 
attention.  Ponies  -were  at  my  disposal  for  riding  round  his  splendid 
property — a basket  chaise  was  always  ready  if  I wished  to  go  into  town. 
I could  bathe  in  the  house,  or  I could  swim  in  the  river,  the  Italon 
diutai — with  its  shaded  banks,  two  minutes’  walk  from  the  house.  The 
pleasant  society  which  I enjoyed  here,  for  a few  days,  contrasted 
strongly  with  the  uncouth  class  of  people  I had  mostly  met  with  on  the 
journey  since  my  landing  on  the  island.  When  I was  not  entertained 
by  my  worthy  host  or  his  Seriora,  there  was  their  little  grand-daughter 
Cbarin — a charming  mestizo,  of  six  summers — as  sharp  as  a needle  and 
one  of  the  prettiest  children  of  her  class. 

A large  portion  of  the  property  was  uncleared — still  virgin  forest. 
In  the  early  mornings,  after  my  bath,  I amused  myself  by  riding  out 
to  the  woods  with  a gun,  then — after  tying  up  my  pony  to  a tree  in  the 
shade — I found  sport  amongst  the  hundreds  of  cockatoos  and  large 
birds  which  abound  in  the  tall  trees.  There  was  some  fine  scenery  loo, 
where  the  feller’s  axe  had  not  yet  found  its  way. 

One  Sunday  morning  Don  Leandro  and  I went  to  town  in  the 
chaise  with  a trotting  ox  to  meet  the  headmen  after  Mass.  The  path 


LEADING  VISAYA  PLANTER.  A CHINESE-FILIPINO  (MESTIZO.) 


NEGROS FROM  CADIZ  NUEVO  TO  ESCALANTE.  475 

.lo  the  high  road  was  rough,  although  plenty  of  money  had  been  speDt 
to  keep  it  in  order.  But  it  was  labour  lost,  for  the  buffaloes’  hoofs 
and  cart-wheels  cut  it  up  as  soon  as  it  was  repaired,  and  there  is  no 
stone  in  the  neighbourhood.  We  were  in  the  chaise  on  the  raft  passing 
the  river,  when  the  ox  stepped  forward — the  raft  tilted — the  animal 
put  out  the  other  foot  to  save  himself,  and  in  we  all  went.  The  vehicle 
slowly  sank  and  the  ox  with  it,  whilst  we  jumped  into  the  water  and 
swam  to  shore.  Poor  Don  Leandro  had  spoiled  his  $200  watch,  but 
the  greatest  misfortune  for  the  time  being  was,  that  his  spectacles  had 
dropped  off  into  the  water. 

There  was  nothing  noteworthy  in  Cadiz  Nuevo.  The  church  was 
like  a barn,  but  a new  one  was  being  built  of  stone.  The  convent  was 
a good  building.  There  is  one  street  of  shops  with  the  cross  roads  and 
small  houses  here  and  there,  and  three  or  four  good  residences  of  stone, 
wood,  and  iron  roofs.  Chinese  emigrants  almost  monopolise  the  retail 
trade.  A civil  guard  post  was  stationed  here,  and  the  principal 
inhabitants  are  either  planters  or  sugar  buyers  with  capital  supplied  to 
them  by  the  Yloilo  dealers. 

The  population  around  chiefly  consists  of  emigrants  from  other 
islands  who  began  to  arrive  when  lands  were  first  taken  up  here  for 
agriculture.  Many  of  the  settlers  are  from  Capis.  One  influential 
family  is  from  Manila,  and  the  majority  of  the  field  labourers  are  from 
Bantayan — a barren,  sandy,  almost  desert  island  to  the  N.  of  Negros. 
Whilst  the  sugar-cane  grinding  season  lasts,  an  extra  number  of 
labourers  is  required,  and  when  it  is  over,  the  surplus  return  to 
Bantayan.  The  annual  festival  of  Bantayan  is  held  in  J uly,  and  then 
the  planters  or  their  representatives  go  over  there  in  canoes — often  with 
their  families — and  pass  a week  or  more  to  persuade  the  workpeople 
to  come  over  to  their  estates  for  the  incoming  cane-crushing  season, 
often  making  them  advances  to  secure  their  services.  It  is  rather 
novel  to  see  capitalists  begging  for  labourers  ; sometimes  there  is 
quite  a competition  amongst  the  planters  to  secure  hands. 

I made  some  pleasant  excursions  out  from  Cadiz  Nuevo  to  the 
neighbouring  homesteads — sometimes  on  horseback,  at  other  times  by 
canoe  up  the  streams,  which  empty  themselves  into  the  Cadiz  River. 
There  are  plenty  of  fishermen’s  prahus  to  be  found  here,  and  in  one  of 
them  I set  sail  for  Escalante  on  the  east  coast.  Half  the  coast  round 


476 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  north  point  of  Negros  is  mangrove  swamp — the  other  half  having 
abrupt  precipices  down  to  the  sea  border. 

We  had  a light  breeze  all  the  way,  which  just  kept  us  going  with 
two  sails  set.  Sometimes  the  trees  of  the  swamp  grew  so  far  out  into 
the  sea  that  we  could  find  a passage  between  them,  and  at  midday  we 
lowered  sail  and  hauled  into  a shaded  place  to  lunch  without  going 
ashore.  The  men  boiled  their  rice  and  fried  their  dried  fish  on  board, 
whilst  I ate  my  cold  fowl  and  bread  which  I had  brought  from  Cadiz 
Nuevo. 

It  was  a delightful  journey,  sailing  slowly  along  the  coast,  and  in 
eight  hours  we  were  in  Escalante.  I had  a letter  to  the  lieutenant 
commanding  the  district,  but  he  was  not  at  home.  However,  his 
secretary,  a young  Philippine-born  Spaniard,  had  seen  the  prahu  heave 
to  in  front  of  the  Government  House  ; he  did  not  know  who  I was, 
nor  that  I had  a letter  to  his  chief,  but,  of  his  own  good  nature,  he 
spontaneously  sent  four  men  with  a chair  on  two  long  bamboos  to  carry 
me  from  the  prahu,  across  the  wet  muddy  beach,  to  the  house.  I 
presented  my  letter,  but  it  was  hardly  necessary.  He  treated  me  as 
if  we  had  been  old  friends,  and  accompanied  me  to  visit  the  only 
Europeans  in  the  place — the  parish  priest  and  the  sub-lieutenant 
commanding  the  civil  guard. 

Escalante  is  a tobacco-growing  district,  and  produces  a very  fair 
quality  article.  We  went  out  to  see  a few  plantations  and  inspect  the 
maturing  sheds,  which  are  all  very  primitive.  The  leaves  were  simply 
aerated  by  hanging  them  in  rows.  I saw  no  stacks  of  leaves  for  the 
fermentation,  which  seems  to  be  imperfectly  understood.  There  is 
nothing  cheerful  in  a tobacco  plantation  which,  at  the  first  glance, 
mio’ht  be  mistaken  for  a field  of  cabbages  run  to  seed. 

The  Secretary  kindly  lent  me  the  Government  falua — a long 
European-built  boat  for  sail  or  oars — and  I hired  five  men  to  take  me 
on  to  Calatrava.  The  coast  along  here  is  thickly  covered  with  trees 
down  to  the  water’s  edge.  Iu  less  than  an  hour  with  a light  wiud  we 
had  reached  the  wide  Dauao  river.  The  journey  to  Calatrava,  I was 
told,  would  take  about  seven  hours,  so  I determined  to  make  an 
excursion  up  the  river.  The  water  was  very  smooth  and  I was  able  to 
take  some  soundings  at  the  mouth  with  a heavy  stone  and  bush-rope. 
The  depth  at  the  mouth  varied  from  nine  to  thirteen  feet.  We  went 


NEGROS. — UP  THE  DANAO  RIVER. 


477 


up  about  fifty  yards,  and,  on  sounding  again,  I found  a depth  of 
twenty-seven  feet.  The  width  of  the  mouth  was  about  a quarter  of  a 
mile,  and  when  we  rowed  on  for  nearly  an  hour  it  was  still  wider. 
However,  the  navigable  water  course  was  considerably  contracted  by  a 
closely  matted  fringe  of  mangrove  trees  which,  with  their  roots  shooting 
up  and  interlacing  one  another,  formed  a kind  of  impervious  screen  or 
network. 

Then,  as  we  proceeded,  we  saw  steep  precipices  on  either  side  and 
gigantic  trees  overhanging,  spreading  their  lofty  branches  so  far  over 
the  river  that  for  hours  we  were  shaded  from  the  sun’s  rays. 

A few  yards  up  from  the  mouth,  on  the  left  bank,  there  were  a 
few  huts,  but  during  six  hours’  journey  past  that  place  we  neither  met 
a canoe  nor  saw  a human  being.  The  silence  was  only  disturbed  by 
the  screeching  of  the  calao 1 and  the  gavilav  hawk.  I was  enchanted 
by  these  gloomy  but  grand  regions. 

The  meu  were  getting  tired  ; they  had  not  speculated  on  so  much 
hard  labour,  as  they  thought  I was  going  to  sail  direct  to  Calatrava. 
They  began  to  murmur — they  were  wondering  when  and  where  my 
wanderings  would  finally  land  them.  They  are  a highly  superstitions 
race,  and  I suspect  they  were  fearing  we  should  not  get  out  of  this  place 
before  the  hour  the  spirits  of  the  forest  (the  asicang')  appeared.  They 
begged  of  me  to  return,  but  I persuaded  them  to  row  on  a little  while 
longer  to  see  if  we  met  any  one  of  whom  to  make  some  inquiries.  The 
river  became  narrower,  but  there  was  plenty  of  depth  for  the  boat. 
In  half-an-liour  we  saw  some  canoes  and  children.  When  they  saw 
us  they  scampered  off,  frightened,  and  to  tell  their  elders  probably. 

Iu  five  minutes  more  we  had  landed  at  a collection  of  cabins. 
There  were  some  fourteen  men  and  women  and  a number  of  children, 
but  only  five  huts  were  to  be  seen — little  shanties  of  bamboo  and  cogon 
grass  roofs.  Some  of  the  men  were  apparently  half-caste  Aetas , 
judging  from  their  dark  colour  and  the  half-matted  hair. 

Around  the  huts  were  a few  plantain  trees,  and,  on  the  river  bank, 
I saw  several  nets  made  of  a vegetable  fibre,  and  three  canoes.  My 
men,  who  were  very  fatigued,  got  under  the  shade  of  a large  tree  to 
make  a fire  for  boiling  their  rice. 

I went  with  my  servant  Nicomedis  to  a hut.  The  raised  flooring 
was  simply  made  of  branches  of  trees  with  a few  split  bamboos  crossing 


1 Calao—  Bucevos  hydrocorax. 


478 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


them.  I saw  some  harpoons  used  for  fishing  and  made  a bargain  for 
them — five  for  a half-worn-out  cotton  China  shirt.  When  I opened  my 
bag,  the  natives — the  women  in  particular — were  very  anxious  to  see 
the  contents.  They  handled  everything,  and,  in  the  end,  I gave  them 
some  pocket-handkerchiefs. 

My  servant,  an  Ilocos  lad,  could  not  understand  these  people  at  all, 
so  I got  one  of  the  Yisaya  boatmen  to  interpret  as  well  as  he  could, 
their  language  being  more  similar  to  his.  I understood  that  they  lived 
by  fishing  on  the  river,  collecting  succulent  roots  in  the  mountains,  and, 
occasionally,  they  planted  a little  rice  on  the  mountain  slope.  They  all 
had,  more  or  less  badly,  a cutaneous  disease,  with  scars  covering  the 
legs  of  some  (vide  “ Diseases,”  page  207).  The  women  had  rags  round 
their  loins  and  hanging  down  to  their  knees,  and  on  iuquiry  as  to 
how  they  got  the  stuffs,  I was  told  that  they  were  supplied  to  them 
by  a headman  near  Escalante,  who  sometimes  commissioned  them  to 
deliver  him  rattan  cane  and  gum. 

The  group  of  huts  stood  on  a cleared  piece  of  land  which  sloped 
down  to  the  river  bank.  All  around  was  majestic  luxuriant  forest,  and, 
accompanied  by  two  of  the  boatmen  and  followed  by  the  village  natives, 
I walked  into  the  wood  for  about  half-an-hour. 

There  was  nothing  unusual  to  be  seen,  although  all  around  was  life 
and  vigour.  Beautiful  orchids  clustered  on  the  stately  trees,  which 
hardly  permitted  the  sun’s  rays  to  penetrate,  whilst  a thick  undergrowth 
impeded  our  progress  at  every  step.  We  passed  a large  cavity — a 
sort  of  lagoon,  about  one-third  full  of  stagnant  water,  which  surely 
never  reflected  the  blue  sky — and  halted  under  a balctc  tree.1  The 
trunk  of  mighty  girth,  borne  up  ou  roots,  like  walls,  so  even  and  large, 
that  in  some  districts  cart-wheels  are  cut  out  of  them.  From  the 
boughs,  towering  up  some  sixty  feet,  smooth  lianes,  without  knot  or 
leaf,  hung  to  the  earth,  forming  so  many  natural  ropes  ; and  on  the 
limbs  of  this  giant  of  the  forest,  clung  orchids,  cactuses  and  other 
minor  plants  in  rich  profusion,  seeking,  as  it  were,  protection  from  the 
monster  growth.  There  I stood  spell-bound,  peering  into  the  fantastic 
tropic  forest,  until  I remembered  it  was  time  to  return  to  the  boat. 

My  men  were  asleep.  I resolved,  therefore,  to  extend  my  excursion, 
and  engaged  two  squatters  to  carry  my  luggage  before  me  up  the  hill — 
to  the  summit  of  that  mountainous  rampart  which  we  had  passed  on 


1 Fie im  Indicus. 


NEGROS. FROM  CALATRAVA  TO  BAGUMBAYAN.  479 


the  way.  Perhaps  they  would  go  off  with  the  boat,  I thought,  wheu 
I reached  the  top.  But  what  mattered  ? Iu  return  for  this  possibility 
I was  viewing  one  of  the  grandest  prospects  in  Nature.  To  the  west 
from  where  I stood  rose  the  great  Cordillera  with  its  long  line  of 
shadowy  hills  stretching  far  away  to  the  distant  south — a comparatively 
barren  volcanic  range.  To  the  east,  looking  down  the  river,  in  brilliant 
contrast,  was  the  noble  forest  where  the  towering  trees  spread  their 
giant  branches  over  the  tall  bamboos.  The  features  of  the  scenery 
were  terribly  grand,  and  under  such  delicious  influences  of  nature  I 
ordered  Nicomedis  to  prepare  my  meal  beneath  the  broad  canopy  of  a 
neighbouring  palm  grove. 

The  squatters  looked  on  with  an  astonished  air.  Sons  of  the  soil, 
they  no  doubt  wondered  what  marvellous  fascination  impelled  this  white 
face  to  linger  under  arches  of  verdant  boughs  and  find  delight  therein. 

In  Escalante  I had  had  given  to  me  a large  bundle  of  roughly 
rolled  cigars  called  tus-tus — simply  the  coiled  leaf  tied  up  with 
hemp  fibre.  It  was  choice  selected  tobacco,  and  I gave  it  to  the 
natives  at  this  little  settlement,  as  I had  no  wearing  apparel  to  spare, 
for  one  always  carries  the  least  luggage  possible  in  these  places. 

We  started  for  down  the  river.  It  was  11  p.m.  when  we  left  the 
mouth,  and  we  could  see  the  lights  of  a village  called  Salamanca.  The 
men  could  not  be  up  all  night  after  the  fatigue  of  the  day,  so  we  put 
iu  at  this  place  until  the  next  morning.  I got  my  mat  and  pillows  out 
of  the  boat,  and  slept  soundly  on  the  floor  of  a fisherman’s  hut.  The 
next  day,  after  I had  taken  some  cocoa  and  boiled  rice,  we  set  out  for 
Calatrava — a delightful  trip  in  the  early  morn. 

There  was  nothing  noteworthy  here.  A church  and  convent,  a 
couple  of  houses  and  a few  huts  constitute  the  whole  town.  The 
Chinese  have  three  or  four  stores  where  they  sell  groceries  and 
speculate  a little  in  Barili  (Cebu)  and  Escalante  tobacco  leaf. 

From  Calatrava  I started  in  a prahu  for  Bagumbayan,  about  fifty 
miles  journey  down  the  coast.  We  passed  Refugio  Island  and  a few 
fishing  villages  on  the  way.  To  my  left  was  the  dim  outline  of  Cebu 
Island — to  my  right  the  checkered  scenery  of  rugged  hill  and  cultivated 
plain.  The  mountain  range,  with  its  forest-clad  slopes  verging  towards 
the  sea,  formed  a charming  background.  There  were  some  pretty 
creeks  on  our  route,  and  a few  miles  this  side  of  Bagumbayan  the  coast 
is  cliff-bound.  It  was  moonlight. 


480 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Bagumbayan  is  on  the  shore.  We  arrived  there  late  at  night. 
There  is  nothing  to  be  seen  but  a wretched  building  which  serves  for 
a church,  and  a few  huts.  The  fields  around  were  planted  with  maize. 
The  place  was  well  named,  for  Bagumbayan  signifies  “new  town.” 
I rested  one  day  making  my  arrangements  for  crossing  the  island  to 
Jimamaylan,  which  is  about  thirty  to  thirty-five  miles  distant  by  the 
mountain  paths.  There  was  great  difficulty  in  findiug  ponies ; they 
were  out  grazing,  and  had  to  be  caught.  When  they  were  brought  in, 
I observed  they  were  miserably  thin  animals  ; oue  was  so  chafed  on  the 
spine  by  native  saddles  that  I positively  objected  to  inflicting  any 
further  cruelty  upon  it,  and  another  had  to  be  sought  for.  It  was  only 
at  nightfall  that  I had  the  three  ponies  ready  for  my  servant,  guide  and 
self,  so  I lodged  till  morning  at  the  petty-governor’s  dwelling.  As  my 
host  knew  just  enough  Spanish  to  make  a conversation  possible,  I was 
put  through  my  catechism,  to  the  great  enjoyment  of  all  who  grouped 
around  me.  About  twenty  pairs  of  eyes  were  apparently  trying  t»  read 
my  past,  present,  and  future  life  and  condition. 

Ever  and  anon  my  cacique  friend  would  interpret  for  their  benefit 
a passage  of  our  interlocution,  which  was  now  met  with  a general  laugh, 
now  with  the  solemn  ejaculation,  abali  ! — at  the  same  time  Nicomedis 
was  holding  levee  in  the  cookhouse.  There — squatted  on  the  bamboo 
floor — he  had  installed  himself  like  a tribal  chief  amongst  a posse  of 
my  host’s  male  and  female  retainers  and  their  particular  friends,  -who — 
regarding  him  as  a hero  and  a personage  of  no  small  degree,  listened  in 
silent  rapture  to  his  naive  interpretation  of  his  master’s  habits  and  his 
own  daring  exploits  iu  my  service. 

The  shades  of  night  had  fallen  hours  ago.  The  dim  light,  throwu 
from  the  tinsin  wick,  floating  on  cocoa-nut  oil  in  a piece  of  cocoa-nut 
shell  in  the  corner,  was  still  flickering  when  the  motley  crowd  dispersed, 
and  I was  shown  my  sleeping  apartment.  In  the  roof,  three  ox  four 
bamboo  6tools  were  suspended  in  reserve  for  any  feast.  On  the  floor 
level,  between  a hideous  wooden  saint,  a pile  of  tampipe  clothes-baskets 
and  myself,  there  w'as  not  much  space  left.  However,  with  two  pillows 
on  the  floor,  I passed  the  night  happily  enough  until  4 a.m.,  when 
“ the  early  village  cock  had  twice  done  salutation  to  the  morn.”  But 
there  were  so  many  cocks  saluting,  that  further  repose  was  out  of  the 
question.  My  host  was  a “ fancier,”  and  like  his  chanticleers,  rose  with 
the  first  faint  streak  of  dawn.  Nicomedis  prepared  my  cocoa,  whilst  the 


ACROSS  NEGROS. — AMONGST  THE  AETAS. 


481 


Leadman  showed  me  every  attention,  politely  remarking,  as  he  handed 
me  cigars,  “ V.  cuidado  de  dispensar  las  faltas  ” (Pray  excuse  all  that 
may  be  wanting).  Then  he  highly  recommended  the  guide  to  me  as  a 
man  who,  having  accidentally  lapsed  from  virtue  iu  his  younger  days, 
had  defied  the  civil  guard  for  years,  and  had  sent  many  a native  to  the 
other  world  to  annex  his  chattels  in  this.  He  knew  every  path,  and  was 
accustomed  to  treat  with  the  mountaineers. 

My  servant  and  guide  had  native  saddles,  and  I used  my  own. 
The  guide  carried  his  long  bohie-knife — a kind  of  campilan — and  a bag 
of  provisions,  rice,  etc.  which  he  hung  to  the  saddle.  Our  journey  led 
us  by  a good  beaten  track,  through  tall  cogon  grass,  for  about  ten  miles, 
crossing  a rivulet  here  and  there  ; then  we  began  to  rise  gradually  until 
we  reached  an  elevation  of  980  feet  through  winding  paths  with  bush 
on  either  side  of  us,  traversing  uncultivated  land  until  we  came  to  a 
mountaineers’  ranche.  As  we  approached,  the  mountaineers  beat  their 
tom-toms  and  hollow  tree-trunks  to  announce  to  the  people  in  the 
woods  the  uncommon  apparition.  We  halted  at  the  ranche,  and 
the  Aetas  came  to  parley  with  us.  I could  not  understand  a word,  but 
my  guide  chatted  familiarly  with  them.  The  adults  were  all  three- 
parts  naked  ; the  children  were  dressed  in  nothing  at  all.  The  men 
had  curly  hair,  very  high  cheek  bones,  and  a generally  emaciated  and 
squalid  appearance.  The  females  were  uglier  still ; a few  old  women 
were  scarecrow  creatures.  They  closed  around  us  and  stared.  The 
first  direct  question  put  to  the  guide  was  whether  I was  a Spaniard, 
and  they  seemed  well  satisfied  to  learn  that  I was  not.  I did  not 
kuow  what  to  give  them  to  put  them  in  a good  humour.  All  I could 
think  of  was  the  remainder  of  my  cigars  and  a small  bag  of  copper  coin 
with  which  they  seemed  highly  pleased. 

A fire  was  lighted  ; the  Aetas  went  to  fetch  us  water  from  a 
stream,  carrying  it  in  a bamboo,  the  intermediate  webs  of  which  they 
had  knocked  out.  I suppose  my  guide  knew  from  experience  that  it 
was  prudent  to  satisfy  these  people  iu  some  way.  I noticed,  on 
starting,  that  he  seemed  to  have  brought  provisions  for  a long  journey. 
2sow  he  got  his  bag  and  served  them  out  some  rice  and  fish.  I 
wandered  about  amongst  the  Aetas , who  were  very  friendly  disposed ; 
they  showed  me  how  to  light  a fire  without  matches,  by  rubbing  a piece 
of  dry  bamboo  on  the  outside  of  another  piece — the  hollow  of  the 
bottom  piece  being  burnt  through,  the  fire  caused  by  the  friction  came 
in  contact  with  the  fiue  shavings  inside  ; then  the  shavings  were  very 

H H 


482 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


carefully  taken  out  and  blown  gently  until  they  blazed.  They  showed 
me  deer-horns,  and  explained  to  me,  through  the  guide,  that  there  was 
good  hunting  about  the  locality.  The  pith  or  marrow  of  the  deer-horn 
had  medicinal  properties  they  affirmed. 

We  had  been  riding  slowly  for  four  hours,  and  were  somewhat 
tired.  The  lingering  jog-trot  of  a small  weak  pony  is  far  more 
wearying  than  the  long  lithe  step  of  a good  horse  going  at  a fair  pace. 
It  was  between  ten  and  eleven  when  we  arrived  at  the  ranelie,  and  after 
breakfast  we  rested  for  a couple  of  hours.  Xicomedis  went  fast  to 
sleep  ; he  seemed  more  bored  than  amused.  1 think  he  regarded  his 
master  as  a mystery,  and  could  not  account,  in  his  own  mind,  for  the 
odd  taste  of  leaving  Manila  for  these  wild  regions. 

I got  the  Adas  to  shoot  their  arrows  at  a tree,  and  they  seldom 
missed  the  exact  mark.  In  the  couple  of  hours’  stay,  the  men  had 
gained  complete  confidence,  the  women  squatted  about  on  their 
haunches  watching,  as  if  their  curiosity  could  never  be  satisfied. 
Altogether  it  was  a most  comical  social  environment  for  an  European. 
I suggested  to  my  guide  giving  them  the  remains  of  the  rice  and  fish 
and  betel-nut  as  we  were  leaving,  but  he  told  me  it  would  not  be 
politic  to  be  over  generous  as  they  might  become  exacting,  mistaking 
our  liberality  for  fear. 

We  mounted  our  ponies,  and  I shouted  “ Adios  /”  as  we  parted. 
I did  not  know  what  greeting  they  understood,  so  I gave  the  general 
one.  On  their  part,  they  set  up  a yell  which  I interpreted  to  myself  a< 
“good-bye”  and  “««  revoir." 

We  trotted  on  for  four  hours  more  through  forest  defiles  ; ever 
and  anon  we  could  hear  the  distant  murmur  of  a mountain  torrent, 
and  then  we  forded  the  little  streams  in  the  shaded  dells.  It  was  hot, 
but  one  does  not  feel  it  when  riding  and  perspiring  freely — nevertheless, 
I was  glad  when  the  sun  was  low,  between  five  and  six  o’clock.  I was 
getting  quite  tired  of  such  slow  locomotion,  but  one  does  not  travel  in 
the  Philippines  like  a Nawab.  My  poor  little  nag  too  was  not  in  a 
condition  to  take  me  bounding  through  the  passes.  It  was  close  upon 
sunset  when  we  left  the  forest.  We  could  hear  the  wind  gently  sighing 
through  the  tree  tops  ; there  was  a most  delicious  breeze. 

We  now  got  on  to  an  open  path.  On  either  side  of  us  were  planted 
hedges  and  cocoa-nut  palms,  so  we  were  evidently  nearing  the  coast. 
We  could  see  the  foot-prints  of  buffaloes  as  we  proceeded.  Then  we 
came  to  some  sugar-cane  fields.  It  was  about  half-past  six  in  the 


ACROSS  NEGROS. — BUFFALO-RIDING. 


483 


evening  ; the  sun  had  quite  gone  down,  but  it  was  light  still.  We 
passed  a homestead  ; the  man  iu  charge  undoubtedly  knew  my  guide, 
for  he  hailed  us  to  stop  and  rest. 

“I  can’t  go  any  further  with  you,”  said  the  guide,  “but  I will  get  a 
man  to  take  your  baggage  into  town.” 

“ How’s  that  ? ” I inquired  as  I dismounted. 

“ I’m  not  so  safe  on  this  side,  aud  I return  with  the  ponies  by 
another  route.” 

I guessed  it  would  be  inconvenient  for  him  to  meet  the  civil  guard 
on  the  west  coast — but  why  make  embarrassing  inquiries  ? so  I left 
him  and  walked  into  town  with  Nicomedis  and  a man,  who  carried  my 
belongings  between  them. 

In  half-an-hour  we  were  in  Jimamaylan,  the  old  capital  of  Negros. 
It  was  like  the  majority  of  parishes,  except  that  we  could  see  the  ruins 
of  the  ancient  Cotta — the  fort  built  to  protect  the  inhabitants  in  olden 
times  against  the  depredations  of  the  Mussulmans. 

I called  at  the  convent,  and  whilst  ascending  the  staircase,  I met. 
two  young  women  of  comely  mien  who  grasped  my  right  hand  and 
kissed  it.  Did  they  take  me  for  a missionary  ? I wore  no  habit.  Or 
a high  official  ? I carried  no  baton.  It  was  an  effort  indeed  to  keep 
from  laughing.  The  good  Father  Pedro  invited  me  to  sup  and  pass  the 
night  there.  I was  not  at  all  displeased  at  the  prospect  of  having  a 
good  meal,  a good  bed  aud  a bath  the  next  morning.  I intended  to  go 
by  road  up  to  Marayo  (Pontevedra)  again,  for  I had  promised  to  arrive 
on  an  estate  near  there  in  time  for  the  feast  of  the  patron  saints 
However,  the  priest  told  me  that  a small  steamer  from  Yloilo  was 
expected  in  the  next  day — and  would  call  at  Marayo  on  her  return. 
She  duly  arrived — the  boat  came  to  shore  bringing  the  captain,  who 
visited  the  convent,  and  I went  on  board  with  him.  It  was  a splendid 
clear  day,  and  from  the  upper  deck  one  could  obtain  a capital  view  of 
the  coast  with  its  plantations  everywhere. 

In  about  two-hours-and-a-lialf  we  reached  Marayo,  where  I hired 
ponies  to  take  me  to  the  largest  sugar-cane  plantation  in  the  Colony. 
I was  in  no  great  hurry,  as,  in  any  case,  I should  arrive  before  the 
saint’s  day.  In  the  afternoon  I rode  out  there  through  cane  fields  and 
over  rough  buffalo-cart  roads,  dykes  and  bridges.  My  worn  out  pony 
was  so  weak,  that  when  we  were  half  way  he  fell  into  a heap — or 
rather,  subsided  on  all  fours — sending  me  sprawling,  so  we  had  to  leave 
the  nag  at  a tenant’s  cabin.  A team  of  buffaloes  was  coming  along  at 

H H 2 


484 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  time,  and  the  man  in  charge  was  only  too  glad  to  let  me  mount  one. 
He  laughed  all  over  his  face,  and  thought  it  was  a good  joke  to  see  a 
Cachila  on  a carabao.  I had  not  yet  learnt  that  there  was  any 
particular  feature  about  buffalo-riding,  further  thau  the  strain  on  one’s 
thighs  by  being  stretched  over  such  a large  girth  of  body.  The  animal 
was  as  tame  as  a lamb,  and  I sprang  on  to  its  back.  The  sensation  is 
most  peculiar  to  one  unaccustomed  to  it.  At  every  stride  the  whole 
skin  seems  to  slide  about  as  if  it  were  detached  from  the  flesh,  and  the 
huge  body  being  too  broad  to  grip,  one’s  safety  depends  on  maintaining 
a good  balance.  Since  then,  when  necessity  has  obliged  me  to  mount  a 
buffalo,  I have  had  a piece  of  rattan  cane  placed  over  the  back  with 
a loop  at  each  end  to  serve  as  stirrups  or  foot-rests. 

When  I arrived  at  the  estate-house,  I was  welcomed  by  the 
working  partner  and  his  wife — both  Spaniards.  We  passed  the  time 
until  the  feast — two  days  hence — by  visits  to  the  factory  (although 
the  machinery  was  not  running  at  the  time),  and  calls  at  the  adjoining 
properties  belonging  to  Spaniards.  There  was  a great  assembly  of 
Europeans  from  all  around  on  the  feast  day,  which  was  also  a general 
holiday  for  the  labourers.  After  dinner  some  of  the  guests  slept  the 
siesta — others  chatted  and  smoked  until  about  4 o’clock,  when  there 
was  to  be  a great  cock-fight,  just  outside  the  house.  We  all  went 
down  to  see  the  contest.  Wagers  were  freely  offered.  I knew 
nothing  of  the  “ points  ” or  the  “ antecedents  ” of  any  of  the  feathered 
gladiators,  so  I chanced  my  dollar  each  time  on  the  one  which  looked 
the  heaviest  and  the  strongest.  There  was  immense  excitement 
among  the  serious  sportsmen — the  cock-owners  and  the  labourers. 
We  Europeans  made  our  bets  (exclusively  between  ourselves)  to  keep 
up  the  enthusiasm.  The  series  of  battles  lasted  an  hour,  and  most  of 
the  natives  retired — some  chuckling  over  their  day’s  good  fortune — 
others  downhearted. 

We  went  up  to  the  balcony  at  the  back  of  the  house.  I was  to  see 
a sight,  the  like  of  which  I had  never  yet  witnessed — a horse-fight. 
In  the  middle  of  a paddock  facing  this  balcony,  a mare  was  tied  up  to 
a post  with  about  three  yards  of  slack  rope.  Three  stallion  ponies 
were  then  loosened,  and  off  they  trotted  to  the  mare.  Whenever  a 
poDy  approached  her  he  became  the  common  rival  and  enemy  of  the 
other  two,  and  a desperate  combat  ensued.  They  kicked  and  bit  each 
other  terribly.  At  times,  all  being  exasperated,  the  fight  would  become 
general — each  one  against  the  other.  Whenever  they  got  within  reach 


AN  UNPLEASANT  SQUALL. 


485 


of  the  mare,  she  would  launch  out  a kick  with  her  hind  feet,  but  of 
course  her  sex  protected  her  from  retaliation.  The  bloody  contest 
lasted  for  over  an  hour,  by  which  time  they  were  all  pretty  well 
exhausted,  but  not  one  was  disposed  to  yield.  No  one  was  the 
conqueror  in  the  end  ; each  had  received  about  an  equal  share  of  bites 
on  the  neck  and  kicks  on  the  trunk,  and  they  were  all  driven  off 
bleeding. 

When  the  feast  was  over  I returned  to  Marayo,  and  followed  the 
high  road  in  a carromata  as  far  as  Pulo  Pandan,  where  I found  a 
prahu  to  take  me  over  to  Guimarras  Island.  The  wind  freshened  up 
as  soon  as  we  started.  We  scud  along  at  a terrific  rate,  and  the  prahu, 
driven  over  to  the  leeward,  was  shipping  sea.  I thought  every 
moment  we  should  be  capsized.  Nicomedis  stood  on  the  extremity 
of  the  outrigger  on  the  weather  side  to  help  counterbalance  her.  I 
must  confess  I felt  most  uncomfortable,  seeing  that  these  waters  teem 
with  sharks.  Knowing  the  prahu  would  not  sink,  I had,  on  starting 
strapped  my  bags  and  saddle  to  a cross-bar.  The  wind  increased,  and 
to  save  us,  the  native  pilot  had  to  run  before  it.  When  he  attempted 
to  head  the  craft  in  the  direction  of  our  course,  a sudden  gust  caught 
us,  and  we  turned  over  on  one  side  within  about  three  hundred  yards  of 
the  shore. 

The  pilot  got  clear,  and  kept  himself  afloat  whilst  he  disentangled 
the  rigging  and  hauled  in  the  sail  dripping  with  water.  I hung  on  to 
the  prahu,  and  Nicomedis,  who  had  jumped  into  the  sea  at  the  critical 
moment,  did  the  same.  A paddle  which  was  on  board  had  floated 
away,  so  the  pilot  swam  out  to  pick  it  up  and  returned  with  it.  We 
were  quite  safe.  The  outrigger  on  the  leeside  had  given  way,  but  the 
other  stood  erect  in  the  air,  and  as  I sat  on  the  hulk,  it  served  me  to 
keep  my  balance,  whilst  Nicomedis  and  the  pilot  paddled  slowly  to 
shore.  My  luggage  was  not  lost,  but  it  was  wet  through.  I hired  a 
pony  and  native  saddle — the  sole  means  at  hand — to  reach  the  other 
side  of  the  island.  I carried  the  bags,  and  Nicomedis  walked  with  my 
saddle,  which  was  soaked.  Ic  was  about  seven  or  eight  miles  to  the 
opposite  coast — to  a place  called  Nagaba,  where  I lighted  upon  a 
canoe,  and  was  not  displeased  to  find  myself  again,  in  lialf-an-hour,  in 
the  second  port  of  the  Philippines — Yloilo,  which  impressed  me  so 
unfavourably  on  my  first  arrival. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 


TRAVELLING  NOTES.— ITINERARY. 

Space  will  not  permit  me  to  detail,  as  in  the  two  preceding  chapters, 
my  further  travels  and  exploring  expeditions  through  the  Philippines, 
extending,  as  they  do,  over  a period  of  years,  but  I think  the  following 
hints  on  Travelling,  together  with  a synopsis  of  twenty-two  convenient 
journeys,  may  be  useful  to  the  tourist  reader. 

The  best  season  for  travelling  is  from,  say  the  1st  of  December  to 
the  31st  of  May.  The  means  of  travelling  noted  in  the  journeys  are 
for  this  (dry)  season.  If  one  travelled  in  the  wet  seasou  he  should  be 
prepared  to  use  his  saddle  in  some  cases  where  other  means  are 
mentioned,  as  the  roads  are,  almost  invariably,  bad  in  the  middle  of 
the  year.  From  nearly  every  place  there  are  excursions  to  be  made 
in  the  respective  neighbourhoods,  but  the  facilities  for  doing  so  much 
depend  upon  the  good-nature  of  the  native  and  other  residents  with 
whom  one  may  happen  to  strike  acquaintance.  Except  in  Yloilo,  Cebu 
and  Bacolod  (Visayas),  and  in  Santa  Cruz,  Lingayen  and  Vigan 
(Luzon),  and  Zamboanga  (Mindanao),  the  traveller  has  to  depend 
absolutely  on  the  gratuitous  hospitality  of  the  inhabitants,  or  his  own 
baggage.  Some  good  trips  are  made  by  simply  visiting  the  plantations 
(hemp,  coffee,  sugar,  tobacco,  etc.  according  to  the  locality),  within 
lialf-an-hour’s  ride  from  the  towns. 

The  Luzon  natives  are  generally  affable  and  hospitable.  The 
Negros  and  Yloilo  province  natives  are  less  courteous,  but  there 
are  many  liberal  entertainers  amoug  the  Spaniards  and  Tagalogs 
established  there.  The  Cebu  natives  are  docile  and  obliging. 

It  is  well  always  to  take  a few  small  tins  of  provisions  in  case  of 
need,  and,  when  good  bread  happens  to  be  found  in  a town,  provide 
one’6  self  with  it  on  leaving,  for  in  the  next  place  it  may  not  be 


TRAVELLING  NOTES. 


487 


procurable.  In  ray  time  the  best  bread  in  the  Colony  (not  excepting 
Manila)  was  that  made  at  Lipa  (Batangas). 

Carry  the  least  luggage  possible.  An  aneroid  and  thermometer 
may  not  be  required  by  the  tourist,  but  a compass  is  always  useful. 
Wear  a towel  round  the  neck,  like  a scarf,  whilst  on  pony-back  or 
walking  in  the  hottest  sun.  It  is  necessary  to  take  a servaut  ; Ilocos 
boys  are  the  best — Visaya  boys  are  the  worst. 

Make  Manila,  Yloilo  or  Cebu  one’s  centre,  and  on  journeys 
oxtending  over  a week  from  the  centre,  carry  half-a-dozen  doses  of 
Howard’s  sulphate  of  quinine,  a small  bottle  of  J.  Collis  Browne’s 
chlorodyne,  a few  doses  of  Eno’s  fruit  salt,  a knife  and  fork,  a tin- 
opener,  a corkscrew,  a couple  of  yards  of  cord  a quarter-of-an-iuch 
diameter,  and  a revolver.  A substitute  for  boot-blacking  is  found 
everywhere — the  soot  from  the  bottom  of  a frying  pan  ( carajay ) rubbed 
over  the  boots  with  a piece  of  banana  skin  gives  a good  polish.  To 
arrest  diarrhoea — masticate  the  peeling  of  green  unripe  guava  fruit  and 
swallow  the  juice  only.  If  one  is  going  a journey  like  No.  7 (vide 
Itinerary)  he  should  take  a light  rug  small  enough  to  roll  up  and  be 
portable  on  the  saddle,  for  the  nights  on  the  river,  and  possibly  in  the 
mountain.  When  the  greater  part  of  the  journey  is  by  pony  travelling, 
get  all  the  luggage  (except  saddle  aud  rug)  into  leather  saddle-bags,  as 
a portmanteau  cannot  be  taken  pony-back  without  damaging  it. 

To  those  who  have  not  been  in  the  Far  East  before,  I would  say — 
Don’t  get  your  special  outfit  of  wearing  apparel  in  Europe  (as  it  will 
probably  be  just  all  wrong),  but  in  the  East,  tvhere  the  correct  articles 
can  be  purchased  on  the  spot.  A light  saddle  and  saddle  bags  (two 
pairs  14'  x 12"  X 3")  should,  however,  be  brought  from  Europe. 

Under  the  Spanish  regime,  it  was  the  custom  on  arriving  at  a 
town  or  village  without  knowing  any  one  there,  or  without  letters  of 
introduction,  to  alight  (by  right)  at  the  Town  Hall.  Each  Town 
Hall  had,  or  should  have,  a tariff  of  the  means  of  travelling1  which  it 
was  obligatory  to  supply  on  payment.  Each  township  was  composed 
of  so  many  cabezerias  or  groups  of  tax-payers,  aud  each  cabczeria 
provided  one  caudrillcro  for  the  service  of  the  Town  Hall,  so  that  the 

1 Formerly  it  was  also  the  obligation  of  the  Tribunal  officials  to  supply  a 
traveller  with  certain  provisions  on  payment.  This  obligation  (except  as  regarded 
troops  and  military  officers)  was  abolished  by  a decree  of  Governor-General 
Weyler  dated  17th  October,  1868,  to  come  into  operation  on  the  1st  January,  1839. 


488 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


supply  of  baggage-carriers,  guides,  etc.  which  one  needed  could  not  be 
refused  on  payment.  How  these  matters  will  be  regulated  when  a 
recognized  government  is  again  established  throughout  the  islands 
remains  to  be  seen.  The  Tribunal  (i.e.  Town  Hall)  was  the  office  of 
the  Municipal  Council.  All  town  affairs  were  transacted  there.  At 
the  same  time  it  was  a sort  of  casual  ward  for  wayfarers  of  all  classes 
where  one  could  pass  the  night  (perhaps  on  the  floor  or  the  table). 
For  the  traveller  it  corresponded,  in  a certain  degree,  to  the  dak- 
bungaloio  of  British  India.  But  there  were  all  sorts  of  Tribunalesy 
from  the  poverty-stricken  bungalow  to  the  furnished  well-built  house. 

It  is  prudent  to  begin  a long  riding  journey  early  in  the  morning, 
and,  when  starting  in  a canoe,  see  that  all  the  men  are  sober. 
Familiarity  with  the  hired  natives  accompanying  should  be  avoided  ; 
they  are  likely  to  abuse  it,  and  are  more  accustomed  to  sternness. 

The  parish  priests,  as  a rule,  are  hospitable,  and  as  a matter  of 
courtesy  should  be  visited.  Since  the  abolition  of  passports  for  the 
interior  (year  1884),  it  is  not  usual  for  travellers  to  visit  the  local 
authorities  without  previous  acquaintance  or  without  introduction, 
either  personal  or  by  letter. 

In  some  out-of-the-way  villages,  where  an  European  is  rarely  seen, 
I have  been  asked  if  I was  a Consul.  The  term  was  not  meant  in  its 
diplomatic  or  international  sense  (of  which  they  knew  nothiug),  but 
simply — was  I a well-to-do  trader  ? The  only  rich  merchants  in  Manila 
of  former  days  being  members  of  the  Consulado  (vide  page  272)  the 
term  “ consul  ” has  by  tradition  been  preserved  in  some  places. 

The  “ Travelling  Time  ” indicated  for  each  journey  is  approximately 
the  time  employed  on  the  route,  besides  the  convenient  sojourns.  This 
calculation  is  only  intended  as  a basis  upon  which  the  tourist  could 
estimate  the  uumber  of  days  he  would  necessarily  be  away  from  his 
centre.  He  would  add  the  time  he  chose  for  delays  in  excursions, 
shooting  parties,  social  pleasures,  etc. 

The  traveller  has  very  little  to  fear  from  Brigands.  They  are  not 
highwaymen  who  waylay  one,  without  forethought,  on  the  road,  but 
bandits  who  take  several  days  to  scratch  their  heads  and  consult 
together  before  they  make  a raid  on  some  particular  isolated  house  or 
homestead. 


ITINERARY 


489 


LUZON  ISLAND. 


ROUTE  No.  1. — Manila  Province. 
Travelling  time  3 days. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

of 

Travelling, 

NOTES. 

Manila  to  Mariquina 

Carriage  and  pair 

Scenery.  Excellent  water  for 

Mariquina  to  San  Mateo  - 

Carromata  - 

bathing.  Healthy.  Abundance 
of  pure  milk.  The  old  name  of 
Mariquina  was  Jesus  de  la  Pena. 
It  was  formerly  a Jesuit  vicar- 
age. 

San  Mateo  to  Montalban 

Fine  scenery  up  the  river  in  a 
canoe.  Three  hours  up  the  river 
there  is  good  deer-shooting. 
One  hour  from  the  village  is  the 
famous  grotto  “ La  Cueva,”and 
the  pass  of  Marble  boulders. 
Good  scenery,  riding  over  the 
highlands. 

Montalban  to  Novaliches 

Pony  ... 

“Novaliches  to  S.  Francisco 

Carromata  - 

— 

del  Monte. 

S.  F.  del  Monte  to  Manila 

!» 

— 

ROUTE  No.  2. — M6rong  District. 


Travelling  time  3 days. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

of 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Manila  to  Pasig 

/ Steamer  on  week  1 
1 days.  J' 

Up  the  Pasig  river.  Time  hour. 

Pasig  to  Cainta 

Carromata  - 

Formerly  a Jesuit  vicarage. 

Cainta  to  Antipolo  - 

The  Miraculous  Virgin  of  Antipolo 
( vide  page  198).  The  festival 
is  held  in  the  month  of  May. 

Antipolo  to  Bosoboso 

Pony  - 

Scenery.  Deer-shooting. 

Bosoboso  to  Morong 

- 1 - 

Scenery.  Morong  is  the  capital 
of  this  district. 

Morong  to  Taytay  - 

Carromata  - 

Via  Cardona,  Binangonan  and 
Angono. 

Tdytay  to  Cainta 

— 

Cainta  to  Manila 

Canoe  (banca) 

Very  pretty  and  enjoyable  trip 
starting  from  Cainta  at  6 a.m. 
or  4 p.m.  Time  2-£  to  3 hours. 
From  the  Club  at  Nagtajan  to 
Cainta  in  canoe  (against  cur- 
rent) time  3£  hours. 

490 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS 


ROUTE  No.  3. — Bulacan  Province. 
Travelling  time  3 dags. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

of 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Manila  to  Tinajeros 

Carriage  and  pair 

Or  steamer  from  Manila  to  Bula- 
can on  week  days. 

Tinajeros  to  Ubijan 

Carromata  - 

Ubijan  to  Bulacan  - 

— 

Bulacan  to  Quingua 

»» 

Picturesque  road. 

Quingua  to  Baliuag 

»* 

Sugar  centre  of  local  importance. 

Baliuag  to  S.  Miguel  de 
Mayumo. 

M 

Great  rice  paddy  centre. 

S.  M.  de  Mayumo  to  Sibul 

.. 

Medicinal  Baths. 

ROUTE  No.  4. — Pampanga,  Nueva  Ecija  & Bulacan  Provinces. 
Travelling  time  4 days. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

OF 

Travelling. 

NOTE  S. 

Manila  to  Guagua  - 

Steamer 

Time  about  6 hours. 

Guagua  to  S.  Fernando  - 

Carromata  - 

Via  Bacolor,  the  capital  of  Pam- 
panga  Province. 

S.  Fernando  to  Ardyat  - 

Go  to  the  swimming  bath  at  the 
foot  of  Arayat  mountain  in  a 
carromata.  Walk  up  the  moun- 
tain. There  is  a splendid  view 
of  the  whole  province  and  port 
of  Bulacan  and  Zambales  Pro- 
vinces from  the  summit.  Ascent 
and  descent  are  made  in  five 
hours.  Arrange  for  the  carro- 
mata to  return  from  Arayat 
town  to  the  bath  to  take  you 
back  to  town. 

Arayat  to  S.  Isidro  - 

»*  * 

Capital  of  Neuva  Ecija  Province. 
Wild  buffalo  hunts  are  organized 
from  here. 

S.  Isidro  to  Cabiao  - 

— 

Cabiao  to  Candava  - 

Great  rice  paddy  centre.  Duck- 
shooting  on  the  Pinag  de  Can- 
dava (the  Meres)  in  the  wet 
season. 

Candava  to  Calumpit 

>»  " 

— 

Calumpit  to  Bulacan 

— 

Bulacan  to  Manila  - 

Vide  Route  No.  3 

ROADSIDE  SCENE  IN  THE  BULACAN  PROVINCE. 


* 

* *• 


ITINERARY, 


491 


ROUTE  No.  5. — Pampanga  Province,  Tarlac  District  ani» 
Pangasinan  Province. 


Travelling  time  7 days,  plus  delay  for  the  Steamer  in  Dagupan, 


ROUTE. 

Means 

op 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Manila  to  Guagua  - 

Steamer 

Time  about  6 hours. 

Guagua  to  Florida  Blanca 

Carromata  - 

Flat  cultivated  land. 

Florida  Blanca  to  Porac  - 

99 

99  99  99 

P6rac  to  Angeles 

In  dialect  it  is  called  Culiac. 

Angeles  to  Mabalacat 

. 

99 

— 

Mabaldcat  to  Tarlac 

n ■ “ 

Capital  of  Tarlac  District. 

Tarlac  to  S.  Miguel  de 

x - / 

Very  sandy  soil.  Hard  work  for 

Camiling. 

f ” i 

the  ponies. 

S.  Miguel  de  Camiling 

l „ . ) 

to  Bayambang. 

j ” i 

Bayambang  to  Malasiqui 

99  " * 

— 

Malasiqui  to  S.  Carlos 

— 

S.  Carlos  to  Lingayen 

99 

Capital  of  Pangasinan  Province — • 
a neat  town. 

Lingayen  to  Dagupan 

99 

A very  dreary  uninteresting  place. 

Dagupan  to  Manila 

Steamer 

Distance  by  steamer  216  miles. 
Time  by  steamer  say  27  hours. 

ROUTE  No.  6. — Pangasinan  and  Zambales  Provinces. 


Travelling  time  6 days,  plus  waiting  for  Steamer  at  Subig. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

of 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Manila  to  Lingayen 

As  per  Route  No.  5 

— 

Lingayen  to  Alaminos 

Carromata  - 

Via.  Sual.  Alaminos1  in  Zambales 
Province. 

Alaminos  to  Dasol 

Pony  - 

Via  Alos  and  Balincaguin. 

Dasol  to  Subig 

follow  the  coast  S. 

Ponies 

Iba  is  the  capital  of  Zambales 
Province. 

Shbig  to  Manila  - 

Mail  steamer 

Inquire  in  Manila  before  starting 
the  approximate  date  the  mail 
steamer  will  call  at  Subig. 

* There  ii  a Tillage  called  Alaminos  in  Bantagas  Province, 


492 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS, 


ROUTE  No.  7. — Grand  Northern  Tour. 

Travelling  time  21  days. 


ROUTE. 


Means. 

of 

Travelling. 


NOTES. 


Manila  to  Subig 

Subig  to  S.  Fernando  de ' 
la  Union. 

S.  Fernando  de  la  Union"! 
to  Vigan.  J 

Vigan  to  Currimao  - 

Currimao  to  Aparri 

Aparri  to  Tuguegarao 
(Passing  by  Lal-lo, 
Gattaran,  Hasipin  and 
Amulong). 


Tuguegarao  to  Ylagan 
( Via,  Tamauini). 
Ylagan  to  Cauayan 

Cauayan  to  Carig  - 
Carig  to  Bagabag  - 

Bagabag  to  Bayombong  - 

Bayombong  to  Aritao 
Over  the  Caraballo  Sur  1 
Mountain.  J 


Aritao  to  Carranglan 

Carranglan  to  Panta- 
* bangan. 

Pantabangan  to  Canvita- 
tay. 

Canvitatay  to  Bongabon  - 
Bongabon  to  Cabanatuan 
Cabanatuan  to  S.  Isidro  - 

S.  Isidro  to  S.  Miguel  de  1 
Mayumo.  J 

S.  Miguel  de  Mayumo  to  i 
Quingua.  J 

Quingua  to  Bulacan 
Bulacan  to  Manila  - 


Mail  steamer 


Barangayan 


Pony 


Pony 


Carromata 

if  , 


Vide  Route  No.  3 


Subig  is  in  Zambales  Province. 

S.  Fernando  is  in  La  Union  Prov. 

Vigan  is  in  Uocos  Sur  Province. 

Currimao  is  in  Uocos  Norte  Prov. 

Aparri  is  in  Cagayan  Province. 

Baraganyan  is  a wide  river-boat, 
the  sides  being  extended  out 
with  bamboos,  and  a very  com- 
fortable cabin  for  two  persons 
is  fixed  on  this.  Tuguegarao 
is  the  capital  of  Cagayan 
Province. 

Ylagan  is  the  capital  of  La  Isabela 
Province. 


Bagabag  is  in  Nueva  Vizcaya 
Province. 

Bayombong  is  the  capital  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  Province. 

Start  from  Aritao  by  4 a.m.  or  you 
may  have  to  pass  the  night  in  the 
mountain  in  the  cogon  grass. 
The  journey  is  very  picturesque. 
Fine  views  for  sketching. 


S.  Isidro  is  the  capital  of  Nueva 
Ecija  Province. 


ITINERARY. 


493 


ROLTTE  No.  8. — Albat,  Camarines  Sur,  Tatabas  Provinces 
and  Laguna  de  Bay. 

Travelling  time  14  days. 


ROUTE. 


Means 

of 

Travelling 


Manila  to  Batangas 
Batangas  to  Calapan 
•Calapan  to  Boac 
Boac  to  Laguimanoc 
Laguimanoc  to  Pasacao 
Pasacao  to  Donsol  - 
Donsol  to  Sorsogon  - 
Sorsogon  to  Legaspi 
Lega9pi  to  Albay  - 
Albay  to  Malinao  - 
Malinao  to  Tibi 


/ Mail  steamer 


C'arromata  - 

99 

91  " 


NOTES. 


' Grand  view  from  Legaspi,  Albay 
and  Daraga  (Cdgsaua)  of  the 
May  on  Volcano.  Try  to  be  in 
these  places  on  dark  nights  to  see 
\ the  boiling  lava  and  stream  of 
fire  issuing  from  the  crater  if  in 
eruption.  Visit  Iriga,  and  thence 
. go  up  to  a mountain  ranche. 


Here  are  the  Geysers  of  Albay 
and  medicinal  hot  springs  of 
great  repute  in  the  Colony. 


Tibi  to  Malinao 
Malinao  to  Daraga  (CAg- 
saua). 

Daraga  to  Ligao 


Ligao  to  Bato  - 

Bato  to  Naga  (Nueva 
Caceres). 

Naga  to  Pamplona  * 
Pamplona  to  Pasacao 
Pasacao  to  Laguimanoc  - 


C Canoe  (banco) 
< up  the  Vicol 
(_  River. 
Canoe  (banco) 


) 


C Pony  or  Sedan 
chair  with  four  ’ 


(_  carriers. 
Mail  steamer 


Quaint  town.  Church  on  the  peak. 

See  the  little  cataract  on  the  way, 
20  minutes’  drive  out  of  Daraga 
on  the  left-hand  side. 

On  the  Lake  Bato  shore. 

Nueva  Cdceres  is  a Cathedral  city 
— a bishop’s  See  and  capital  of 
Camarines  Sur. 

The  mail  steamer  calls  here,  and 
will  touch  at  Laguimanoc  going 
to  Manila. 

Tayabas  is  the  most  picturesque 
province  in  Luzon  Island,  but, 
except  on  its  sea-coast,  fever  is 
common. 


Laguimanoc  to  Pagbilao  - 
Pagbilao  to  Lugbang 
Lfigbang  to  Majayjay 


Majavjay  to  Santa  Cruz  - 


Santa  Cruz  to  Manila 


Sailing  craft  called 
“ pasaje.” 

Pony  ... 
f Sedan  chair  *) 
with  eight 
L carriers, 
f Pony  or  Sedan 
chair  with 
| eight  carriers  to 
; Magdalena  and 
thence  in 
Carromata  to 
Santa  Cruz.  J 
Steamer  every  week- 
day. 


Turn  off  the  road  to  visit  the  Cas- 
cada  de  Botocan  on  the  way. 


In  the  Laguna  Province. 


494 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS, 


EOUTE  No.  9. — Bataan  Province. 


Travelling  time  4 days. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

OF 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Manila  to  Balanga  - 

Steamer  and  canoe 

Take  the  Guagua  steamer  (twice 
aweek).  Passengersfor  Balanga 
get  off  into  the  mail  canoe 
( [banca-correo ),  which  meets  the 
steamer  in  the  bay.  One  day’s 
excursion  from  Balanga  up  to 
the  mountain  “Real”  of  the 
Aetas  tribes. 

Balanga  to  Orani 

Carromata  - 

Via  Abucay,  Mabatan  and  Samal. 

Orani  to  Manila 

Canoe  and  steamer 

The  mail  canoe  ( banca-correo ) 
goes  out  in  the  morning  to  meet 
the  Guagua-Manila  steamer  on 
its  return  journey  and  takes 
passengers  aboard. 

EOUTE  No.  10. — Bataan  Province. 


Travelling  time  36  hours. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

of 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Manila  to  Marivdles 

] Steam  launch  for  C 

Take  provisions  : there  is  nothing 

1 the  occasion  J 

to  be  bought  at  Marivdles.  Go 

! 4 hours  to  | 

up  the  mountain  to  see  the 

Mariveles  to  Manila 

J Mariveles.  ( 

Aetas  or  Negritos  with  a guide. 

THE  LEGEND  OF  MARIVELES. 


495 


Mariveles. — There  is  much  historical  interest  attached  to  this 
place.  It  was  the  chief  port  of  the  Jurisdiction  of  Mariveles  under 
the  old  territorial  division  which  comprised  the  island  now  called 
Corregidor. 

The  first  Spanish  missionary  who  attempted  to  domesticate  the 
natives  of  the  Mariveles  coast  was  stoned  by  them  and  died  in  Manila 
in  consequence.  An  insubordinate  Archbishop  is  said  to  have  beeu 
bauished  to  Mariveles.  Through  the  channel  between  this  point  and 
the  islaud — Boca  Chica — came  swarms  of  Asiatic  trading  junks  every 
spring  for  over  two  centuries.  Forming  the  extreme  point  of  Manila 
Bay,  here  was  naturally  the  watchguard  for  the  safety  of  the  capital. 
It  was  the  point  whence  could  be  descried  the  movements  of  foreign 
enemies — Dutch,  British,  Mahometan,  Chinese,  etc.  ; it  was  the  last 
refuge  for  ships  about  to  venture  from  the  islands  to  foreign  parts. 
Yet,  with  all  these  antecedents,  it  is  one  of  the  poorest  and  most 
primitive  villages  of  the  Colony.  From  its  aspect  one  could  almost 
imagine  it  to  be  at  the  furthermost  extremity  of  the  Archipelago.  Its 
ancient  name  was  Camaya,  and  how  it  came  to  be  called  Mariveles  is 
accounted  for  in  the  following  interesting  legend  : — About  the 
beginning  of  the  1 7 th  century  one  of  the  Mexican  galleons  brought  to 
Manila  a family  named  Velez,  amongst  whom  was  a daughter  called 
Maria.  When  she  was  seventeen  years  of  age  this  girl  took  the  veil 
in  Santa  Clara  Convent,  and  there  responded  to  the  attentions  of  a 
Franciscan  monk,  who  fell  so  desperately  in  love  with  her,  that  they 
determined  to  elope  to  Camaya  and  wait  there  for  the  galleon  which 
was  to  leave  for  Mexico  in  the  following  July.  The  girl,  disguised  in 
a monk’s  habit,  fled  from  her  convent,  and  the  lovers  arrived  safely  in 
Camaya  in  a hired  canoe,  tired  out  after  the  sea  passage  in  a scorching 
sun.  The  next  day  they  went  out  to  meet  the  galleon  which,  however, 
had  delayed  her  sailing. 

In  the  meantime  the  elopement  had  caused  great  scandal  in  Manila. 
A proclamation  was  published  by  the  town-crier  calling  upon  the 
inhabitants  to  give  up  the  culprits,  under  severe  penalties  for  dis- 
obedience. Nothing  resulted,  until  the  matter  oozed  out  through 
a native  who  was  aware  of  their  departure.  Then  an  alderman  of  the 
city  set  out  in  pursuit  of  the  amorous  fugitives  in  a prahu,  accompanied 
by  a notary  and  a dozen  arquebusiers. 


496 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


After  searching  in  vain  all  over  the  Island  of  Corregidor,  they 
went  to  Camaya  and  there  found  the  young  lady,  Maria,  on  the  beach 
in  a most  pitiable  condition,  with  her  dress  torn  to  shreds,  and  by  her 
side  was  the  holy  Friar,  wearied  and  bleeding  from  the  wounds  he  had 
received  whilst  fighting  with  the  savage  natives  who  disputed  his 
possession  of  the  fair  maiden. 

A canoe  was  found  there  in  which  the  friar  was  conveyed  to 
Manila  in  custody,  whilst  the  girl  was  taken  charge  of  by  the  aldermau 
in  the  prahu.  From  Manila  the  sinful  priest  was  sent  to  teach  religion 
and  morality  to  the  Visaya  tribes  ; the  romantic  nun  was  sent  back  to 
the  City  of  Mexico  to  suffer  perpetual  reclusion  in  a convent. 

From  these  events,  it  is  said,  arose  the  names  of  Corregidor 
(Alderman)  island,  which  lies  between  the  rocks  known  as  Frailc 
(Friar)  and  Monja  (Nun),  whilst  the  lovers’  refuge  thenceforth  took  the 
name  of  Mariveles  (Maria  Velez). 

About  twenty  minutes’  walk  from  the  church  of  Mariveles  there 
is  a pool  of  constantly  bubbling  water — a hot  spring — wherein  the 
uatives  believed  that  the  centaur  of  the  forest  dwelt.  The  excursion 
up  to  the  nearest  Negrito  ranche  is  an  easy  two  hours’  walk. 

There  is  nothing  notable  to  be  seen  in  the  village  of  Mariveles,  which 
is  very  poor,  and  the  European  wanderer  cannot  count  on  procuring 
anything  here  in  the  way  of  provisions,  or  means  of  travelling  to  go 
(north)  up  the  coast.  On  that  route,  the  first  flourishing  town  one  reaches 
is  Orion,  where  a number  of  well-to-do  planters  reside. 

Ships  arriving  from  foreign  or  Philippine  infected  ports  were 
quarantined  off  Mariveles,  under  Spanish  regulations.  During  the 
great  cholera  epidemic  of  1882  a Lazaretto  was  established  here. 


ITINERARY 


497 


PAN  AY  ISLAND. 


ROUTE  No.  11. — Yloilo  Province. 
Travelling  time  6 dags. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

of 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Manila  to  Yloilo 

Steamer 

Direct  voyage  about  36  hours. 

Yloilo  to  Santa  Barbara  - 

Carriage  and  pair 

Via  Jaro. 

Santa  Barbara  to  Cabatuan 

Carromata  - 

— 

Cabatuan  to  Janiuay 

J) 

See  the  cemetery. 

Janiuay  to  Maasim  - 

— 

Maasim  to  Alimodian 

Pony 

Via  Leon.  Good  views. 

Alimodian  to  Tigbauang  - 

;>  “ 

Good  views. 

Tigbauang  to  Yloilo  - 

Carromata  - 

— 

ROUTE  No.  12. — Yloilo  Province. 
Travelling  time  3 hours. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

of 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Yloilo  to  Jaro  ... 
Jaro  to  Molo  - 
Molo  to  Yloilo 

/ 

Carriage  and 
pair.  ' 

Jaro  is  a Cathedral  city  and 
bishop’s  See.  In  Jaro  and  Molo 
the  richest  native  and  Chinese 
half-breed  families  reside — also 
the  principal  Yloilo  “middle- 
men.'’ 

498 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Route  No.  13. — Yloilo,  Antique  and  Capis  Provinces. 


Travelling  time  14  dags , pins  delay  waiting  for  steamer  in  Capis. 


Means 

ROUTE. 

of 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Yloilo  to  Miagao 

Carriage  and  pair 

Via  Otong,1  Tigbauang 
Guimbal. 

and 


Miagao  to  S.  Joaquin 
(i over  the  mountain ) 

S.  Joaquin  to  Antique 
Antique  to  S.  Josd  de 
Buenavista  - 


S.  Jos6  de  Buenavista  to 
Patnongon  - 


Patnongon  to  Bugason 


Bugason  to  Barbaza 
Barbaza  to  Tibiao  - 
Tibiao  to  Culasi 

Culasi  to  Pandan 


Pandan  to  Ibajai 
Ibajai  to  Tangalan  - 
Tangalan  to  Numancia 
N umancia  to  Calibo 

Calibo  to  Lezo 
Lezo  to  Banga 
Banga  to  Yuisan 
Yuisan  to  Chpis 
Cdpis  to  i’anay 

Panay  to  Pilar 
Pilar  to  Capis  - 

Cdpis  to  Yloilo 


Omnibus 
( Sedan  cliair  with  I 
1 S carriers.  J 


Pony  - 


Carromata  or 
omnibus. 


Pony  - 


Pony  or  carromata  j 
Pony  - - - J 


Pony  - 


Carromata  or  ) 
omnibus.  J 


or  pony 


Mail  or  local 
steamer. 


Via  Guinta.  Fine  scenery. 

A very  pretty  town  and  bay. 
S.  Jose  de  Buenavista  is  the 
capital  of  Antique  Province. 
Excursions  to  Egana,  Sibalom, 
San  Kemigio  and  Bontol. 

Via  San  Pedro.  Wear  sandals 
( alpartagas ) instead  of  boots 
from  here  to  Barbaza  for  ford- 
ing the  several  small  streams. 

In  the  habits  of  the  Bugdson 
natives  there  are  still  traces  of 
the  old  Moslem  dominion. 

Via  Guisijan. 

Excursion  to  Marilisan  Island  to 
see  the  gypsum  deposits. 

Get  good  ponies  in  Culasi  for  this 
run ; the  distance  is  six  leagues 
(say  21  miles). 

This  is  Capis  Province. 


Hire  a canoe.  Pretty  scenery  up 
the  swamp  creeks  ( manglares ). 


Capital  of  Capis  Province. 


Hire  a canoe.  Pretty  scenery  up 
the  swamp  creeks  ( manglares ). 


> Otong  in  olden  times  was  a place  of  importance  when  the  galleons  put  in  there  on  their  way  to 
and  from  Mexico  to  avoid  the  strong  currents  of  the  San  Bernadiuo  Straits. 

Under  the  old  territorial  division,  the  Jurisdiction  of  Otong  comprised  all  Panay  Island  (except  a 
strip  of  land  all  along  the  N.  coast— formerly  Panay  Province,  now  called  Oapis)  and  a point  here 
and  there  on  the  almost  unexplored  Negros  coast.  Galleons  were  sometimes  built  at  Otong  which 
was,  on  several  occasions,  attacked  by  the  Dutch.  Yloilo,  at  that  time,  was  an  insignificant  fishing 
village. 


RIVERSIDE  WASHING  SCENE 


ITINERARY. 


499 


Route  No.  14. — Yloilo  Province. 

Travelling  time  3 days. 


Means 

E OUT E.  op 

Travelling. 


Yloilo  to  Dumangas  - - j — 

Dumangas  to  Barrotac  - j — 

Barrotac  to  Dingle  - j — 

Dingle  to  Dueflas  - - — 

Duenas  to  Passi  - — 

(returning  same  way  and  by  same  means). 
Passi  to  Yloilo  - ' — 


NOTES. 


This  is  the  least  interesting 
journey.  Very  little  good 
scenery.  All  the  road  is  good 
for  vehicle  in  the  dry  season, 
but  past  Barrotac  a stranger 
could  with  difficulty  hire  one. 
Take  a good  trotting  pony 
from  Yloilo  for  the  whole  trip. 


Route  No.  lo. — Concepcion  District. 


Travelling  time  4 days , plus  delay  waiting  for  steamer  or  schooner. 


ROUTE. 


Means 

of 

Travelling. 


NOTES. 


Yloilo  to  Ajuy  - 
Ajuy  to  Concepcion  - 
Concepcion  to  Sara  - 
Sara  to  Ajuy  - 
Ajuy  to  Yloilo 


f Cargo  schooner 

< ( lorcha ) or  local  l Time  in  steamer  about  7 hours, 
steamer  J 

Pony  Or  borrow  a planter's  vehicle. 


Good  scenery.  High  mountain 
peaks. 


Schooner  or  local 
steamer. 


500 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS, 


NEGROS  ISLAND. 

(Fide  Chapter  XXIV.) 


Route  No.  16. — Yloilo. 

Travelling  time  9 dags , plus  delay  waiting  for  steamer  or  schooner 
in  Ilug  or  return  to  Ginigaran  and  waiting  there. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

of 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Yloilo  to  Silay 

Steamer  3 or  4 
times  a week. 

— 

Silay  to  Talisay 

Carromata  - 

— 

Talisay  to  Bac61od  - 

Carromata  or 

omnibus. 

Visit  the  Mataban  Estate  en  route. 

Bacolod  to  Bago 

JJ 

Via  Sumag. 

Bago  to  Valladolid  - 

— 

Valladolid  to  Marayo) 
(Pontevedra , - -J 

Via  S.'  Enrique.  Make  a trip  to 
La  Carlota. 

Marayo  to  Ginigarhn 

Pony  - 

— 

Ginigaran  to  Jimamaylan 

Omnibus 

— 

Jimamaylan  to  Ilug 

Pony  ... 

Via  Suav.  Near  Ilug  is  the  shrine 
of  a miraculous  saint. 

Ilug  to  Inayauan 

Pony,  or  better  in 
a canoe  ( baroto ). 

There  is  a fine  view  of  the  rugged 
coast  from  a btlus  or  baroto. 

Inayauan  to  Ilug 

— 

Hug  to  Yloilo  - 

Cargo  schooner  or 
possibly  a local 
steamer  or  else 
return  to  Gini- 
garan and  em- 
bark there  for 
Yloilo. 

The  journey  may  be  extended  by 
an  expedition  up  the  Canlauan 
mountain; (volcano).  Start  from 
Ginigaran.  Go  a certain  dis- 
tance on  pony-back — the  re- 
mainder on  foot.  Carry  a rug, 
provisions  for  3 days,  a few 
doses  of  quinine,  and  take  4 
natives  who  know  the  passes. 

ITINERARY. 


501 


GUIMARRAS  and  NEGROS  ISLANDS. 

( Vide  Chapter  XXIV.) 


ROUTE  No.  17. — Yloilo. 

Travelling  time  6 days,  plus  delay  ivaiting  for  steamer  or  schooner 
in  Cadiz  Nuevo  on  the  return. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

op 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Yloilo  to  Nagaba 

Canoe  ( baroto ) 

(across  Guimarras  to  the 
Contra  costa') 

Pony  - - - - 

To  Cabano. 

Nagaba  to  Valladol 

Canoe  (baroto) 

— 

Valladolid  to  Bago 

Carromata  - 

— 

Bago  to  Bacolod 

Carromata  or  omnibus  - 

— 

Bacolod  to  Talisay 

Carromata  ... 

— 

Talisay  to  Silay 

,,  ... 

— 

Silay  to  Saravia 

19  “ 

— 

Saravia  to  Victoria 

Carromata  or  pony 

— 

Victoria  to  Cadiz  Nuevo 

Canoe  (baroto) 

— 

Cadiz  Nuevo  to  Yloilo 

Schooner  or  steamer 

— 

Guimarras  Island. — Due  to  its  bad  soil  it  is  little  cultivated. 
On  the  W.  coast  there  are  some  lime-kilns — limestone  and  fuel  being 
abundant.  The  island  appears  to  be  of  coral  and  limestone  formation, 
and  there  are  immense  fathomless  caves  in  it.  In  some  of  these  caves 
edible  birds’  nests  have  been  seen.  Around  Mabalas,  towards  the 
N.W.  point,  there  is  an  extensive  and  productive  cocoa-nut  and  sugar 
plantation  and  a few  small  semi-independent  homesteads,  practically  all 
under  one  owner.  In  the  central  valley  there  is,  moreover,  one  small 
independent  planter.  Guimarras  timber  is  of  very  inferior  quality. 
The  coast  is  steep,  thickly  wooded  and  pretty.  Large  sailing  ships, 
coming  to  load  produce,  anchor  in  the  channel  between  Guimarras  and 
Yloilo.  The  current  here  is  very  strong.  A pleasant  excursion  can  be 
made  from  Yloilo  to  the  picturesque  villages  of  Salag,  Buena  Vista, 
Lunusan  and  Nagaba,  all  situated  on  the  coast  opposite  to  Yloilo. 


502 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


CEBU  ISLAND. 


ROUTE  Xo.  18. — Manila. 
About  48  hours'  direct  voyage. 


ROUTE. 


Means 

op 

Travelling. 


NOTES. 


Manila  to  Cebu  - . Steamer 


Cebu  to  Manila 
Manila  to  Romblon 
Eomblon  to  Capis  - 

Capis  to  Yloilo 
Yloilo  to  Dapitan  - 

Dapitan  to  Dumaguete 
Dumaguete  to  Cebu  - / 


Steamers  from  Yloilo  to  Cebu  run 
frequently.  Direct  voyage 
Yloilo  to  Cebu  by  steamer  say 
18  hours. 


Mail  steamer 


About  a 6 days’  voyage. 
Dapitan  is  in  Mindanao  Island. 

Dumaguete  is  in  Negros  Island. 


Cebu  is  a port  open  to  foreign  trade  with  a Custom  House 
established.  For  the  commercial  statistics,  vide  page  294.  It  is  also 
a Cathedral  city,  a bishop’s  See,  and  of  great  historical  interest  (vide 
Chap.  II.).  The  population  of  Cebu  city  in  1896  was  10,972,  against 
9,629  in  1888.  The  inhabitants  of  the  whole  island  in  1896  numbered 
595,726  against  518,032  iu  1888  and  417,543  in  1876. 


CITY  OT  CEBU. 


503 


The  channel  for  vessels  is  marked  by  buoys,  and  there  are  two 
lighthouses  at  the  2s.  and  two  at  the  S.  entrance  to  the  port.  Cebu 
harbour,  and  the  city  itself,  which  was  well  built,  had  a pleasant  aspect 
up  to  the  year  1897,  when  it  was  bombarded  by  the  Spanish  warship 
Don  Juan  de  Austria  to  drive  out  the  rebels.  The  environs  are 
pretty,  with  Magtau  Island  (on  which  Maghallanes  was  killed)  in 
front  and  a range  of  hills  in  the  background.  There  are  excellent 
roads  for  riding  and  driving  a few  miles  out  of  the  city.  The  climate 
is  very  healthy  for  Europeans — the  low  ranges  of  mountains  running 
X.S.  of  the  island  are  sparsely  svooded,  some  being  quite  bare  of  trees, 
and  the  atmosphere  is  comparatively  dry.  The  cactus  is  very  common 
all  over  the  island,  and  miles  of  it  are  seen  growing  in  the  hedges. 
About  an  hour-and-a-half’s  drive  from  Cebu  city  there  is  the  little  town 
of  Naga,  the  environs  of  which  are  extremely  pretty.  From  the  top  of 
Makdoc  mountain,  at  the  back  of  the  town,  there  is  a splendid  view  of 
the  Pandan  Valley. 

The  natives  of  this  island  are  the  most  sociable  of  the  Visaya 
population,  but  unfortunately  some  have  a taste  for  strong  drink. 

In  the  city  there  is  the  Cathedral,  the  Church  of  St.  Nicholas,  the 
Chapels  of  the  Paul  Fathers  and  the  Jesuits,  and  the  Church  of  the 
Santo  Nino — the  “ Holy  Child  of  Cebu.”  The  historical  importance 
attributed  to  this  image  rendered  it  interesting  to  the  traveller,  and  it 
could  be  seen  with  permission  of  the  prior  of  the  Augustine  Convent 
{vide  page  196).  About  the  year  1876  the  Jesuit  church  had  become 
the  most  popular  place  of  worship  and  was  the  most  frequented  by  the 
public  ; it  was  therefore  destroyed  by  jealous  authority,  and  the  Jesuits 
since  then  had  only  a chapel  of  their  own. 

In  the  Ward  of  Pampango,  which  forms  an  abrupt  point,  stands 
the  Fuerte  de  San  Vidal — a fortress  built  at  the  time  of  the  first 
Spanish  settlement  to  command  the  harbour.  In  the  main  thoroughfare 
of  Lutao  district  all  the  shops  are  Chinese,  except  two  or  three  ready- 
made clothiers.  The  half-castes1  shops  were  chiefly  grouped  in  the 
“ Parian  ” — at  one  time  a very  flourishing  quarter,  but  much  damaged 
during  the  1897  bombardment. 

There  are  two  large  Cemeteries  at  Guadalupe  and  Mabolo.  In  1887 
a shooting  butts  was  established  at  the  end  of  the  Guadalupe  road,  and 
the  annual  pony-races  take  place  in  January.  On  the  Mabolo  road 


504 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


there  is  a Leper  Hospital,  and  the  ruins  of  a partly  well-built  jail 
which  was  never  completed. 

At  Christmas  time  one  sees  companies  of  infant  native  dancers, 
attired  in  gala  dress — the  “ Pastores  ” who,  at  an  hour’s  notice,  engage 
to  display  their  juvenile  abilities  at  private  houses,  and  their  performance 
is  exceedingly  amusing. 

The  Press,  in  the  days  of  the  Spaniards,  was  poorly  represented  by 
a little  news-sheet,  styled  the  “ Boletin  de  Cebu.” 

There  is  a little  colony  of  British  and  other  foreign  residents 
engaged  in  commerce  in  Cebu,  which  ranks  as  the  third  port  of  the 
Archipelago.  American,  British,  Italian  and  German  Vice-Consulates 
are  established  there.  It  was  the  residence  of  the  Brigadier-Governor 
of  Visayas,  as  well  as  the  Governor  of  the  island  and  the  usual  local 
officials.  In  1886  the  Supreme  Court  of  Cebu  was  established. 

This  city,  which  was  the  capital  of  the  Colony  (from  1565  to  1571), 
had  a Municipality  up  to  the  time  of  Governor-General  Arandia 
(1754-1759).  It  was  then  abolished  because  there  was  only  one 
Spaniard  capable  of  being  a city  councillor.  One  alderman  who  had 
served — Juan  Sebastian  de  Espina — could  neither  read  nor  write,  and 
the  mayor  himself  had  been  deprived  of  office  for  having  tried  to  extort 
money  from  a Chinaman  by  putting  his  head  in  the  stocks.  By  Royal 
Order  dated  7th  June,  1889,  and  put  into  force  by  the  Governor-General’s 
Decree  of  31st  January,  1890,  the  Municipality  was  re-established.  The 
President  was  the  Governor  of  the  Island,  supported  by  an  Alcalde  and 
13  officials.  For  the  Government  of  the  Island  under  the  Spanish 
regime,  vide  Chap.  XIII. 

Of  all  places  in  the  islands,  Cebu  will  please  the  conchologist. 
When  I was  there  an  old  native  named  Legaspi  had  a splendid 
collection,  which  he  freely  exhibited  to  foreigners.  At  one  time  he  had 
a Gloria  Maris,  which  he  sold  for  $150,  and  some  Russian  naval  officers 
are  said  to  have  offered  him  $5,000  for  a part  of  his  collection.  At 
certain  seasons  of  the  year,  the  Euplectella  Speciosa,  Gray,  or  Venus 
baskets,  locally  known  as  Regaderas , can  be  obtained  in  quantities  ; they 
are  found  in  the  Cebu  waters.  The  Eup : Spec:  is  the  skeleton 
secretion  of  an  insect  of  the  Porifera  division.  The  basket  is  a series 
of  graceful  fretted  spirals.  Also  fine  Pina  stuffs  can  be  purchased  here. 


ITINERARY. 


505 


ROUTE  No.  19.— CebiJ. 

Travelling  time  7 dags. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

OF 

Tkavelling. 

NOTES. 

CebutoNaga  - 

Carriage  and  pair  - 

Via  El  Pardo  and  Minglanilla. 

Naga  to  Carcar 

Carromata 

Fid  S.  Fernando. 

Carcar  (across  the  island)") 
to  Barili  - - -J 

Pony  - 

Time  five  to  six  hours,  according 
to  the  kind  of  animal  one  has. 

Barili  to  Tuburan  - 

Sailing  prabu  - 

Calling  at  Pinamungajan, 
Toledo  and  Asturias.  Start- 
ing on  a moonlight  night 
about  midnight  one  should 
arrive  the  next  evening  in 
Tuburan.  Total  distance  say 
50  miles. 

Tuburan  to  Taboilan 

Next  day’s  journey. 

Taboilan  to  Sogod  - 

Pony  - - - 

Time  five  to  six  hours,  according 
to  the  kind  of  animal  one  has. 

Sogod  to  Panalipan  • 

Spring  cart  ( Jlecha ) - 

Via  Cadmon  and  Dancadmon. 

Panalipan  to  Carmen 

» 

— 

Cdrmen  to  Danao  - 

/ ” } 
( or  carromata  - j 

— 

Danao  to  Liloan 

Via  Compostela,  where  there 
are  coal  mines  in  the  vicinity. 

Liloan  to  Cebfi 

Carromata 

Via  Mandaue  and  Mabolo. 

506 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS, 


ROUTE  No.  20. — CebiJ. 


Travelling  time  5 days. 


Means 

ROUTE. 

of 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Cebu  to  Punta  Bulalaqui 

Steamer 

The  steamer  going  to  Manila  will, 
by  special  arrangement,  stop 
between  Isla  Chocolate  anil 
Cebu  Island  and  put  off  a pas- 
senger at  Punta  Bulalaqui.  I 
made  my  first  Cebu  Island 
journey  thus  in  the  steamship 
“ Butuan.” 

Punta  Bulalaqui  to  Bogo 

Pony  ... 

— 

Bogo  to  Carmen  - 

Sailing  praliu 

Passing  or  calling  at  Tabogon, 
Borbon,  Sogod,  Cadmon,  Dan- 
cadmon  and  Paualipan  on  the 
way.  Total  distance  say  35  to 
10  miles. 

Carmen  to  Danao  - 

Spring  cart  (Jlccha) 

— 

Danao  to  Liloan  - 

J •>  >»  \ 

(.  or  carromata  -J 

Via  Compostela. 

Liloan  to  Cebu 

Carromata  - 

Via  Mandaue  and  Mabolo. 

ROUTE  No.  21.— Ceb6. 


Travelling  time  S days. 


ROUTE. 

Means 

of 

Travelling. 

NOTES. 

Cebu  to  Naga 

Carriage  and  pair  - 

Via  El  Pardo  and  Minglanilla. 

Naga  to  Carcar  - 

Carromata 

Via  S.  Fernando. 

Carcar  to  Sibonga  - 

Spring  cart  ( flecha ) 
>1 

— 

Sibonga  to  Argao 

Population  of  Arcao  in  1896  was 
31,815. 

Argao  to  Dalaguete 

11  1> 

— 

Dalaguete  (across  the 

j-Pony  - — ^ 

From  Boljoon. 

Time  six  to  seven  hours,  according 

island)  to  Malabuyoc  - 

to  the  kind  of  animal  one  has. 

Malabuyoc  to  Barili 

Sailing  praliu 

Passing  or  calling  at  Alegria. 
Badian,  Maulbaul  and  Dumau- 
joc. 

Barili  (across  the  island) 

|Pony  - 

Time  five  to  six  hours,  according 

to  Carcar  - 

to  the  kind  of  animal  one  has. 

Carcar  to  Naga 

Carromata  - 

I To  S.  Fernando. 

Naga  to  Cebu  - 

” 

Via  Minglanilla  and  El  Pardo. 

ITINERARY. 


507 


LONG  SEA  TRIP. 


ROUTE  No.  22.— Manila. 
Travelling  time  11  days. 


ROUTE. 


Manila  to  Culion  - * \ 

(Calamianes  Islands). 

Culion  to  Cuyo 

(Calamianes  Islands). 

Cuyo  to  Puerta  Princesa  - 
(Palauan  Island). 

Puerta  Princesa  to  Balabac 
(Balabac  Island). 

Balabac  to  Cagayan  de  Jolo 
(C.  de  Jolo  Island). 

Cagayan  de  Jolo  to  Jolo 
(Stilu  Island). 

Jol6  to  Isabela  de  Basilan  - 
(Basilan  Island). 

Isabela  to  Zamboanga 
(Mindanao  Isla  nd). 

Zamboanga  to  Yloilo 
(Panay  Island). 

Yloilo  to  Manila  - - / 


Means 

of 

Travelling. 


Mail  steamer1 


NOTES. 


( While  the  steamer  waits,  there  is 
time  to  see  the  places  called  at. 
One  should  not  travel  inland 
I and  break  the  journey  in  any 
of  these  intermediate  places 
1 (except  Yloilo)  without  going 
fully  equipped  for  an  exploring 
expedition.  For  a description 
of  Puerta  Princesa  and  Sulu 
(Jolo)  vide  Chap.  X.  The 
entrance  to  Isabela  de  Basilan 
is  charming. 


Zamboanga. — Many  years  ago  an  attack  was  made  on  the  town 
and  port  of  Zamboanga,  the  centre  of  Spanish  rule  in  the  south,  but 
the  place  was  successfully  defended  by  Europeans  and  the  natives  who 
had  embraced  Christianity.  The  Mussulmans  bear  an  equal  hatred  to 
all  classes  of  Christians,  hence  it  was  easy  for  the  Spaniards  to  secure 
the  co-operation  of  the  inhabitants  for  their  mutual  defence. 

The  attack  was  organized  in  the  Island  of  Basilan,  and  the 
Mussulmans,  in  their  retreat  from  Zamboanga,  after  their  defeat,  were 
pursued  by  an  escaped  convict  Pedro  Cuevas.  This  man  was  accorded 
a free  pardon  for  his  service  to  the  Government,  and  the  native 
population  of  Zamboanga  were  all  declared  to  be  Spaniards  of  the 
first  class. 


■ Mail  steamers  with  comfortable  accommodation  for  travellers  leave  Manila  periodically  on 
voyages  varying  from  eight  to  twelve  days  the  round  trip.  The  routes  and  intermediate  pons 
called  at  are  advertised  in  all  the  daily  newspapers  of  the  capital. 


508 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


I have  never  been  able  to  clearly  discern  what  material  advantage 
this  brought  them,  although  I have  discussed  the  question  on  the  spot. 
The  disadvantage  of  this  pompous  distinction  to  the  colony  generally 
was  that  following  up  the  ridiculous  popular  notion  of  the  natives  that 
Spaniards  iu  Spain  are  all  cavaliers,  they  too,  as  Spaniards  of  the  first 
water,  thought  work  a degradation.  Hence,  there  are  fine  valleys, 
suitable  for  forming  plantations,  from  Zamboanga  northwards,  untouched 
for  want  of  labourers.  Capitalists  and  foreign  houses  could  do  nothing 
there  directly  (partly  due  also  to  the  excessive  port  charges),  and  on 
lauding  from  a ship  there  was  not  even  a porter  to  be  seen  to  carry 
one’s  luggage. 

Zamboanga  is  a clean,  well-built,  and  pleasant  town,  with  good 
houses  and  roads,  and  well  worth  a visit.  It  was  the  residence  of  a 
military  Governor  and  staff,  vide  page  234.  In  December  1898 

General  Diego  de  los  Rios  concentrated  his  troops  here  on  the 
evacuation  of  the  islands  by  the  Spaniards.  Mindanao,  the  name  of 
the  island,  signifies  “ Man  of  the  Lake.” 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 


THE  TAGALOG  REBELLION  OF  1896-98. 

First  Period. 

After  the  Napoleonic  wars  in  Spain,  the  “ Junta  Suprema  Central  del 
Reino  ” convened  the  famous  “ Cortes  de  Cadiz  ” by  decree  dated  12th 
September  1809.  This  junta  was  succeeded  by  another — “ El  Supremo 
Consejo  de  la  Regencia  ” — when  the  Cortes  passed  the  first  Suffrage 
Bill  known  in  Spain  on  the  29th  January  1810.  These  Cortes 
assembled  deputies  from  all  the  Colonies — Cuba,  Venezuela,  Chile, 
Guatemala,  Santa  Fe,  Puerto  Rico,  the  Philippines,  etc. ; in  fact,  all 
those  dependencies  which  constituted  the  four  Viceroyalties  and  the 
eight  Captain-Generalships  of  the  day.  The  Philippine  deputy, 
Ventura  de  los  Reyes,  signed  the  Act  of  Constitution  of  1812.  In  1820 
the  Cortes  again  admitted  this  Colony’s  representatives,  amongst  whom 
were  Vicente  Posadas,  Eulalio  Ramirez,  Anse.  mo  Jorge  Fajardos, 
Roberto  Pimental,  Esteban  Marques,  Jose  Florentino,  Manuel  Saez  de 
Vismanos,  Jose  Azcarraga,  and  nine  others.  They  also  took  part  in  the 
parliamentary  debates  of  1822  and  1823.  The  Constitution  was  shortly 
afterwards  suspended,  but  on  the  demise  of  Ferdinand  VII.,  the 
Philippine  Deputies,  Brigadier  Garcia  Gamba  and  the  half-breed  Juan 
Francisco  Leearos,  sat  in  Parliament.  Again,  and  for  the  last  time, 
Philippine  members  figured  in  the  Cortes  of  the  Isabella  II.  Regency  ; 
then,  on  the  opening  of  Parliament  in  1837,  their  exclusion,  as  well  as 
the  government  of  the  Ultramarine  Provinces  by  special  laws,  was 
voted. 

In  1868  Queen  Isabella  II.  was  deposed,  and  the  succeeding 
revolutionary  Government,  founded  on  Republican  principles,  caused 
an  assembly  of  reformists  to  be  established  in  Manila.  Its  members 


510 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


were  persons  born  in  the  Islands,  and  they  had  the  power  to  vote 
reforms  for  the  Colony,  subject  to  the  ratification  of  the  Metropolitan 
Government.  But  monastic  influence  prevailed  ; the  reforms  voted 
were  never  carried  into  effect,  and  long  before  the  Bourbon  restoration 
took  place  the  Philippine  Assembly  had  ceased  to  exist.  But  the 
mother  country,  which  had  spontaneously  given  the  Filipinos  a taste  of 
political  equality,  again  sought  to  yoke  them  to  the  old  tutelage.  It 
was  an  impossible  idea.  Alternate  political  progress  and  retrogression 
in  the  Peninsula  cast  their  reflex  on  this  Colony,  but  the  first  sparks  of 
liberty  had  been  gratuitously  struck  which  neither  reaction  in  the 
Peninsula  nor  persecution  in  the  Colony  itself  could  totally  extinguish. 
No  native,  at  that  period,  dreamed  of  absolute  independence,  but  the 
few  who  had  been  taught  by  their  masters  to  hope  for  equal  laws 
became  a thorn  in  the  side  of  the  monastic  orders.  Only  as  their  eyes 
were  opened  to  liberty  did  they  feel  the  want  of  it. 

The  Cavite  disturbance  of  1872  (referred  to  at  page  113),  which  the 
Philippine  Government  was  unwise  enough  to  treat  as  an  important 
rising  and  mercilessly  avenge  itself  by  executions  and  banishment  of 
many  of  the  best  Manila  families,  was  never  forgotten,  nor  forgiven. 
To  me,  as  a foreigner,  scores  of  representative  provincial  natives  have 
not  hesitated  to  secretly  open  their  hearts  on  the  subject.  The 
Government  lost  considerably  by  its  uncalled-for  severity  on  this 
occasion.  The  natives  regarded  it  as  a token  of  apprehension,  and  a 
proof  of  the  intention  to  rule  with  an  iron  rod.  The  Government 
played  into  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  clergy,  and  whilst  the  friars 
scored  a point  in  the  monopoly  of  the  incumbencies,  they  lost  far  more 
in  moral  prestige.  Thinking  men  really  pitied  the  Government,  which 
became,  more  and  more,  the  instrument  of  the  ecclesiastics.  Since  then, 
serious  ideas  of  a revolution  to  be  accomplished  one  day,  took  root  in 
the  minds  of  influential  natives,  here  and  there,  in  the  provinces 
adjacent  to  Manila.  La  Solidaridad,  a Philippine  organ  published 
in  Barcelona  (Spain),  was  proscribed,  but  copies  entered  the  islands 
clandestinelv.  In  the  villages,  secret  societies  were  formed  which  the 
priests  chose  to  call  “ freemasonry,”  and  on  the  pretext  that  all  vows 
which  could  not  be  explained  at  the  confessional  were  anti-Christian, 
the  Archbishop  gave  strict  injunctions  to  the  friars  to  ferret  out  the 
so-called  freemasons.  Denunciations  by  hundreds  quickly  followed,  for 
the  priests  willingly  availed  themselves  of  this  licence  to  get  rid  of 


IMMEDIATE  CAUSES  OF  THE  REBELLION. 


511 


anti-clericals  and  others  who  had  displeased  them.  In  the  town  of 
Malolos  (which  has  since  become  the  seat  of  the  Revolutionary  Congress) 
Father  Mo'ises  Santos  caused  all  the  members  of  the  town  council 
to  be  banished,  and  when  I last  dined  with  him  iu  his  convent,  he 
told  me  he  had  cleared  out  a few  more  and  had  his  eye  on  others. 
From  other  villages,  notably  in  the  provinces  around  the  capital,  the 
priests  had  their  victims  escorted  up  to  Manila,  consigned  to  the 
Governor-General,  who  issued  the  deportation  orders  without  trial  or 
sentence,  the  recommendation  of  the  all-powerful  padre  being  sufficient 
warrant.  Thus  hundreds  of  families  wrere  deprived  of  fathers  and 
brothers  without  warning  or  apparent  justification,  but  it  takes  a great 
deal  to  rouse  the  patient  native  to  action.  Then  in  1895  came  the 
Marauit  campaign  in  Mindanao  (vide  page  157).  In  order  to  people 
the  territory  around  Lake  Malanao,  conquered  from  the  Moros,  it  was 
proposed  to  invite  families  to  migrate  there  from  the  other  islands,  and 
notifications  to  this  effect  were  issued  to  all  the  provincial  governors. 
At  first  it  was  put  to  the  people  in  the  smooth  form  of  a proposal. 
None  volunteered  to  go,  because  they  could  not  see  why  they  should 
give  up  what  they  had  to  go  and  waste  their  lives  on  a tract  of  virgin 
soil  with  the  very  likely  chance  of  a daily  attack  from  the  Moros. 
More  peremptory  orders  followed,  requiring  the  governors  to  send  up 
“ emigrants  ” for  the  Yligan  district.  This  caused  a great  commotion 
in  the  provinces,  and  large  numbers  of  natives  abandoned  their  homes 
to  evade  anticipated  violence.  I have  no  proof  as  to  wdio  originated  this 
scheme,  but  there  is  the  significant  fact  that  the  orders  were  issued 
only  to  the  authorities  of  those  provinces  supposed  to  be  affected  by 
the  secret  societies.  Under  the  then  existing  system,  the  governors 
could  not  act  in  a case  like  this  without  the  co-operation  of  the  parish 
priests,  hence  during  the  years  1895  and  1896  a systematic  course  of 
official- sacerdotal  tyranny  wras  initiated  which,  being  too  much  even 
for  the  patient  Filipino,  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  members  of 
the  Katipuxan  secret  society  breaking  out  into  open  rebellion  on 
Thursday,  the  20th  of  August,  1896.  The  rebellion  in  Cuba  was 
calling  for  all  the  resources  in  men  and  material  that  Spain  could  send 
there.  The  total  European  troops  dispersed  over  these  islands  did  not 
exceed  1,500  well  armed  and  well  officered  ; of  which  about  700  wrere 
in  Manila.  The  native  auxiliaries  amounted  to  about  6,000.  The 
impression  was  gaining  ground  that  the  Spaniards  would  be  beaten  out 


512 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


of  Cuba,  but  whilst  this  idea  gave  the  Tagalogs  moral  courage  to 
attempt  the  same  in  these  islands,  Spain’s  reverse  in  the  Antilles  and 
the  consequent  evacuation  would  permit  her  to  pour  troops  into  Manila 
and  the  natives’  last  chance  would  vanish  indefinitely. 

Several  months  before  the  outbreak,  the  Katipunan  sent  a deputation 
to  Japan  to  present  a petition  to  the  Mikado,  praying  him  to  annex  the 
Philippines.  This  petition,  said  to  have  been  signed  by  5,000  Filipinos, 
was  received  by  the  Japanese  Government,  who  forwarded  it  to  the 
Spanish  Government,  hence  the  names  of  5,000  disaffected  persons 
were  known  to  the  Philippine  authorities,  who  did  not  find  it  politic  to 
raise  the  storm  by  immediate  arrests. 

The  so-called  “ freemasonry  ” which  had  so  long  puzzled  and 
irritated  the  Friars,  turned  out,  therefore,  to  be  the  Katipunan  which 
simply  means  the  “ League.”  The  leaguers,  on  being  sworn  in, 
accepted  the  “ blood  compact  ” ( vide  page  22),  taking  the  blood  from 
an  incision  on  the  leg  or  arm  with  which  to  inscribe  the  roll  of 
fraternity.  The  cicatrice  served  also  as  a mark  of  mutual  recognition, 
so  that  the  object  and  plans  of  the  League  should  never  be  discussed 
with  others.  The  drama  was  to  have  opened  with  a general  slaughter 
of  Spaniards  on  the  night  of  the  20th  of  August,  but,  just  in  the  nick 
of  time,  a woman  sought  confession  of  Father  Mariano  Gil  (formerly 
parish  priest  of  Bigaa,  Bulacau),  then  the  parish  priest  of  Toudo — a 
suburb  of  Manila — and  opened  the  way  for  a leaguer,  whose  heart  had 
failed  him,  to  disclose  the  plot  on  condition  of  receiving  full  pardon. 
With  this  promise  he  made  a clean  breast  of  everything,  and  without  an 
hour’s  delay  the  Civil  Guard  was  on  the  track  of  the  alleged  prime 
movers.  Three  hundred  supposed  disaffected  persons  were  seized  in 
Manila  and  the  provinces  of  Pampanga  and  Bulacau  within  a few 
hours,  and  large  numbers  being  brought  in  daily,  the  prisons  were  soon 
crowded  to  excess.  The  bloodthirsty  Archbishop  Bernardino  Nozaleda 
advocated  extermination  by  fire  and  sword  and  wholesale  executions. 
Governor-General  Ramon  Blanco  hesitated  to  take  the  offensive, 
pending  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  which  were  called  for.  He 
informed  the  Home  Government  that  the  rising  was  of  no  great 
importance,  but  that  he  required  a thousand  more  troops  to  be  sent  at 
once.  The  reply  from  Madrid  was  that  they  were  sending  2,000  men, 
2,000,000  cartridges,  6,000  Remington  rifles,  and  the  gunboats  Tsla  de 
Cuba  and  Isla  de  Luzon.  Each  steamer  brought  a contingent  of 


CASES  OF  PEDRO  ROJAS  AND  F.  L.  ROJAS. 


513 


troops,  so  that  General  Blanco  bad  a total  of  about  10,000  Spanish 
regulars  by  tbe  end  of  November.  Spain’s  best  men  bad  been  drafted 
off  to  Cuba,  and  these  were  chiefly  raw  levies  who  bad  all  to  learn  in 
tbe  art  of  warfare. 

Meanwhile,  the  rebellion  bad  assumed  alarming  proportions. 
Among  tbe  first  to  be  seized  were  many  of  the  richest  and  prominent 
men  in  tbe  Colony  and  tbe  cream  of  Manila  society.  There  was 
intense  excitement  in  tbe  capital  as  their  names  gradually  leaked  out, 
for  many  of  them  were  known  to  us  personally  or  by  repute.  No  one 
who  possessed  wealth  was  safe.  A rich  Chinese  half-caste,  named 
Pedro  Rojas,  who  was  popularly  supposed  to  be  tbe  prime  supporter 
of  tbe  rebellion,  was  a guest  at  Government  House  two  days  before 
tbe  hour  fixed  for  tbe  general  slaughter.  It  cost  him  a large  fortune 
to  be  allowed  to  quietly  leave  tbe  islands.  He  took  bis  passage  for 
Europe  in  tbe  Isla  de  Panay,  but  left  that  steamer  at  Singapore 
and  went  on  to  Marseilles  in  tbe  French  mail,  and  an  old  friend  of 
mine  saw  him  riding  on  top  of  an  omnibus  in  Paris.  No  documentary 
evidence  could  be  produced  against  him,  and  in  tbe  following  year  the 
•well-known  politician,  Romero  Robledo,  undertook  bis  defence  in  tbe 
Cortes , in  Madrid,  in  a brilliant  speech  which  bad  no  effect  on  bis 
parliamentary  colleagues.  For  tbe  Spaniards,  indeed,  tbe  personal 
character  of  Pedro  Rojas  was  a matter  of  no  moment.  Tbe  Manila 
court  martial,  out  of  whose  jurisdiction  Rojas  bad  escaped,  held  bis 
estates,  covering  over  70,000  acres,  under  embargo,  caused  his 
numerous  steam  cane-mills  to  be  smashed,  and  bis  beautiful  estate - 
bouse  to  be  burnt,  -whilst  bis  14,000  bead  of  cattle  disappeared. 
Subsequently  tbe  military  court  exonerated  Pedro  Rojas  in  a decree 
which  stated  “ that  all  those  persons  who  made  accusations  against 
“ him  have  unreservedly  retracted  them,  and  that  they  were  only 
“ extracted  from  such  persons  by  tbe  tortures  employed  by  the 
“ Spanish  officials  ; that  tbe  supposed  introduction  of  arms  into  tbe 
“ Colony  through  an  estate  owned  by  Pedro  Rojas  is  purely 
“ fantastical,  and  that  tbe  only  arms  possessed  by  tbe  rebels  were 
“ taken  by  them  in  combat  from  tbe  Spanish  soldiers.”  But  his 
second  cousin,  Francisco  L.  Rojas,  a shipowner,  contrabandist  and 
merchant,  was  not  so  fortunate.  He  was  also  one  of  tbe  first  seized, 
and  his  trial  was  pending  until  General  Blanco  left  tbe  Islands. 
During  this  period  Rojas’  wife  besought  the  General  to  release  him,  but 

K K 


514 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


be  could  not  do  so  without  incurring  public  ceusure,  iu  view  of  the 
real  or  fictitious  condemnatory  evidence  brought  against  him  by 
the  court  martial.  The  chief  accusation  was  that  of  importing 
arms  for  the  rebellion.  It  even  became  a current  topic,  for  a few 
weeks,  that  some  German  merchants  had  made  a contract  with 
Rojas  to  sell  him  the  arms,  but  the  Spanish  authorities  had  sufficient 
good  sense,  on  this  occasion,  not  to  be  guided  by  public  outcry.  When 
General  Polavieja  arrived,  Francisco  L.  Rojas’  fate  became  a certainty, 
and  he  was  executed  as  a traitor.  The  escape  of  Pedro  Rojas  and  the 
serenity  of  General  Blanco  aroused  great  indignation  among  the  civilian 
Spaniards  w'lio  clamoured  for  active  measures.  A week  passed  before 
it  was  apparent  to  the  public  that  he  had  taken  any  military  action. 
Meanwhile,  he  was  urged,  in  vaiu,  by  his  advisers  to  proclaim  martial 
law.  The  press  censor  would  not  allow'  the  newspapers  to  allude  to 
the  conspirators  as  “rebels,”  but  as  “brigands”  ( tulisanes ).  The 
authorities  wrere  anxious  to  stifle  the  notion  of  rebellion,  and  treat 
the  whole  movement  as  a marauding  affair.  On  the  23rd  of  August 
the  leading  newspaper  published  a patriotic  appeal  to  the  Spaniards 
to  go  en  masse  the  next  day  to  the  Governor-General  to  concert 
measures  for  public  safety.  They  closed  their  shops  and  offices,  and 
assembled  before  Government  House,  but  the  General  refused  to 
receive  them,  and  ordered  the  newspaper  to  pay  a fine  of  $500,  which 
sum  wras  at  once  raised  in  the  streets  and  cafes. 

On  the  26th  of  August  one  thousand  rebels  made  a raid  on 
Coloocan,  four  miles  outside  the  capital.  They  killed  a few  Chinese, 
and  seized  others  to  place  them  iu  the  van  of  their  fighting  men. 
The  armed  crowd  was  kept  at  bay  by  a posse  of  Civil  Guards,  until 
they  learnt  that  a cavalry  reinforcement  wras  on  the  way  from  Manila. 
Then  the  rebels,  under  cover  of  darkness,  fled  towsrds  the  river,  and 
were  lost  sight  of.  The  next  morning  I watched  the  troopers  cross 
over  the  Puente  de  Espana.  There  w'as  mud  up  to  the  ponies’  bellies, 
for  they  had  scoured  the  district  all  around.  The  hubbub  was 
tremendous  among  the  habitual  saunterers  on  the  Escolta — the  Rialto 
of  Manila.  For  the  next  few  days  every  Spaniard  one  met  had  some 
startliug  news  to  tell,  until,  by  the  end  of  the  w'eek,  a reaction  set  in, 
and  amidst  jokes  and  copitas  of  spirits,  the  idea  that  the  Coloocan 
affair  wras  the  prelude  to  a rebellion  was  utterly  ridiculed.  The 
General  still  refused  to  proclaim  martial  law,  considering  such  a grave 


THE  FIRST  BATTLE. SAN  JUAN  DEL  MONTE.  515 


measure  unnecessary,  when  suddenly  the  whole  city  was  consternated 
by  the  news  of  a far  more  serious  attack  near  Manila. 

About  4 a.m.  on  Sunday  the  30th  of  August  the  rebels  concentrated 
at  the  village  of  San  Juan  del  Monte,  distant  half-an-hour  on  horseback 
from  the  city  gates.  They  endeavoured  to  seize  the  powder  magazine. 
One  Spanish  artilleryman  was  killed  and  several  of  the  defenders  were 
badly  wounded  whilst  engaged  in  dropping  ammunition  from  window 
openings  into  a stream  which  runs  close  by.  Cavalry  and  infantry 
reinforcements  were  at  ouce  sent  out,  and  the  first  battle  was  fought  at 
the  entrance  to  the  village  of  San  Juan  del  Monte.  The  rebels  made 
a hard  stand  this  time  under  the  leadership  of  Saucho  Valeuzuela  (a 
hemp-rope  maker  in  a fairly  good  way  of  business),  but  he  showed  no 
military  skill  and  chiefly  directed  his  men  by  frantic  shouts  from  tho 
window  of  a wooden  house.  Naturally,  as  soon  as  they  had  to  retreat, 
Valenzuela  was  taken  prisoner.  The  rebels  left  about  eighty  dead  on 
the  field  and  fled  towards  the  Pasig  Piver,  which  they  tried  to  cross. 
Their  passage  was  at  first  cut  off  by  gunboats,  which  fired  volleys  into 
the  retreating  mob  and  drove  them  higher  up  tho  bank,  where  there 
was  some  hand-to-hand  fighting.  Over  a hundred  managed  to  get  into 
canoes  with  the  hope  of  reaching  the  Lake  of  Bay,  but,  as  they  passed, 
the  Civil  Guard,  lying  iu  ambush  on  the  opposite  shore,  fired  upon 
them,  and  in  the  consequent  confusion  every  cauoe  was  upset.  The 
loss  to  the  rebels  iu  the  river  and  on  the  bank  was  reckoned  at  about 
fifty.  The  whole  of  that  day  the  road  to  San  Juan  del  Monte  was 
occupied  by  troops  and  no  civilian  was  allowed  to  pass.  At  3 p.m. 
the  same  day  martial  law  was  proclaimed  iu  Manila  and  seven  other 
Luzon  provinces. 

The  next  morning  at  sunrise  I rode  out  to  tho  battlefield  with  the 
correspondent  of  the  Ejercito  Espanol  (Madrid).  The  rebel  slain 
had  not  yet  been  removed.  We  came  across  them  everywhere — in  the 
fields  and  in  the  gutters  of  the  high  road.  Old  men  and  youths  had 
joined  in  the  scrimmage  and,  with  one  exception,  every  corpse  we  saw 
was  attired  in  the  usual  working  dress.  This  one  exception  we  found 
literally  upside  down  with  his  head  stuck  in  the  mud  of  a paddy  field. 
Our  attention  was  drawn  to  him  (and  possibly  the  Spaniards’  bullets 
too)  by  his  bright  red  baggy  zouave  trousers.  We  rode  into  the 
village,  which  was  absolutely  deserted  by  its  native  inhabitants,  and 
stopped  at  the  estate-house  of  the  friars,  where  the  Spanish  officers 

K K 2 


516 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


lodged.  The  padre  looked  extremely  anxious,  and  the  officers  advised 
us  not  to  go  the  road  we  inteuded  as  rebel  parties  were  known  to  be 
lurking  there.  The  military  advice  being  practically  a command,  we 
took  the  high  road  to  Sampaloc. 

In  the  meantime  the  city  drawbridges,  which  had  probably  not  been 
raised  since  1 852  (vide  foot-note  at  page  398),  were  put  into  working 
order — the  bushes  which  had  been  left  to  flourish  around  the  approaches 
were  cut  down,  and  the  Spanish  civilians  were  called  upon  to  form 
volunteer  cavalry  and  infantry  corps.  So  far  the  rebel  leaders  had 
issued  no  proclamation — it  was  not  generally  known  what  their  aims 
were — whether  they  sought  independence,  reforms,  extermination  of 
Spaniards  or  Europeans  generally.  The  attitude  of  the  thoroughbred 
native  non-combatants  was  glum  silence  born  of  fear.  The  Eurasians, 
who  had  long  vaunted  their  superior  birth  to  the  native,  found 
themselves  between  two  stools.  If  the  natives  were  going  to  succeed 
in  the  battle,  they  (the  Eurasians)  would  want  to  be  the  peaceful 
wire-pullers  after  the  storm.  On  the  other  hand,  they  had  so  long 
striven  to  be  regarded  as  on  a social  equality  with  the  Spaniards  that 
they  could  not  now  abstain  from  espousing  their  cause  against  the 
rebels  without  excitiug  suspicion.  Therefore,  in  the  course  of  a few 
days,  the  Eurasians  resident  in  the  capital  came  forward  to  enlist  as 
volunteers.  But  no  one  imagined,  at  that  time,  how  widespread  was  the 
Katipcxan  league.  To  the  profound  surprise  of  the  Spaniards  it 
was  discovered,  later  on,  that  many  of  the  half-caste  volunteers  were 
rebels  in  disguise,  bearing  the  “ blood  compact  ” mark,  and  presumably 
only  waiting  to  see  which  way  the  chauces  of  war  would  turn  to  join 
the  winning  side. 

Under  sentence  of  the  court  martial  established  on  the  30th  of 
August,  the  four  rebel  leaders  in  the  battle  of  San  Juan  del  Monte 
were  executed  on  the  4th  of  September.  The  last  penalty  was  paid  on 
the  Campo  de  Bagumbayan,  facing  the  fashionable  promenade  called 
the  Luneta,  by  the  seashore  ( vide  map).  Three  sides  of  a square  were 
formed  by  1,500  Spanish  and  half-caste  volunteers  and  500  regular 
troops.  Escorted  by  two  Austin  and  two  Franciscan  friars,  the 
condemned  men  walked  to  the  execution  ground  from  the  chapel  within 
the  city  walls,  where  they  had  been  confined  since  the  sentence  was 
passed.  They  were  perfectly  self-composed.  They  arrived  on  the 
ground  pinioned  ; their  sentence  was  read  to  them.  Valenzuela  was 


THE  FIRST  EXECUTIONS  OF  REBELS. 


517 


uupinioned  for  a minute  and  signed  some  document  at  a table.  When 
be  was  again  tied  up,  all  four  were  made  to  kneel  ou  the  ground  in  a 
row  facing  the  open  seabeach  side  of  the  square.  Then,  amidst 
profound  silence,  an  officer,  at  the  head  of  sixteen  Spanish  soldiers, 
walked  round  the  three  sides  of  the  square,  halting  at  each  corner  to 
publicly  pronounce  the  formula — “ In  the  name  of  the  King  I 
**  Whosoever  shall  raise  his  voice  to  crave  clemency  for  the  condemned 
“ shall  suffer  death.”  The  sixteen  soldiers  divided  off  iu  fours  and 
stood  about  five  yards  behind  each  culprit.  As  the  officer  lowered  his 
sword  the  volley  was  fired,  and  all  but  Valenzuela  sank  down  and 
rolled  over  dead.  It  was  a most  impressive  sight.  I saw  the  bullets, 
which  had  passed  clean  through  Valenzuela’s  body,  throw  up  the 
gravel  in  front  of  him.  He  remained  kneeling  erect  half-a-minute,  and 
then  gradually  sank  on  his  side.  He  was  still  alive,  and  four  more 
shots,  fired  close  to  his  head,  scattered  his  brains  over  the  grass. 
Conveyances  were  iu  readiness  to  carry  off  the  bodies,  and  the 
spectators  quitted  the  mournful  scene  in  silence.  This  was  the  first 
execution,  which  was  followed  by  four  others  in  Manila  and  one  iu 
Cavite  in  General  Blanco’s  time,  and  scores  more  subsequently. 

Up  the  river  the  rebels  were  increasing  daily,  and  at  Pasig  a 
thousand  of  them  threatened  the  Civil  Guard  and  compelled  that  small 
force  and  the  parish  priest  to  take  refuge  in  the  belfry  tower.  On  the 
river-island  of  Pandacan,  just  opposite  to  the  European  Club  at 
Xagtajan,  a crowd  of  armed  natives,  about  400  strong,  attacked  the 
village,  sacked  the  church  and  drove  the  parish  priest  up  the  belfry 
tower.  In  this  plight  the  padre  was  seen  to  waive  a handkerchief  and 
so  drew  the  attention  of  the  Civil  Guard  stationed  higher  up  the  river. 
Aid  was  sent  to  him  at  once  ; the  insurgents  were  repulsed  with  great 
loss,  but  one  European  sergeant  was  killed  and  several  native  soldiers 
wounded.  The  rebellion  had  spread  to  the  northern  provinces  of 
Kueva  Ecija,  where  the  Governor  and  all  the  Europeans  who  had  fled 
to  the  Government  House  were  besieged  for  a day.  They  must  have 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  rebels  but  for  the  timely  arrival  of  500 
troops  from  Manila,  who  outflanked  the  insurgents  and  dispersed  them 
with  great  slaughter.  In  Bulacan  the  flying  column  under  Major 
Lopez  Arteaga  bad  a score  of  combats  with  the  rebels,  who  were  every- 
where routed.  Spaniards  and  Creoles  were  maltreated  wherever  they 
were  found.  A young  Creole  named  Chofre,  and  known  by  everybody 


518 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


in  Manila,  went  out  to  Mariquina  to  take  photographic  views  with  a 
foreign  half-caste  friend  of  his  named  Augustus  Morris.  "When  they 
saw  the  rebels  they  ran  into  a hut,  which  was  set  fire  to.  Morris  (who 
could  not  be  distinguished  as  a foreigner)  tried  to  escape  and  was  shot, 
whilst  Chofre  was  burnt  to  death.  From  Maragoudon  a Spanish  lady 
was  brought  to  Manila  raving  mad.  At  the  house  of  a friend  of  raiue 
in  Calle  Cabildo  (Manila)  I several  times  saw  a Spanish  lady  who  had 
lost  her  reason  in  Mariquina,  an  hour’s  drive  from  Manila. 

Crowds  of  natives  swarmed  into  the  walled  city  from  the  suburbs. 
The  Governor-General  himself  abandoned  his  riverside  residence  at 
Malacanan  and  came  with  his  staff  to  Calle  Potenciana.  During  the 
first  four  months  quite  five  thousand  Chinese,  besides  a large  number 
of  Spanish  and  half-caste  families,  went  over  to  Hougkong.  The 
passport  system  was  revived,  that  is  to  say,  uo  oue  could  leave  Mauila 
without  presenting  himself  personally  at  the  Civil  Governor’s  office  to 
get  his  cedula  personal  vised. 

Meanwhile  the  Province  of  Cavite  was  becoming  the  most 
important  centre  of  rebellion,  which  soon  spread  to  the  Province  of 
Batangas.  The  rebels  established  their  headquarters  at  a place  near 
Silan,  where  Euilio  Aguixaldo  first  came  into  prominence.  Silan 
is  situated  at  the  base  of  the  Sungay  mountain,  and  the  numerous 
ravines  in  the  slopes  which  reach  the  Lake  Bdmbon  (popularly  known 
as  Lake  of  Taal)  afforded  safe  retreats  to  the  rebels.  Aguinaldo  was 
the  schoolmaster  there,  but  he  has  relations  who  own  some  real  estate 
in  the  province.  He  was  born  at  Cauit,1  in  the  same  province,  on  the 
i>2nd  of  March,  1869.  On  the  3 1st  of  August,  1896 — eleven  days  after 
the  plot  was  discovered — he  issued  his  pronunciamiento  simultaneously 
at  his  birthplace,  at  Novaleta,  and  at  San  Francisco  de  Malabon.  This 
document  is,  however,  of  little  historic  value,  as  it  does  not  set  forth 
clearly  the  programme  of  the  revolutionists,  but  is  more  a wild 
exhortation  to  the  people,  in  general  vague  terms,  to  take  arms  and 
free  themselves  from  oppression.  I know  San  Francisco  de  Malabon 
very  well — the  place  where  Aguinaldo  rallied  his  forces  prior  to  their 
march  to  Imus.  The  village  of  Imus  was  their  great  strategic 
point.  The  village  itself,  situated  in  the  centre  of  a large,  well- 


1 Cauit,  a Tagiilog  word,  signifies  fish-hook.  Aguinaldo,  a Spanish  word,  means 
Christmas  box. 


DON  EMILIO  AGUINALDO. 


REBELS  TAKE  IMUS. — LOOTING. CRUELTIES.  519 


watered  plain,  surrounded  by  planted  land,  was  nothing — a mere 
collection  of  wooden  or  bamboo-and-thatch  dwellings.  The 
distance  from  Manila,  in  a straight  liue,  would  be  about  14  miles, 
with  good  roads  leading  to  the  bay  shore  towns.  The  people  were 
very  poor,  being  tenants  or  dependants  of  the  friars,  hence  the  only 
building  of  importance  was  the  estate-house  of  the  Religious  Corporation. 
This  estate-house  was  really  a fortress  in  the  estimation  of  the  natives. 
The  dwelling-house  was  situated  in  the  middle  of  a compound 
surrounded  by  massive  high  walls,  and  to  this  place  some  seventeen 
friars  fled  on  the  first  alarm.  For  the  rebels,  therefore,  Imus  had  a 
double  value — the  fortress  and  the  capture  of  the  priests.  After  a 
siege  which  lasted  long  euough  for  General  Blanco  to  have  sent  troops 
against  them,  the  rebels  took  linns  estate  house  on  the  1st  of 
September  and  erected  barricades  there.  Thirteen  of  the  priests  fell 
into  their  hands.  They  cut  trenches  and  threw  up  earthworks  iu 
several  of  the  main  roads  of  the  province,  and  strengthened  their 
position  at  Novaleta.  Marauding  parties  were  sent  out  everywhere 
to  steal  the  crops  and  live  stock,  which  were  conveyed  in  large 
quantities  to  Imus.  Some  of  the  captured  priests  were  treated  most 
barbarously.  One  was  cut  up  piecemeal ; another  was  saturated  with 
petroleum  and  set  on  fire,  and  a third  was  bathed  in  oil  and  fried  on  a 
bamboo  spit  run  through  the  length  of  his  body.  There  was  a Requiem 
Mass  for  this  event.  Many  such  atrocities  were  committed  by  the 
insurgents  during  the  first  few  months  of  the  rising.  To  cite  another 
of  the  numerous  cases  I will  mention  theNaig  outrage.  The  Lieutenant 
had  been  killed  and  the  ferocious  band  of  rebels  seized  his  widow  and 
daughter  eleven  years  old.  The  child  was  ravished  to  death,  and  they 
were  just  digging  a pit  to  bury  the  mother  alive  when  she  was  rescued 
and  brought  to  Manila  in  the  steam  launch  Mariposa  raving  mad, 
disguised  as  a native  woman.  Aguinaldo,  personally,  was  humanely 
inclined,  for  at  his  headquarters  he  held  captive  oue  Spanish  trooper, 
an  army  lieutenant,  a Spanish  planter,  a friar  and  two  Spanish  ladies, 
all  of  whom  were  fairly  well  treated.  The  priest  was  allowed  to 
read  his  missal,  the  lieutenant  and  trooper  were  made  blacksmiths, 
and  the  planter  had  to  try  his  hand  at  tailoring. 

The  insurgents  occupied  Paranaque  and  Las  Pinas  on  the  outskirts 
of  Manila,  and  when  General  Blanco  had  5,000  fresh  troops  at  his 
disposal  he  still  refrained  from  attacking  the  rebels  in  their  positions. 


520 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Military  men,  in  conversation  with  me,  excused  this  inaction  on  the 
ground  that,  to  completely  rout  the  rebels  and  not  have  sufficient 
troops  to  garrison  the  places  taken  and  to  form  flying  columns  to 
prevent  the  insurgents  fleeing  to  the  mountain  fastnesses,  would 
require  them  to  do  the  work  over  again  when  they  reappeared.  So 
General  Blanco  went  on  waiting  in  the  hope  that  more  troops  would 
arrive  with  which  to  inflict  such  a crushing  defeat  on  the  rebels  as  would 
ensure  a lasting  peace.  The  rebels  were  in  possession  of  Imus  for 
several  months.  Three  weeks  after  they  took  it,  artillery  was  slowly 
carried  over  to  Cavite,  which  is  connected  with  the  mainland  by  a 
narrow  isthmus,  so  the  rebels  hastened  to  construct  a long  line  of 
trenches  immediately  to  the  south  of  this  (vide  map),  whereby 
communication  with  the  heart  of  the  province  was  effectually  cut  off. 
Not  only  did  their  mile-aud-a-half  of  trenches  and  stockade  check 
any  advance  into  the  interior  from  the  isthmus,  but  it  served  as  a 
rallying  point  whence  Cavite  itself  was  menaced.  The  Spaniards, 
therefore,  forced  to  take  the  offensive  to  save  Cavite  falling  into  rebel 
hands,  made  an  attack  on  the  Novaleta  defences  with  Spanish  troops 
and  loyal  native  auxiliaries  on  the  10th  of  November.  The  Spaniards 
were  repulsed  with  the  loss  of  one-third  of  the  73rd  native  regiment 
and  60  Spanish  troops,  with  50  of  both  corps  wounded.  The  intention 
to  carry  artillery  towards  Imus  was  abandoned  and  the  Spaniards  fell 
back  on  Dalahican,  about  a mile  north  of  the  rebel  trenches  of 
Novaleta,  where  they  established  a camp.  A fortnight  afterwards,  I 
went  to  spend  a day  there.  They  had  four  large  cannon  and  two 
bronze  mortars  ; in  the  trench  adjoining  the  camp  they  had  one 
cannon.  The  troops  numbered  3,500  Spaniards  under  the  command 
of  General  Ilios.  The  73rd  Native  Regiment  survivors  had  quarters 
there,  but  they  were  coustautly  engaged  in  making  sorties  on  the  road 
leading  to  Manila.  No  further  attempt  was  made  in  General  Blanco’s 
time  to  dislodge  the  rebels  from  their  splendidly-constructed  trenches, 
which,  however,  could  easily  have  been  shelled  from  the  sea-side. 

A number  of  supposed  promoters  of  the  Rebellion  filled  the  Cavite 
prison,  and  I went  over  to  witness  the  execution  of  thirteen.  I knew 
two  or  three  of  them  by  sight.  One  was  a Chinese  half-caste,  the 
son  of  a rich  Chinaman  then  living.  The  father  was  held  to  be  a 
respectable  man  of  coolie  origin,  but  the  son,  long  before  the  Rebellion, 
had  a worthless  reputation. 


- 


. 


Hfrnuia. 


• [I’aranaque 

(Rebel) 


Cavil 


B ft  c o o r 


Q B a coot' 

RAel 


To  \iie\i  t’fo 


Xovalela 


MAM  I, A •'  j.  > 

(Wfdird  r. «v) 


REVOLTED  PROVINCE 


V*i<t 


Las  Pul  as 

(Rebel) 


S.  bra  n ct  sco  £ 
dr  Maiahon 

(Rebel) 


REBELS  UNDER  LLANERAS  IN  BULACAN. 


521 


In  the  Provinces  of  Pampanga  ami  Bulacan,  north  of  Manila,  the 
rebel  mob,  under  the  command  of  a half-caste  named  Llaneras,  was 
about  3,000  strong.  To  oppose  this,  Major  Lopez  Arteaga  had  a flying 
column,  of  500  men,  and  between  the  contending  parties  there  were 
repeated  encounters  with  no  definite  result.  Whenever  the  rebels 
were  beaten  off  and  pursued,  they  fled  to  their  strongholds  of  San 
Mateo  (Manila  Province)  and  Angat  (Bulacan  Province).  The 
Spaniards  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  dislodge  the  enemy  at 
Angat,  whilst  at  San  Mateo,  where  they  were  supposed  to  be  5,000 
strong,  they  were  left  undisturbed.  The  rebels  attacked  Calumpit 
(Bulacan),  pillaged  several  houses,  decapitated  an  Englishman’s  cook, 
and  drove  the  Civil  Guard  and  the  parish  priest  up  the  belfry  tower. 
On  the  other  side  of  the  river,  Llaneras  visited  the  rice-mills  of  an 
Anglo-American  firm,  took  some  refreshment  and  assured  the  manager, 
Mr.  Scott,  that  the  rebels  had  not  the  least  intention  to  interfere  with 
any  foreigners  (as  distinguished  from  Spaniards)  against  whom  they  had 
no  complaint  whatever. 

At  length  a plan  of  campaign  was  prepared  and  expeditionary 
forces  were  to  march  in  two  directions  through  the  disaffected  provinces 
south  of  Manila  and  combine,  according  to  circumstances,  -when  the 
hulk  of  the  rebels  could  be  driven  together.  One  division  operated 
from  the  lake  town  of  Vinan,  whilst  General  Jaramillo  took  his  troops 
round  to  Batangas  Province  and  worked  northwards.  Before  the  lake 
forces  had  gone  very  far  they  met  with  a reverse  at  the  hands  of  the 
rebels  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Carmona,  but  rallied  and  pushed  on 
towards  the  rebel  quarters  near  Silan,  w'here  the  enemy  was  apparently 
concentrating  for  a great  struggle.  In  the  meantime,  the  Spaniards 
made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  regain  Imus.  Also  the  battle  of 
Binacayan  was  fought  on  the  11th  of  November  with  great  loss  to  the 
Spaniards.  It  may  be  called  a rebel  victory  (although  they  did  not 
follow  it  up),  for  the  Spaniards  left  a large  number  of  dead  on  the  field, 
and  had  to  retreat  under  cover.  The  rebels,  already  in  great  force  at 
Silan,  were  preparing  for  what  might  have  resulted  in  the  final  issue. 
The  combined  columns  under  General  Jaramillo  at  length  opened  the 
attack.  A pitched  battle  was  fought,  and  no  quarter  was  given  on 
either  side.  This  fierce  contest  lasted  a whole  day,  and  the  Spaniards 
were  forced  to  retire  with  considerable  loss.  The  combined  operations 
accomplished  nothing  decisive  and  served  only  to  check  an  advance  on 


522 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  capital  by  the  rebels,  who  were  already  in  practical  possession  of 
the  whole  of  Cavite  province,  excepting  the  port,  arsenal,  and  isthmus 
of  Cavite. 

In  Manila  the  volunteers  mounted  guard  whilst  the  regulars  went 
to  the  front.  For  a while  the  volunteers  were  allowed  to  make 
domiciliary  search,  and  they  did  very  much  as  they  liked.  This  led  to 
such  abuse  of  power  that  domiciliary  search  had  to  be  forbidden,  for 
the  volunteers  took  to  entering  any  house  they  chose,  and  roughly 
examined  the  persons  of  natives  to  see  if  they  had  the  Katipcxax 
brand.  Crowds  of  suspects  were  brought  into  Manila,  and  shiploads 
of  them  were  sent  away  in  local  steamers  to  the  Caroline  Islands  and 
Mindanao,  whilst  every  mail  steamer  carried  batches  of  them  cn  route 
for  Fernando  Po.  On  the  1st  of  October  the  s.s.  Manila  sailed  with 
300  Filipinos  for  Chafarinas  Islands,  Ceuta  and  other  African  penal 
settlements.  In  the  local  steamers  many  of  them  died  on  the  way. 
The  ordinary  prisons  were  more  than  full,  and  about  600  suspects 
were  confined  in  the  dungeons  of  Fort  Santiago  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pasig 
River.  Then  occurred  a frightful  tragedy.  The  dungeons  are  below 
Avater-mark  at  high  tide  ; the  river  water  filtered  in  through  the  crevices 
in  the  ancient  masonry,  thus  twice  a day  these  unfortunates  were  up  to 
their  waists  or  necks  in  water,  according  to  the  height  of  the  men. 
The  Spanish  sergeant  on  duty  threw  his  rug  over  the  only  light  and 
ventilating  shaft,  and  in  a couple  of  days,  carts  were  seen  by  many 
citizens  carrying  away  the  dead,  calculated  to  number  70.  Provincial 
governors  and  parish  priests  seemed  to  regard  it  as  a duty  to  supply 
the  capital  with  batches  of  “suspects”  from  their  localities.  In 
Vigan,  where  nothing  had  occurred,  many  of  the  heads  of  the  best 
families  and  monied  men  were  arrested  and  brought  to  Manila  in  a 
steamer.  They  were  bound  hand  and  foot,  and  carried  like  packages 
of  merchandise  in  the  hold.  I happened  to  be  on  the  quay  when 
the  steamer  discharged  her  living  freight  with  chains  and 
hooks  to  haul  up  and  swing  out  the  bodies  like  bales  of  hemp. 
From  Nueva  Caceres  (Camarines),  the  Abellas  and  several  well-known 
families  and  native  priests  were  seized  and  shipped  up.  Poor  old 
Manuel  Abella,  like  scores  of  others,  was  tortured  in  Bilibid  prison  and 
finally  shot.  He  was  a notary  and  had  tbe  misfortune  to  possess  a 
fine  estate  which  an  impecunious  Spaniard  coveted,  so  he  denounced 
Abella  and  was  rewarded  by  being  appointed  “ Administrator  ” of  his 


SUSrECTS  TORTURED. — BLANCO’S  POSITION. 


523 


property,  out  of  which  he  so  enriched  himself  that  he  was  able,  iu  a few 
months,  to  return  to  Spain  iu  a good  financial  position.  A native 
planter  and  good  friend  of  mine  in  Balayan  was  tortured  until  he  was 
maimed  for  life  and  then  sent  back  to  his  town  declared  innocent.  He 
had  been  a marked  man  since  1895.  Iu  that  year  I happeued  to  be  his 
guest  for  several  days,  just  after  his  sou  Quintin,  a law  student,  had 
had  a little  altercation  with  his  clerical  professors  in  Manila.  Thousands 
of  peaceful  natives  were  treated  with  a ferocity  which  would  have 
shocked  all  Europe.  The  court  martial,  established  under  the  presidency 
of  a colonel,  little  by  little,  practised  systematic  extortion,  for,  within 
three  months  of  the  outbreak,  hundreds  of  the  richest  natives  and  half- 
castes  iu  Manila  were  imprisoned  for  a few  days  and  released  con- 
ditionally. For  instance,  a Chinese  half-caste,  Luis  Y — a large 

barge-owner  and  merchant — popularly  known  as  Capitau  Luis,  is  said 

to  have  paid  §5,000  for  his  freedom.  Telesforo  C and  L 

II , both  Chinese  half-breeds,  are  reputed  to  have  paid  §40,000  and 

§25,000  respectively,  but  the  complete  list  would  fill  a page.  Some 
were  even  re-arrested  on  a second  charge  for  the  same  purpose.  The 
daily  papers  published  the  lists  of  the  names  of  these  persons  on  each 
occasion.  Archbishop  Nozaleda  and  Governor-General  Blanco  were 
at  variance  from  the  beginning  of  the  revolt,  and  in  accordance  with 
historical  precedent  it  could  only  end  in  one  way,  namely,  that  the 
clerical  party  advised  the  Ciinovas  Ministry  to  recall  the  General  and 
appoint  another  in  his  stead  who  would  be  obedient  to  the  Friars. 
General  Blanco  was  not  sufficiently  sanginuary  to  meet  their  views. 

As  a strategist  he  had  refused,  at  the  outset,  to  undertake,  with 
1,500  European  troops,  a task  which  was  only  accomplished  by  his 
successor  with  28,000  men.  But  the  priests  thought  they  knew  better, 
and  Blanco  left  for  Spain  in  December,  1896.  To  sum  up  the  relative 
positions  of  parties  at  this  crisis,  matters  stood  thus  : — The  rebels  were 
in  possession  of  the  whole  of  the  province  of  Cavite,  excepting  the 
city  and  arsenal  of  Cavite  and  the  isthmus  connecting  that  city  with 
the  mainland.  They  were  well  fortified  at  Imus  with  trenches  and 
stockades  extending  from  the  estate-house  fort  in  several  directions 
and  an  army  strength  of  6,000  to  7J300  men.  Their  artillery  was  most 
primitive,  however,  consisting  only  of  a few  small  cannons  called 
lantacas ; some  new  cannon  of  small  calibre  roughly  cast  out  of 
the  church  bells  and  iron  waterpipes  of  large  diameter  converted 


524 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


into  mitrailleuse  mortars.  They  were  strongly  entrenched  behind 
a mile-and-a-half  of  strategically  constructed  earthworks  defending 
the  town  of  Novaleta,  which  they  held.  They  were  supposed 
to  have,  at  least,  20,000  men  in  occupation  here.  Including 
San  Francisco  de  Malabon,  Silan,  Perez  Dasmarinas,  and  the  several 
other  places  they  held,  their  total  force  in  the  whole  province 
was  estimated  at  35,000  men.  About  one-fifth  of  that  number  was 
armed  with  rifles  (chiefly  Mauser)  ; the  remainder  carried  bohie-knives 
and  bamboo  lances.  The  bohie-knife  is  irresistible  by  the  Spaniards 
when  the  native  cau  get  to  close-quarter  fighting.  They  had  ample 
supplies  of  rice,  buffaloes,  etc.  stolen  from  the  non-combatant  natives. 
To  my  personal  knowledge  they  had  daily  communication  with  Manila, 
and  knew  everything  that  was  going  on  there  and  the  public  feeling  in 
the  capital.  They  had  failed  in  the  attempt  to  seize  the  town  of  Santa 
Cruz  (Laguna) ; they  killed  one  Spaniard  there  and  retreated.  Loyal 
natives  in  Vinan  organised  volunteer  forces  to  keep  them  out  of  that 
town.  Those  Manila  volunteers  known  as  the  Guerrilla  a muertc 
battalion,  with  a few  regulars,  frequently  patrolled  the  lake  coast  in 
steam  launches  from  Manila,  and  kept  the  rebels  from  occupying  that 
district.  North  of  Manila  the  rebellion  reached  no  further  than 
Bulacan  and  Pampanga  Provinces,  where  the  flying  column  under 
Llaneras,  together  with  those  rebels  in  the  mountain  fastnesses  of 
Angat  and  San  Mateo,  amounted  to  about  10,000  meu.  Llaneras 
notified  the  Manila-Dagupan  (English)  Railway  officials  that  they 
were  to  cease  carrying  loyal  troops  on  their  line,  but  as  these  orders 
were  not  heeded,  a train  was  wrecked  on  the  19th  of  November,  about 
20  miles  up  from  the  capital.  The  locomotive  and  five  carriages  were 
smashed,  the  permanent  way  was  somewhat  damaged,  five  individuals 
were  wounded,  and  the  total  loss  sustained  was  estimated  at  $40,000. 
In  the  last  week  of  November  the  Friars’  estate-house  at  Malinta, 
some  five  miles  from  Manila,  was  in  flames.  We  could  see  the 
blaze  from  the  bay.  The  slightest  reverse  to  Spanish  arms  always 
drew  a further  crowd  of  rebels  into  the  field. 

The  total  European  force  when  General  Blanco  left  was  about 
10,000  men.  In  Cavite  Province  the  Spaniards  held  only  the  camp  of 
Dalahican,  and  the  city  and  arsenal  of  Cavite  with  the  isthmus.  The 
total  number  of  suspects  shipped  away  was  about  1,000.  I was 
informed  by  my  friend,  the  Secretary  of  the  Military  Court,  that  4,377 


BRITISH  TAKE  PRECAUTIONS  AT  MANILA. 


525 


individuals  were  awaiting  trial  by  court  martial.  The  possibility  of 
the  insurgents  ever  being  able  to  enter  the  capital  was  never  believed 
in  by  the  large  majority  of  Europeans,  although  from  a month  after  the 
outbreak  the  rebels  continued  to  hold  posts  within  a couple  of  hours’ 
march  from  the  old  walls.  The  natives,  however,  were  led  to  believe 
that  the  rebels  would  make  an  attempt  to  occupy  the  city  on  Saint 
Andrew’s  day.  The  British  Consul,  and  a few  British  subjects  too, 
were  of  opinion  that  a raid  on  the  capital  was  imminent  and  I,  among 
others,  was  invited  by  letter,  written  under  the  authority  of  H.B.M.’s 
Consul,  to  attend  a meeting  at  the  offices  of  a British  establishment  to 
concert  measures  for  escape  in  such  a contingency.  The  letter  read 
thus  : — 

Dear  Sir,  Manila,  16th  November,  1896. 

I beg  to  suggest  for  your  consideration  the  advisability  of 
forming  a Committee  from  amongst  the  British  residents  here  to 
whom  could  be  entrusted  the  expression  of  the  views  of  the 
community  to  H.B.M.’s  Consul  on  matters  of  public  concern  and 
whose  duties  might  further  include  : — 

1®.  Collecting  the  most  authentic  information  available  upon 
the  local  events  of  the  day. 

2®.  Placing  the  same  at  the  disposal  of  the  Consul  and  such 
other  officers  in  H.M.’s  Service  who  may  be  acting  in  concert 
with  him. 

3°.  Suggesting  means  to  be  adopted  in  the  interest  of  the 
community  should  special  occasion  arise. 

4°.  Circulating  information  to  those  concerned. 

In  few  places  in  the  world,  I venture  to  say,  would  a large 
community  of  British  subjects  of  both  sexes  be  without  a working 
committee  under  circumstances  of  doubt  and  uncertainty  similar  to 
those  existing  here.  Amongst  us  we  may  hold  widely  different 
opinions  of  the  probabilities  of  concerted  action  being  urgently 
required,  but  none  can  say,  with  certainty,  that  there  is  no  such  possi- 
bility■,  and  it  is  the  possibilities  that  we  should  guard  against,  as 
far  as  lies  in  our  power.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  concerted 
action  would  be  to  our  mutual  benefit  if  occasion  arose. 

I am  able  to  say  that  the  British  Consul  would  be  glad  of  the 
co-operation  of  a small  body  representing  British  subjects  resident 
here,  and  so  as  to  avoid  needless  delays,  I take  the  liberty  of 


526 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


proposing  that,  provided  the  scheme  accords  in  the  maiu  with  your 
own  views,  you  will  send  me  to  the  above  address  a closed  cover 
marked  in  the  corner  “ B.C.”  containing  the  names  of  ten  resideut 
members  of  the  community  from  among  whom  a committee  of 
three  or  five  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  may  be  elected  at 
a meeting  to  he  held  here  at  5 p.m.  on  Wednesday,  the  18th  inst., 
at  which  I trust  you  will  be  able  to  attend.  The  enormous 
interests  we  have  in  the  country  generally,  and  in  Manila 
particularly,  lead  me  to  hope  you  will  support  the  suggestion,  and 
I trust  you  will  pardon  my  taking  this  independent  course,  which  I 
do  merely  to  avoid  the  delays  which  must  necessarily  arise  if  I 
attempted  to  first  consult  the  opinions  of  all  concerned. 

I am,  dear  sir, 

Etc.,  etc. 

In  spite  of  these  fears,  business  was  carried  on  without  the  least 
apparent  interruption. 

When  General  Blanco  reached  Spain  he  quietly  lodged  at  the  Hotel 
de  Roma  in  Madrid,  and  then  took  a private  residence.  He  was 
offered  a position  in  the  Cuarlo  Militar  out  of  courtesy,  which  he 
declined  to  accept.  For  several  months  he  remained  under  a political 
cloud,  charged  with  iucompetency  to  quell  the  Philippine  Rebellion. 
But  there  is  something  to  be  said  in  justification  of  Blanco’s  inaction. 
Ho  was  pestered  from  the  beginning  by  the  sanguinary  Archbishop 
and  the  leading  civilians  to  take  the  offensive  and  start  a war 
d outraiice  with  an  inadequate  number  of  European  soldiers.  His 
6,000  native  auxiliaries  (as  it  was  proved  later  on)  could  not  he  relied 
upon  in  a civil  war.  Against  the  foreign  invader,  with  Spanish 
prestige  still  high,  they  would  have  made  good  fighting  material. 
Blanco  was  no  novice  in  civil  wars.  I remember  his  career  for  the 
last  twenty-five  years.  With  his  700  European  troops  he  parried  oft' 
the  attacks  of  the  first  armed  mobs  in  the  Province  of  Manila,  and 
defended  the  city  and  the  approaches  to  the  capital.  Five  hundred 
European  troops  had  to  be  left,  here  and  there,  in  isayas  for  the 
ordinary  defence.  Before  the  balauce  of  300  could  be  embarked  in 
half-a-dozen  places  in  the  south  and  landed  in  Manila,  the  whole 
province  of  Cavite  was  in  arms.  He  could  not  leave  the  defence  of 
the  city  entirely  in  the  hands  of  untrained  and  undrilled  volunteers  and 
march  the  whole  of  his  European  regular  troops  into  another  province. 


GENERAL  POLAVIEJA  SUCCEEDS  GENERAL  BLANCO.  527 


A severe  reverse,  on  the  first  encounter,  might  have  proved  fatal  to 
Spanish  sovereignty.  Blanco  had  the  enormous  disadvantage  (one 
must  live  there  to  appreciate  it)  of  the  wet  season,  and  the  rebels 
understood  this.  He  had,  therefore,  to  damp  the  movement  by 
feigning  to  attach  to  it  as  little  importance  as  possible.  Lastly,  Blanco 
was  a man  of  moderate  and  humane  tendencies  ; a colonial  governor  of 
the  Martinez  Campos  school,  whose  policy  is — when  all  honourable 
peaceful  means  are  exhausted,  use  force. 

The  Cunovas  party  was  broken  up  by  the  assassination  of  the 
Prime  Minister  on  the  8th  of  August,  1897.  This  ministry  was 
followed  by  the  provisional  Azcarraga  Cabinet  which,  at  the  end  of 
six  weeks,  was  superseded  by  the  Liberal  party  under  the  leadership  of 
Praxedes  Sagasta,  who  recalled  General  Weyler  from  Cuba,  and  on 
the  9th  of  October  appointed  General  Ramon  Blanco,  Marques  de  Pena 
Plata,  to  take  the  command  there. 

General  Camilo  Polavieja  (Marques  de  Polavieja)  arrived  in  Manila 
in  December,  1896,  as  the  successor  of  Blanco,  and  the  chosen 
Messiah  of  the  friars.  He  had  made  a great  name  in  Cuba  as  an 
energetic  military  leader,  which,  in  Spanish  colonies,  always  implied 
a tinge  of  wanton  cruelty.  In  Spain  he  was  regarded  as  the  right 
arm  of  the  ultra-clericals  and  a possible  supporter  of  Carlism.  He 
was  accompanied  by  General  Lacliambre,  whose  acquaintance  I made 
in  Havana.  In  the  same  steamer  with  General  Polavieja  came  500 
troops,  whilst  another  steamer  simultaneously  brought  1,500. 
Polavieja,  therefore,  on  landing,  had  about  12,000  European  troops 
and  6,000  native  auxiliaries,  but  each  steamer  brought  fresh  supplies 
until  the  total  European  land  forces  amounted  to  28,000.  By  this 
time,  however,  the  6,000  native  troops  were  very  considerably  reduced 
by  desertion,  and  the  remainder  could  hardly  be  relied  upon.  But 
Polavieja  started  his  campaign  with  the  immense  advantage  of  having 
the  whole  of  the  dry  season  before  him.  General  Lacliambre,  as  Deputy 
Commander  of  the  forces,  at  once  took  the  field  against  the  rebels  in 
Cavite  Province.  It  would  be  tedious  to  relate,  in  detail,  the  numerous 
encounters  with  the  enemy  over  this  area.  Battles  were  fought  at 
Isaig,  Maragondou,  Perez  Dasmarinas,  Nasugbu,  Taal,  Bacoor, 
Kovaleta,  and  other  places.  Imus,  which  in  Manila  was  popularly 
supposed  to  be  a fortress  of  relative  magnitude,  whence  the  rebels 
would  dispute  every  inch  of  ground,  was  attacked  by  a large  force  of 


528 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


loyal  troops.  On  their  approach  the  rebels  set  fire  to  the  village  and 
fled.  Very  few  remained  to  meet  the  Spaniards,  and  as  these  few 
tried  to  escape  across  the  paddy  fields  and  down  the  river  they  were 
picked  off  by  musketry  fire.  It  was  a victory  for  the  Spaniards, 
inasmuch  as  their  demonstration  of  force  scared  the  rebels  into 
evacuation.  But  it  was  necessary  to  take  Silan,  which  the  insurgents 
hastened  to  strengthen,  closely  followed  up  by  the  Spaniards.  The 
place  was  well  defended  by  earthworks  and  natural  parapets,  aud  for 
several  hours  the  issue  of  the  contest  was  doubtful.  The  rebels 
fought  bravely,  leaping  from  boulder  to  boulder  to  meet  the  foe.  Iu 
every  close-quarter  melee  the  bohie-kuife  had  a terrible  effect,  and  the 
loyal  troops  had  suffered  heavily  when  a column  of  Spaniards  was 
marched  round  to  the  rear  of  the  rebels’  principal  parapet.  They 
were  lowered  down  with  ropes  on  to  a rising  ground  facing  this 
parapet,  and  poured  in  a continuous  musketry  fire  until  the  rebels 
had  to  evacuate  it,  aud  the  general  rout  commenced  with  great 
slaughter  to  the  insurgents,  who  dispersed  in  all  directions.  Their 
last  stronghold,  south  of  Manila,  being  taken,  they  broke  up  into 
small  detachments  which  were  chased  and  beaten  wherever  they  made 
a stand.  The  Spaniards  suffered  great  losses,  but  they  gained  their 
point,  for  the  rebels,  unable  to  hold  any  one  place  against  this  onslaught, 
were  driven  up  to  the  Laguna  Province  and  endeavoured  unsuccessfully 
to  hold  the  town  of  Santa  Cruz.  It  is  iuteresting  to  remark,  in  order 
to  show  what  the  rebel  aim  at  that  time  was,  that  they  entered  here 
with  the  cry  of  “Long  live  Spain;  Death  to  the  Friars!”  After 
three  mouths’  hard  fighting,  General  Lachambre  was  proclaimed  the 
Liberator  of  Cavite  and  the  adjoining  districts,  for,  by  the  middle  of 
March,  1897,  every  rebel  contingent  of  any  importance  in  that  locality 
had  been  dispersed. 

Like  every  other  Spanish  General  in  supreme  command  abroad, 
Polavieja  had  his  enemies  in  Spain.  The  organs  of  the  Liberal  party 
attacked  him  unsparingly.  Polavieja,  as  everybody  knew,  was  the 
chosen  executive  of  the  Friars,  whose  only  care  was  to  secure  their 
own  position.  He  was  dubbed  the  “ General  Cristiano.”  He  was 
their  ideal,  and  worked  hand-in-hand  with  them.  He  cabled  for  more 
troops  to  be  sent  with  which  to  garrison  the  reconquered  districts,  and 
have  his  army  corps  free  to  stamp  out  the  rebellion,  which  was  con- 
fined to  the  Northern  Provinces.  Cuba,  which  had  already  drained 


POLAVIEJA  RESIGNS  AND  RETURNS  TO  SPAIN.  529 


the  Peninsula  of  over  200,000  men,  still  required  fresh  levies  to  replace 
the  sick  aud  wounded,  and  Polavieja’s  demand  was  refused.  Immediately 
after  this  he  cabled  that  his  physical  ailments  compelled  him  to  resign 
the  commaudership-in-chief,  and  begged  the  Government  to  appoint  a 
successor.  The  Madrid  journals  hostile  to  him  thereupon  indirectly 
attributed  to  him  a lie,  and  questioned  whether  his  resignation  was  due 
to  ill-health,  or  his  resentment  of  the  refusal  to  send  out  more  troops. 
Still  urging  his  resignation,  General  Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera  was 
gazetted  to  succeed  him,  and  Polavieja  embarked  in  Manila  for  Spain 
on  the  15th  of  April,  1897.  General  Lachambre,  as  the  hero  of  Cavite, 
followed  to  receive  the  applause  which  was  everywhere  showered  upon 
him  in  Spain.  As  to  Polavieja’s  merits,  public  opinion  was  very  much 
divided,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  he  was  on  the  way,  a con- 
troversy was  started  in  the  Madrid  press  as  to  how  he  ought  to  be 
received.  El  Impartial  maintained  that  he  was  worthy  of  being  honoured 
as  a nineteenth  century  conquering  hero.  This  gave  rise  to  a volley  of 
abuse  on  the  other  side,  who  raked  up  all  his  antecedents  and  supposed 
tendencies,  aud  openly  denounced  him  as  a dangerous  politician  and  the 
supporter  of  theocratic  absolutism.  According  to  El  Liberal  of  the 
11th  of  May,  Senor  Ordax  Avecilla,  of  the  Red  Cross  Society,  stated 
in  his  speech  at  the  Madrid  Mercantile  Club,  “ If  he  (the  General) 
“ thought  of  becoming  dictator,  he  would  fall  from  the  height  of  his 
u glory  to  the  Hades  of  nonentity.”  His  enemies  persistently 
insinuated  that  he  was  really  returning  to  Spain  to  actively  support 
the  clericals,  but  perhaps  the  bitterest  satire  was  levelled  against  him 
in  El  Pais  of  the  10th  of  May,  which,  iii  an  article  headed  “ The 
Great  Farce,”  said  : “ Do  you  know  who  is  coming  ? Cirus,  King  of 
“ Persia  ; Alexander,  King  of  Macedonia  ; Caesar  Augustus  ; Scipion 
“ the  African  ; Gonzalo  de  Cordova  ; Napoleon,  the  Great  Napoleon, 
u conqueror  of  worlds.  What  ? Oh  ! unfortunate  people,  do  you  not 
“ know  ? Polavieja  is  coming,  the  incomparable  Polavieja,  crowned 
“ with  laurels,  commanding  a fleet  laden  to  the  brim  with  rich 
“ trophies  ; it  is  Polavieja,  gentlemen,  who  returns,  discoverer  of  new 
“ worlds,  to  lay  at  the  feet  of  Isabella  the  Catholic  his  conquering 
“ sword  ; it  is  Polavieja  who  returns  after  having  cast  into  obscurity 
“ the  glories  of  Hernan  Cortes ; Polavieja,  who  has  widened  the 
“ national  map,  and  brings  new  territories  to  the  realm — new  thrones 
“ to  his  queen.  What  can  the  people  be  thinking  of  that  they  remain 

L L 


530 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


“ thus  in  silence  ? Applaud  ! imbeciles.  It  is  Narvaez  who  is 
“ resuscitated.  Now  we  have  another  master ! ” No  Spanish 
general  who  had  arrived  at  Polavieja’s  position  would  find  it  possible 
to  be  absolutely  neutral  in  politics,  but  to  compare  him  to  Narvaez,  the 
military  dictator,  proved,  in  a few  days,  to  be  the  grossest  absurdity. 
On  the  13th  of  May  Polavieja  arrived  in  Barcelona  physically  broken, 
half  blind,  and  with  evident  traces  of  a disordered  liver.  His  detractors 
were  silent  ; an  enthusiastic  crowd  welcomed  him  for  his  achieve- 
ments. He  had  broken  the  neck  of  the  rebellion,  but  by  what  means  ? 
Altogether,  apart  from  the  circumstances  of  legitimate  warfare,  in 
which  probably  neither  party  was  more  merciful  than  the  other,  he 
initiated  a system  of  striking  terror  into  the  non-combatant  population 
by  barbarous  tortures  and  wholesale  executions.  On  the  6th  of 
February,  1897,  in  one  prison  alone  (Bilibid)  there  were  1,266  suspects, 
most  of  whom  were  brought  in  by  the  volunteers,  for  the  forces  in  the 
field  gave  little  quarter  and  rarely  made  prisoners.  The  functions  of 
the  volunteers,  organised  originally  for  the  defence  of  the  city  and 
suburbs,  became  so  elastic  that,  night  after  night,  they  made  men  and 
women  come  out  of  their  houses  for  inspection  conducted  most 
immorally.  The  men  were  escorted  to  the  prisons  by  pure  caprice,  and 
subjected  to  horrible  maltreatment.  Many  of  them  were  liberated  in 
the  course  of  a few  days,  declared  innocent,  but  maimed  for  life  and  for 
ever  unable  to  get  a living.  Some  of  these  victims  were  well  known 
to  everybody  in  Manila,  for  instance  Dr.  Zamora,  Bonifacio  Arevalo 
the  dentist,  Antonio  Rivero  (who  died  under  torture),  and  others.  The 
only  apparent  object  in  all  this  was  to  disseminate  broadcast  living 
examples  of  Spanish  vengeance,  in  order  to  overawe  the  populace. 
Under  General  Blanco’s  administration  such  acts  had  been  distinctly 
prohibited  on  the  representation  of  General  Carlos  Roca. 

I must  here  give  an  outline  of  the  career  and  fate  of  the  most 
notable  Filipino.  This  victim  of  the  Friars  and  General  Polavieja, 
Dr.  Jose  Rizal  y Mercado,  born  in  the  sixties,  was  a native  of  Calamba 
(Laguna),  three  hours’  journey  from  Manila.  Often  have  I,  together 
with  the  old  native  parish  priest,  Father  Leoncio  Lopez,  spent  an  hour 
with  Jose’s  father,  Tomas  Mercado,  and  heard  the  old  man  descant, 
with  pride,  on  the  intellectual  progress  of  his  son  at  the  Jesuits’  school 
in  Manila.  But  young  Jose  yearned  to  set  out  on  a wider  field  of 
study.  His  ambition  was  to  go  to  Europe,  and  he  went.  He  studied 


DR.  JOSE  RIZAL  OPPOSES  THE  ERIARS. 


531 


medicine  and  entered  the  Madrid  University,  where  he  graduated  as 
Doctor  of  Medicine  and  Philosophy.  He  subsequently  continued  his 
studies  in  Paris,  and  at  several  seats  of  learning  in  Germany,  where  he 
obtained  another  degree,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  had  the 
difficulty  of  a foreign  language  to  contend  with.  As  happened  to 
many  of  his  confreres  in  the  German  Universities,  a career  of  study 
had  simultaneously  opened  his  eyes  to  a clearer  conception  of  the  rights 
of  humanity.  Thrown  among  companions  of  socialistic  tendencies, 
his  belief  in  and  loyalty  to  the  monarchical  rule  of  his  country  were 
yet  unshaken  by  the  influence  of  such  environment  ; he  was  destined 
only  to  become  a disturbing  element,  and  a would-be  reformer  of  that 
time-worn  institution  which  rendered  secular  government  in  his  native 
land  a farce.  To  give  him  a party  name,  he  became  an  anti-clerical, 
strictly  in  a political  and  legal  sense.  He  was  a Roman  Catholic,  but 
his  sole  aim,  outside  his  own  profession,  was  to  save  his  country  from 
the  baneful  influence  of  the  Spanish  Friars  who  there  held  the  Civil 
and  Military  Government  under  their  tutelage.  He  sought  to  place 
his  country  on  a level  of  material  and  moral  prosperity  with  others, 
and  he  knew  that  the  first  step  in  that  direction  was  to  secure  the 
expulsion  of  the  Monastic  Orders.  He  sympathized  with  that  move- 
ment which,  during  his  childhood,  culminated  in  the  Rising  of  Cavite 
fide  page  113).  Dr.  Rizal  looked  profoundly  into  the  causes  of  his 
country’s  unhappiness,  and  to  promote  their  knowledge,  in  a popular 
form,  he  wrote  and  published  in  Germany,  in  the  Spanish  language,  a 
so-called  novel  entitled  “ Nole  me  tangere .”  It  was  really  an  expose  of 
the  arrogance,  the  immorality,  and  the  despotism  of  the  Friars  in  their 
relations  with  the  natives.  I have  read  the  book  myself.  Then, 
during  his  sojourns  in  France  and  Belgium,  he  produced  another  political 
novel  “ El  Filibusterismo ,”  of  which  I have  a copy.  A year  after  the 
publication  of  these  works  he  returned  to  the  Islands  and  we  met  at 
the  house  of  the  Lieutenant  of  the  Civil  Guard,  whose  guest  I was. 
As  an  oculist  Rizal  performed  some  very  clever  operations,  but  he  had 
another  mission — one  which  brought  upon  him  all  the  odium  of  the 
clerical  party,  but  which  as  quickly  raised  him  in  popular  esteem  in 
native  circles.  He  led  a party  in  his  town  who  dared  to  dispute  the 
proprietorship  of  the  Dominican  Order  to  a large  tract  of  agricultural 
land.  He  called  upon  the  Order  to  show  their  title  deeds  and  was  only 
met  with  Marshal  MacMahon’s  famous  reply  “ J’y  suis  et  j’y  reste.”  At 

L L 2 


532 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


length  prudence  dictated  a return  to  Europe.  I remember  the  farewell 
lunch  we  had  together  at  the  Restaurant  de  Paris.  During  his  absence 
his  own  relations  and  the  chief  families  in  his  town  became  the  objects 
of  persecution.  They  were  driven  from  the  lands  they  cultivated  and 
rented  from  the  religious  order  without  compensation  for  improvements 
and  Spaniards  took  their  holdings.  In  1893  Rizal  arrived  in  Hong- 
kong, where  he  contemplated  remaining  to  follow  his  profession, 
but  communications  passed  between  him  and  the  Governor-General, 
through  the  Spanish  Consul,  respecting  his  return  to  Manila.  Rizal 
avowed  that  he  had  been  given  to  understand  that  he  could  return  to 
the  Islands  without  fear  for  his  personal  safety  and  liberty.  He 
arrived  in  Manila  and  was  arrested.  His  baggage  was  searched  in  the 
Custom  House,  and  a number  of  those  seditious  proclamations  to  which 
I have  referred  at  page  220  were  found,  it  was  alleged,  in  his  trunks.  It 
is  contrary  to  all  common  sense  to  conceive  that  a sane  man,  who  had 
entertained  some  doubts  as  to  his  personal  liberty,  would  bring  with 
him,  into  a public  department  of  scrutiny,  documentary  evidence  of  his 
own  culpability.  He  was  arraigned  before  the  supreme  authority,  in 
whose  presence  he  defended  himself  right  nobly.  The  clerical  party 
wanted  his  blood.  Governor-General  Despujols  would  not  yield. 
Rizal  was  guilty  or  innocent,  and  should  have  been  fully  acquitted  or 
condemned,  but  to  meet  the  matter  half  way,  he  was  banished  to 
Dapitan,  a town  on  the  north  shore  of  Mindanao  Island.  I saw  his 
bungalow  at  the  extremity  of  a pretty  little  horse-shoe  bay.  There  he 
remained  four  years  in  bondage.  His  bright  intelligence,  his  sociability, 
and  his  scientific  attainments  had  won  him  the  respect  and  admiration 
of  both  the  civil  and  religious  local  authorities.  He  had  such  a well- 
justified  good  repute  as  an  oculist  that  many  travelled  down  across  the 
seas  to  seek  the  benefits  of  his  talent.  The  Cuban  insurrection  being 
in  full  operation,  he  sought  the  opportunity  of  proving  to  Spain  that 
his  anti-clerical  views  had,  in  no  way,  undermined  his  loyalty.  He 
always  gratefully  acknowledged  the  advantages  of  a civilized  dominion. 
He  was  mentally  weighed  down  with  ennui  from  inactivity,  and  he 
solicited,  through  the  local  Governor,  permission  to  go  to  Cuba  as  an 
army  doctor  in  the  Spanish  service.  The  favour  was  granted  on  the 
28th  of  July,  1896,  and  on  his  way  to  Manila  he  passed  through  Cebu, 
where  crowds  of  natives  and  half-castes  went  on  board  to  congratulate 
him.  Unfortunately,  his  arrival  in  Manila  coincided  with  the  outbreak 


DR.  RIZAL’S  POPULARITY. — HE  GOES  TO  SPAIN.  533 


of  the  rebellion.  He  had  become  the  idol  of  the  people  in  his  exile  ; 
his  ideas  were  then  the  reflection  of  all  Philippine  aims  and  ambitions  ; 
the  very  name  of  Rizal  raised  their  hopes  to  the  highest  pitch.  Most 
fantastic  reports  were  circulated  concerning  him.  Deeds  in  Europe, 
almost  amounting  to  miracles,  were  attributed  to  his  genius,  and 
became  current  talk  among  the  natives  when  they  spoke  sotto  voce  of 
Rizal’s  power  and  influence.  He  was  looked  up  to  as  the  future 
regenerator  of  his  race,  capable  of  moving  armies  and  navies  for  the 
cause  of  liberty.  Their  very  reverence  was  his  condemnation  in  the 
eyes  of  the  priests.  His  presence  in  Manila  was  regarded  as  such  a 
danger  that  he  was  at  once  put  on  board  the  Spanish  cruiser  Castilla 
lying  in  the  bay.  Thence  he  was  transferred  to  the  mail  steamer 
Isla  de  Panay  bound  to  Barcelona.  He  carried  with  him  letters  of 
recommendation  to  the  Ministers  of  War  aud  the  Colonies,  courteously 
sent  to  him  by  General  Blanco  with  the  following  letter : — 

(‘ Translation .) 

Dr.  Jose  Rizal. 

My  dear  Sir,  Manila,  30th  August,  1896. 

Enclosed  I send  you  two  letters,  for  the  Ministers  of  War 
and  the  Colonies  respectively,  which  I believe  will  ensure  to  you 
a good  reception.  I cannot  doubt  that  you  will  show  me  respect 
in  your  relations  with  the  Government,  and  by  your  future 
conduct,  not  only  on  account  of  your  word  pledged,  but  because 
passing  events  must  make  it  clear  to  you  how  certain  proceedings, 
due  to  extravagant  notions,  can  only  produce  hatred,  ruin,  tears 
aud  bloodshed.  That  you  may  be  happy  is  the  desire  of 

Yours,  &c., 

Ramon  Blanco. 

( Translation  of  Letter  of  Recommendation  to  the  Minister  of  War.) 

H.  E.  Don  Marcelo  de  Azcarraga. 

Manila,  30th  August,  1896. 
Esteemed  General  and  distinguished  Friend, 

I recommend  to  you  with  real  interest  Dr.  Jose  Rizal,  who 
leaves  for  the  Peninsula  to  place  himself  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Government  as  volunteer  army  doctor  in  Cuba.  His  conduct 
during  the  four  years  he  has  been  in  exile  in  Dapitan  has  been 


534 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


exemplary,  and  lie  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  more  worthy  of  pardon 
and  benevolence,  because  he  is  in  no  way  associated  with  the 
extravagant  attempts  which  we  are  now  deploring,  neither  in 
conspiracy  nor  in  the  secret  societies  which  have  been  formed. 

I have  the  pleasure  to  reiterate  to  you  my  high  esteem, 

And  remain 

Your  affectionate  friend  and  comrade, 
Ramon  Blanco. 

The  letter  addressed  to  the  Minister  of  the  Colonies  was  in  similar 
terms. 

He  had  as  travelling  companion  Pedro  Rojas,  already  referred  to, 
and  had  he  chosen,  he  could  have  left  the  steamer  at  Singapore  as 
Rojas  did.  Not  a few  of  us  who  saw  the  vessel  leave  wished  him 
“ God  speed.”  But  the  clerical  party  were  eager  for  his  extermination. 
He  was  a thorn  in  the  side  of  monastic  sway  ; he  had  committed  no 
crime,  but  he  was  the  Friars’  arch-enemy  and  belc  noir.  The  lay 
authorities  always  had  to  yield  to  the  monks,  and  history  herein 
repeated  itself.  Dr.  Rizal  was  cabled  for  to  answer  certain  accusations, 
so  on  his  landing  in  the  Peninsula  he  was  incarcerated  in  the  celebrated 
fortress  of  Montjuich  (the  scene  of  so  many  horrors),  pending  his 
re-shipment  by  the  returning  steamer.  He  reached  Manila  as  a State 
prisoner  in  the  Colon , isolated  from  all  but  his  jailors.  It  was 
materially  impossible  for  him  to  have  taken  any  part  in  the  rebellion, 
whatever  his  sympathies  may  have  been.  Yet,  once  more,  the  wheel  of 
fortune  turned  against  him.  Curiously  enough  the  parish  priest  of 
Mdrong  was  murdered  at  the  altar  whilst  celebrating  mass  ou  Christmas 
Day,  1896.  The  importunity  of  the  Friars  could  be  no  longer  resisted  ; 
this  new  calamity  seemed  to  strengthen  their  cause.  The  next  day 
Rizal  was  brought  to  trial  for  sedition  and  rebellion,  before  a court 
martial,  composed  of  eight  captains  under  the  presidency  of  a lieutenant- 
colonel.  No  reliable  testimony  could  be  brought  against  him.  How 
could  it  be  when,  for  years,  he  had  been  a State  prisoner  in  forced 
seclusion  ? He  defended  himself  with  logical  argument,  but,  what 
mattered  ? he  was  condemned  beforehand  to  ignominious  death  as  a 
traitor,  and  the  decree  of  execution  was  one  of  Polavieja’s  foulest  acts. 
During  the  few  days  which  elapsed  between  sentence  and  death,  he 
refused  to  see  any  priest  but  a Jesuit.  In  his  last  moments  his 


DR.  RIZAL,  THE  PHILIPPINE  MARTYR.  535 

demeanour  was  in  accordance  with  his  oft-quoted  saying,  “ What  is 
“ death  to  me  ? I have  sown  the  ^eed,  others  are  left  to  reap.”  In 
his  condemned  cell  he  composed  a poem  of  14  verses  (“My  last 
Thought”),  and  hid  the  paper  in  a stewpan.  It  was  found  by  his  wife 
and  published.  I give  the  first  and  last  verses. 

MI  ULTIMO  PENSAMIENTO. 

Adios,  Pdtria  adorada,  region  del  sol  querida, 

Perl  a del  Mar  de  Oriente,  nuestro  perdido  Eden. 

A ddrte  voy  alegre  la  triste  mustia  vida, 

Y fuera  mas  brillante,  mas  fresca,  mas  florida, 

Tambien  por  ti  la  diera,  la  diera  por  tu  bien. 

Adios,  padres  y hermanos,  trozos  del  alma  mia. 

Amigos  de  la  infancia  en  el  perdido  liogar. 

Dad  gracias  que  descanso  del  fatigoso  dia  ; 

Adios,  dulce  extrangera,  mi  amiga,  mi  alegria, 

Adios,  qneridos  seres,  morir  es  descansar. 

The  woman  who  had  long  responded  to  his  love,  was  only  too 
proud  to  bear  his  illustrious  name,  and  in  the  sombre  rays  which  fell 
from  his  prison  grating,  the  vows  of  matrimony  were  given  and 
sanctified  with  the  sad  certainty  of  widowhood  on  the  morrow. 
Fortified  by  purity  of  conscience  and  the  rectitude  of  his  principles, 
he  felt  no  felon’s  remorse,  but  walked  with  equanimity  to  the  place 
of  execution.  About  2,000  regular  and  volunteer  troops  formed  the 
square  where  he  knelt  facing  the  seashore.  After  an  officer  had 
shouted  the  formula,  “ In  the  name  of  the  King  ! Whosoever  shall 
“ raise  his  voice  to  crave  clemency  for  the  condemned,  shall  suffer 
“ death,”  four  bullets,  fired  from  behind,  did  their  fatal  work.  This 
execution  took  place  at  6 a.m.  on  the  30th  of  December,  1896.  An 
immense  crowd  witnessed,  in  silent  awe,  this  sacrifice  to  priestcraft. 
The  Friars,  too,  were  present  en  masse , many  of  them  smoking  big 
cigars,  jubilant  over  the  extinction  of  that  bright  intellectual  light 
which,  alas  ! can  never  be  rekindled. 

The  circumstances  under  -which  Rizal,  in  his  exile,  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Josephine  Taufer,  who  became  his  wife,  are  curious. 
The  account  was  given  me  by  Mrs.  Rizal’s  foster-father  as  we  crossed 
the  China  Sea  together.  The  foster-father,  who  was  an  American 
resident  in  Hongkong,  found  his  eyesight  gradually  failing  him. 
After  exhausting  all  remedies  in  that  colony,  one  day  lie  heard  of  a 
famous  oculist  in  Manila  named  Rizal,  a Filipino  of  reputed  Japanese 


536 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


origin.  So,  in  August  1894,  lie  went  to  Manila  to  seek  tlie  great 
doctor,  taking  with  him  a Macao  servant,  his  daughter,  and  a girl 
whom  he  had  adopted  from  infancy.  The  Philippine  Archipelago  was 
such  a terra  incognita  to  the  outside  world  that  little  was  generally- 
known  of  it  save  the  capital,  Manila.  When  he  reached  there  he 
learnt,  to  his  dismay,  that  the  renowned  practitioner  was  a political 
exile  who  lived  in  an  out-of-the-way  place  in  Mindauao  Island.  Intent 
on  his  purpose,  he  took  ship  and  found  the  abode  of  Dr.  Rizal.  The 
American  had  been  forsaken  by  his  daughter  in  Manila,  where  she 
eventually  married  a young  native  who  had  neither  craft  nor  fortune. 
The  adopted  daughter,  therefore,  was  his  companion  to  Dapitau. 
When  they  arrived  at  the  bungalow  the  bright  eyes  of  the  lovely 
Josephine  interested  the  doctor  far  more  than  the  sombre  diseased 
organ  of  her  foster-father.  The  exile  and  the  maiden,  in  short,  fell  in 
love  with  each  other,  and  they  mutually  vowed  never  to  be  parted  but 
by  force.  The  old  man’s  eyes  were  past  all  cure,  and  in  vain  he  urged 
the  girl  to  depart  with  him  ; love  dissented  from  the  proposition  and 
the  patient  found  his  way  back  to  Manila,  and  thence  to  Hongkong 
with  his  Macao  servant — a sadder,  but  a wiser  man.  The  foster-child 
remained  behind  to  share  the  hut  of  the  political  exile.  When,  an 
hour  after  her  marriage,  she  became  Widow  Rizal,  her  husband’s 
corpse,  which  had  received  sepulture  in  the  cemetery,  was  guarded  by 
soldiers  for  four  days  lest  the  superstitious  natives  should  suatch  the 
body  and  divide  it  into  a thousand  relics  of  their  lost  idol.  Then 
Josephine  started  off  for  the  rebel  camp  at  Imus.  On  her  way  she 
was  often  asked,  “ Who  art  thou  ? ” but  her  answer  “ Lo  ! I am  thy 
sister,  the  widow  of  Rizal  ! ” not  only  opened  a passage  for  her,  but 
brought  low  every  head  in  silent  reverence.  Amidst  mourning  and 
triumph  she  was  conducted  to  the  preseuce  of  the  rebel  eonunauder-in- 
ehief,  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  who  received  her  with  the  respect  due  to  the 
sorrowing  relict  of  their  departed  hero.  But  the  formal  tributes  of 
condolence  were  followed  by  great  rejoicing  in  the  camp.  She  was  the 
only  free  white  woman  within  the  rebel  lines.  They  lauded  her  as 
though  an  angelic  being  had  fallen  from  the  skies  ; they  sang 
her  praises  as  if  she  were  a modern  Joan  of  Arc  sent,  by  heaven 
to  lead  the  way  to  victory  over  the  banner  of  Castile.  But  she 
chose,  for  the  time  being,  to  follow  a more  womanly  vocation,  and 
iiaving  been  escorted  to  San  Francisco  de  Malabon,  she  took  up 


CAREER  OF  DR.  RIZAL’s  WIDOW. 


537 


her  residence  in  the  convent  to  tend  the  wounded  for  about  three 
weeks.  Then,  when  the  battle  of  Perez  Dasmarinas  was  raging,  our 
heroine  sallied  forth  on  horseback  with  a Mauser  rifle  over  her 
shoulder  and — as  she  stated  with  pride  to  an  old  friend  of  mine 
who  interviewed  her — she  had  the  satisfaction  of  shooting  dead  one 
Spanish  officer  and  then  retreated  to  her  convent  refuge.  Again,  she 
was  present  at  the  battle  of  Silan,  where  her  heroic  example  of 
courage  infused  a new  life  into  her  brother  rebels.  The  carnage  on 
both  sides  was  fearful,  but  in  the  end  the  rebels  fell  back  and  there,  from 
a spot  midst  mangled  corpses,  rivulets  of  blood  and  groans  of  death, 
Josephine  witnessed  many  a scene  of  Spanish  barbarity — the  butchery 
of  old  inoffensive  men  and  women — children  caught  up  by  the  feet  and 
dashed  against  the  walls,  and  the  bayonet  charge  on  the  host  of  fugitive 
innocents.  The  insurgents  having  been  beaten  everywhere  when 
Lachambre  took  the  field,  Josephine  had  to  follow  in  their  retreat,  and 
after  Imus  and  Silan  were  taken,  she,  with  the  rest,  had  to  flee  to  another 
province,  tramping  through  23  villages  on  the  way.  She  was  about  to 
play  another  role,  being  on  the  point  of  going  to  Manila  to  organise  a 
convoy  of  arms  and  munitions,  when  she  heard  that  certain  Spaniards 
were  plotting  against  her  life.  So  she  sought  an  interview  with  the 
Governor-General,  who  asked  her  if  she  had  been  in  the  rebel  camp  at 
Imus.  She  replied  fearlessly  in  the  affirmative,  and  relying  on  the 
security  from  violence  afforded  by  her  sex  and  foreign  nationality,  there 
passed  between  her  and  the  Governor-General  quite  an  amusing  and 
piquant  colloquy.  “ What  did  you  go  to  Imus  for  ?”  inquired  the  General. 
“ What  did  you  go  there  for  ? ” rejoined  Josephine.  “ To  fight,”  said  the 
General.  “ So  did  I,”  answered  Josephine.  “ Will  you  leave  Manila?” 
asked  the  General.  “Why  should  I ?”  queried  Josephine.  “Well,” 
said  the  General,  “ the  priests  will  not  leave  you  alone  if  you  stay  here, 
and  they  will  bring  false  evidence  against  you.  I have  no  power  to 
overrule  theirs.”  “ Then  what  is  the  use  of  the  Governor-General  ? ” 
pursued  our  heroine,  but  the  General  dismissed  the  discussion,  wffiich 
was  becoming  embarrassing,  and  resumed  it  a few  days  later  by  calling 
upon  her  emphatically  to  quit  the  Colony.  At  this  second  interview  the 
General  fumed  and  raged,  and  our  heroine  too  stamped  her  little  foot, 
and,  woman-like,  avowed  “ she  did  not  care  for  him ; she  was 
not  afraid  of  him.”  It  was  temerity  born  of  inexperience,  for  one  word 
of  command  from  the  General  could  have  sent  her  the  way  many  others 


538 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


had  gone,  to  an  unrevealed  fate.  Thus  matters  waxed  hot  between 
her  defiance  and  his  forbearance,  until  visions  of  torture — thumb- 
screws and  bastinado — passed  so  vividly  before  her  eyes  that  she 
yielded,  as  individual  force  must,  to  the  collective  power  which  rules 
supreme,  aud  reluctantly  consented  to  leave  the  fair  Philippine  shores 
in  May,  1897,  in  the  ss.  Yucnsang , for  a safer  resting-place  on  the 
British  soil  of  Hongkong:. 

The  execution  of  Dr.  Rizal  was  a most  impolitic  act.  It  sent  into 
the  field  his  brother  Ponciano  with  a large  following,  who  eventually 
succeeded  in  driviug  every  Spaniard  out  of  their  native  province  of 
Laguna.  They  also  seized  the  lake  gunboats,  took  an  entire  Spanish 
garrison  prisoner,  and  captured  a large  quantity  of  stores.  Ponciano 
rose  to  the  rank  of  general  before  the  Rebellion  ended. 

General  Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera,  Marques  de  Estella,  arrived  in 
Manila,  as  the  successor  of  General  Camilo  Polavieja,  in  the  spring  of 
1897.  He  knew  the  country  and  the  people  he  was  called  upon  to 
pacify,  having  been  Governor-General  therefrom  April,  1880,  to  March, 
1883.  A few  days  after  his  arrival  he  issued  a proclamation  offering 
an  amnesty  to  all  who  would  lay  down  their  arms  within  a prescribed 
period.  Many  responded  to  this  appeal,  for  the  crushing  defeat  of  the 
rebels  in  Cavite  Province,  accompanied  by  the  wanton  cruelties  of  the 
soldiery  during  the  last  Captain-Generalcy,  had  damped  the  ardour  of 
thousands  of  would-be  insurgents.  The  rebellion  was  then  confined  to 
the  north  of  Manila,  but,  since  Aguinaldo  had  evacuated  Cavite  and 
joined  forces  with  Llaneras,  the  movement  was  carried  far  beyond 
the  Provinces  of  Bulacan  and  -Pampanga.  Armed  mobs  had  risen 
in  Pangasinan,  Zambales,  Ylocos,  jSueva  Ecija  and  Tarlac.  Many 
villages  were  entirely  reduced  to  ashes  by  them  ; crops  of  young  rice 
too  unripe  to  be  useful  to  anybody  were  wantonly  destroyed  ; pillage 
aud  devastation  were  resorted  to  everywhere  to  coerce  the  peaceful 
inhabitants  to  join  in  the  movement.  On  the  other  hand,  the  nerves 
of  the  priests  were  so  highly  strung  that  they  suspected  every 
native,  and,  by  persistently  launching  false  accusations  against  their 
parishioners,  they  literally  made  rebels.  Hence  at  Caudon  (Ilocos  Sur), 
a town  of  importance  on  the  jS'.W.  coast  of  Luzon,  five  influential 
residents  were  simply  goaded  into  rebellion  by  the  iniquitous  action  of 
the  Bishop  of  Yigan,  Father  Jose  Hcvia  de  Campomanes  and  his  friars. 
These  residents  killed  the  parish  priest,  and  without  arms  fled  for 


FIGHTING  IN  ZAMBALES. — BATTLE  OF  ALIAGA.  539 


safety  to  the  mountain  ravines.  A few  months  before,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  rebellion,  this  same  Austin  friar,  Father  Rafael  Redondo, 
had  iguominiously  treated  his  own  and  other  native  curates  by  bavin  g 
them  stripped  naked  and  tied  down  to  benches,  where  he  beat  them 
with  the  prickly  tail  of  the  ray-fish  to  extort  confessions  relating  to 
conspiracy.  In  San  Fernando  de  la  Union  the  native  priests  Adriano 
Garces,  Mariano  Gaerlan,  and  Mariano  Dacanaya  were  tortured  with  a 
hot  iron  applied  to  their  bodies  to  force  a confession  that  they  were 
freemasons.  The  rebels  attacked  Bayambang  (Pangasinan),  drove  out 
the  Spanish  garrison,  seized  the  church  and  convent  in  which  they 
fortified  themselves,  made  prisoner  the  Spanish  priest,  burnt  the 
Government  stores,  Court-house  and  Spanish  residences,  but  carefully 
avoided  all  interference  with  the  British-owned  steam  rice-mill  and 
paddy  warehouses.  Troops  were  sent  against  them  by  special  train 
from  Tarlac,  and  they  were  beaten  out  of  the  place  with  a loss  of  about 
100  individuals,  but  they  carried  off  their  clerical  prisoner.  General 
Monet  operated  in  the  north  against  the  rebels  with  Spanish  and 
native  auxiliary  forces.  He  attacked  the  armed  mobs  in  Zambales 
Province,  where  encounters  of  minor  importance  took  place  almost 
daily,  with  no  decisive  victory  for  either  party.  He  showed  no 
mercy  and  took  no  prisoners  ; his  troops  shot  down  or  bayonetted  rebels, 
non-combatants,  women  and  children  indiscriminately.  The  cruellest 
barbarities  were  inflicted  on  every  native  who  fell  into  his  power. 
Tillage  was  carried  on  at  the  risk  of  one’s  life,  for  men  found  going 
out  to  their  lands  were  seized  as  spies.  He  carried  this  war  of 
extermination  up  to  Ylocos,  where,  little  by  little,  his  forces  deserted 
him.  His  auxiliaries  went  over  to  the  rebels  in  groups.  Even  a few 
Spaniards  passed  to  the  other  side,  and,  after  a protracted  struggle 
which  brought  no  advantage  to  the  Government,  he  left  garrisons  in 
several  places  and  returned  to  Manila.  In  Aliaga  (Nueva  Excija)  the 
Spaniards  had  no  greater  success.  The  rebels  assembled  there  in 
crowds,  augmented  by  the  fugitive  mobs  from  Pangasinan,  and  took 
possession  of  the  town.  The  Spaniards,  under  General  Nunez, 
attacked  them  on  two  sides,  and  one  of  the  most  desperate  battles  of 
the  North  was  fought  there.  It  lasted  about  six  hours.  The  slaughter 
on  both  sides  was  enormous.  The  place  was  strewn  with  corpses,  and 
the  rebels  were  about  to  retreat  when  General  Nunez  advanced  to  cut 
them  off,  and  was  so  severely  wounded  that  he  had  to  relinquish  the 


540 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


command  on  the  field.  But  the  flight  of  the  insurgents  was  too  far 
advanced  to  rally  them,  and  they  retired  South  towards  Pampauga. 

In  Tayabas  the  officiousness  of  the  Governor  almost  brought  him  to 
an  untimely  end.  Two  well-known  inhabitants  of  Pagsanjan  (Laguna) 
were  accused  of  conspiracy  and,  without  proof,  court-martialled  and 
executed.  The  Governor  went  to  witness  the  scene,  and  returning  the 
next  day  with  his  official  suite,  he  was  waylaid  near  Lugbang  by  a 
rebel  party,  who  killed  one  of  the  officers  and  wounded  the  Governor. 
Filipinos  returning  to  Manila  were  imprisoned  without  trial,  tortured, 
and  shipped  back  to  Hongkong  as  deck  passengers.  The  wet  season 
had  fully  set  in,  making  warfare  in  the  provinces  exceedingly  difficult 
for  the  raw  Spanish  recruits  who  arrived  to  take  the  place  of  the  dead, 
wounded  and  diseased.  Spain  was  so  hard  pressed  by  Cuban  affairs 
that  the  majority  of  these  last  levies  were  mere  boys,  ignorant  of  the 
use  of  arms,  ill  clad,  badly  fed,  and  with  months  of  pay  in  arrear. 
Under  these  conditions  they  were  barely  a match  for  the  sturdy 
islanders,  over  mountains,  through  streams,  mud  pools  and  paddy  fields. 
The  military  hospitals  were  full  ; the  Spaniards  were  as  far  off 
extinguishing  the  Katiponan  as  the  rebels  were  from  being  able  to 
subvert  Spanish  sovereignty.  The  rebels  held  only  two  impregnable 
places,  namely  Angat  and  San  Mateo,  but  whilst  they  carried  on  an 
interminable  guerilla  warfare  they  as  carefully  avoided  a pitched  battle. 
The  Governor-General,  then,  had  resort  to  another  edict,  dated  the  2nd 
of  July,  1897,  which  read  thus  : — 

Edict. 

Don  Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera  y Sobremonte,  Marquis  of 
Estella,  Governor  and  Captain-General  of  the  Philippines,  and 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army. 

Whereas  the  unlimited  amplitude  given  to  my  former  edicts  by 
some  authorities  who  are  still  according  the  benefits  of  the  amnesty 
to  those  who  present  themselves  after  the  expiration  of  the  con- 
ceded time,  imperatively  calls  for  a most  absolute  and  positive 
declaration  that  there  is  a limit  to  clemency  and  pardon,  otherwise 
the  indefinite  postponement  of  the  application  of  the  law  may  be 
interpreted  as  a sign  of  debility  ; and 

Whereas  our  generosity  has  been  fully  appreciated  by  many 
who  have  shown  signs  of  repentance  by  resuming  their  legal 


PBIMO  DE  RIVERA’S  EDICT  OF  JULY  1897. 


541 


status,  whilst  there  are  others  who  abuse  our  excessivo  benevo- 
lence by  maintaining  their  rebellious  attitude,  and  encroach  on  our 
patience  to  prolong  the  resistance  ; and 

Whereas  it  is  expedient  to  abolish  the  spectacle  of  a few 
groups,  always  vanquished  whilst  committing  all  sorts  of  felonies 
under  the  protection  of  a fictitious  political  flag,  maintaining  a stato 
of  uneasiness  and  corruption. 

Now,  therefore,  the  authorities  must  adopt  every  possible 
means  of  repression,  and  I,  as  General-in-Chief  of  the  Army, 

Order  and  Command 

Article  1. — All  persons  having  contracted  responsibilities  up 
to  date  on  account  of  the  present  rebellion  who  fail  to  report 
themselves  to  the  authorities  or  military  commanders  before  the 
10th  of  July  will  be  pursued  and  treated  as  guilty. 

Article  2. — Commanding  generals  in  the  field,  military  and 
civil  governors  in  districts  where  the  rebels  exist,  will  prohibit  all 
inhabitants  from  leaving  the  villages  and  towns,  unless  under 
absolute  necessity  for  agricultural  purposes,  or  taking  care  of 
rural  properties  or  other  works.  Those  comprised  in  the  latter 
class  will  be  provided  by  the  municipal  captains  with  a special 
pass,  in  which  will  be  noted  the  period  of  absence,  the  place  to 
be  visited,  and  the  road  to  be  taken,  always  provided  that  all 
persons  absenting  themselves  from  the  villages  without  carrying 
such  passes,  and  all  who,  having  them,  deviate  from  the  time, 
road,  or  place  indicated,  will  be  treated  as  rebels. 

Article  3. — After  the  10th  instant  all  persons  will  be  required 
to  prove  their  identity  by  the  personal  document  ( cedula  personal ), 
together  with  the  pass  above-mentioned,  and  neither  the  amnesty 
passes  already  granted  nor  any  other  document  will  have  any  legal 
validity. 

All  who  contravene  these  orders  will  be  tried  by  court 
martial. 

Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera. 

The  indiscreetness  of  this  measure  was  soon  evident.  It  irritated 
the  well-disposed  inhabitants,  from  whom  fees  were  exacted  by  the 
Governor-General’s  venal  subordinates  ; the  rigorous  application  of  the 
edict  drove  many  to  the  enemy’s  camp,  and  the  rebels  responded  to  this 


542 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


document  by  issuing  the  following  Proclamation  in  Tagalog  dialect, 
bearing  the  pseudonyme  of  “ Malabar.”  It  was  extensively  circulated 
in  July,  1897,  but  bears  no  date.  The  Spauish  authorities  made 
strenuous  but  unsuccessful  efforts  to  confiscate  it.  It  is  an  interesting 
document  because  (1°)  It  admits  how  little  territory  the  Katipunan 
itself  considered  under  its  domiuion.  (2°).  It  sets  forth  the  sum  total 
of  the  insurgents’  demands  at  that  period.  (3°).  It  admits  their 
impotence  to  vanquish  the  loyal  forces  in  open  battle. 

To  the  Brave  Sons  of  the  Philippines. 

The  Spaniards  have  occupied  the  towns  of  Cavite  Province 
because  we  found  it  convenient  to  evacuate  them.  We  must 
change  our  tactics  as  circumstances  dictate. 

We  have  proved  it  to  be  a bad  policy  to  be  fortified  in  one 
place  awaiting  the  enemy’s  attack.  We  must  take  the  offensive 
when  we  get  the  chance,  adopting  the  Cuban  plan  of  ambush  and 
guerilla  warfare.  In  this  way  we  can,  for  au  indefinite  period, 
defy  Spain,  exhaust  her  resources,  aud  oblige  her  to  surrender  from 
poverty,  for  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  very  Spauish  news- 
papers admit  that  each  soldier  costs  a dollar  a day,  and  addiug  to 
this  his  passage  money,  clothing  and  equipment,  the  total  amounts 
to  a considerable  sum.  Considering  that  Spauish  credit  abroad 
is  exhausted,  that  her  young  men,  to  avoid  conscription,  are 
emigrating  to  France  and  elsewhere  in  large  numbers,  Spain  must 
of  necessity  yield  in  the  end.  You  already  know  that  Polavieja 
resigned  because  the  Government  were  unable  to  send  him  the 
further  20,000  men  demanded.  The  Cubans,  with  their  guerilla 
system,  avoiding  encounters  unfavourable  to  themselves,  have 
succeeded  in  wearying  the  Spaniards,  who  are  dying  of  fever  in 
large  numbers.  Following  this  system,  it  would  be  quite  feasible 
to  extend  the  action  of  the  Katiponan  to  Ylocos  Pangasinan, 
Cagayan  and  other  provinces,  because  our  brothers  in  these  places, 
sorely  tyrannized  by  the  Spaniards,  are  prepared  to  unite  with  us. 

The  Provinces  of  Zam bales,  Tarlac,  Tayabas,  etc.,  are 
already  under  the  Katipunan  Government,  and  to  complete  our 
success,  the  revolutionary  movement  should  become  general,  for 
the  ends  which  we  all  so  ardently  desire,  namely  : — 

(1°).  Expulsion  of  the  Friars  and  restitution  to  the  townships 
of  the  lands  which  the  Friars  have  appropriated,  dividing  the 


COUNTER  REBEL  EDICT. THEIR  AIMS  SET  FORTH.  543 


incumbencies  held  by  them,  as  well  as  the  episcopal  sees  equally 
between  Peninsular  and  Insular  secular  priests. 

(2°).  Spain  must  concede  to  us,  as  she  has  to  Cuba,  Parlia- 
mentary representation,  freedom  of  the  press,  toleration  of  all 
religious  sects,  laws  common  with  hers  and  administrative  and 
economic  autonomy. 

(3°).  Equality  in  treatment  and  pay  between  Peninsular  and 
Insular  civil  servants. 

(1°).  Restitution  of  all  lands  appropriated  by  the  Friars  to  the 
townships,  or  to  the  original  owners,  or  in  default  of  finding  such 
owners,  the  State  is  to  put  them  up  to  public  auction  in  small 
lots  of  a value  within  the  reach  of  all  and  payable  within  four 
years,  the  same  as  the  present  State  lands. 

(5°).  Abolition  of  the  Government  authorities’  power  to  banish 
citizens,  as  well  as  all  unjust  measures  against  Filipinos  ; legal 
equality  for  all  persons,  whether  Peninsular  or  Insular,  under  the 
Civil  as  well  as  the  Penal  Code. 

The  war  must  be  prolonged  to  give  the  greatest  signs  of 
vitality  possible,  so  that  Spain  may  be  compelled  to  grant  our 
demands,  otherwise  she  will  consider  us  an  effete  race  and  curtail, 
rather  than  extend  our  rights. 

Malabar. 

Shortly  after  this  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  the  recognised  leader  of  the 
rebels,  issued  a Manifiesto  in  somewhat  ambiguous  terms  which  might 
imply  a demand  for  independence. 

In  this  document  he  says  : — 

We  aspire  to  the  glory  of  obtaining  the  liberty,  independence , 
and  honour  of  the  country  ...  We  aspire  to  a Government 
representing  all  the  live  forces  of  the  country,  in  which  the  most 
able,  the  most  worthy  in  virtue  and  talent,  may  take  part  without 
distinction  of  birth,  fortune,  or  race.  We  desire  that  no  monk, 
or  friar,  shall  sully  the  soil  of  any  part  of  the  Archipelago,  nor 
that  there  shall  exist  any  convent,  etc.,  etc. 

Every  month  brought  to  light  fresh  public  exhortations,  edicts 
and  proclamations  from  one  side  or  the  other,  of  which  I have  numerous 
printed  copies  before  me  now.  About  this  time  the  famous  Philippine 
painter,  Juan  Luna  (vide  page  194),  was  released  after  six  months’ 
imprisonment  as  a suspect.  He  left  Manila  en  route  for  Madrid  in  the 


544 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Spanish  mail  steamer  Covadonga  in  the  first  week  of  July  and  returned 
to  Manila  the  next  year  (November,  1898). 

In  the  field  there  were  no  great  victories  to  record,  for  the  rebels 
confined  themselves  exclusively  to  harassing  the  Spanish  forces  and 
then  retreating  to  the  mountains.  To  all  appearances  trade  in  Manila 
and  throughout  the  islands  was  little  affected  by  the  war,  and  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  total  exports  showed  a fair  average  when  compared 
with  previous  years.  Ths  sugar  production  was,  however,  slightly  less 
than  in  1896,  owing  to  a scarcity  of  hands,  because,  in  the  ploughing 
season,  the  young  labourers  in  Negros  were  drafted  off  to  military 
service.  Total  imports  somewhat  increased,  notwithstanding  the 
imposition  of  a 6 per  cent,  ad  valorem  tax. 

But  the  probability  of  an  early  pacification  of  the  islands  was  remote. 
By  the  unscrupulous  abuse  of  their  functions  the  volunteers  were 
obliging  the  well-intentioned  natives  to  forsake  their  allegiance,  and 
General  Primo  de  Rivera  was  constrained  to  issue  a decree,  dated  the 
6th  of  August,  forbidding  all  persons  in  military  service  to  plunder,  or 
intimidate,  or  commit  acts  of  violence  on  persons,  or  in  their  houses,  or 
ravish  women  under  peualty  of  death.  In  the  same  month  the  General 
commissioned  a Filipino,  named  Pedro  Alejandro  Paterno,  to  negotiate 
terms  of  capitulation  with  the  rebels.  By  dint  of  bribes  and  liberal 
expenditure  of  money  ( vide  Pateruo’s  own  letter  at  page  559)  Paterno 
induced  the  minor  chiefs  in  arms  to  accept,  in  principle,  the  proposal  of 
peace  on  the  basis  of  reforms  and  money.  Paterno  was  appointed  by 
the  Governor-General  sole  mediator  in  the  discussion  of  the  terms  to 
be  made  with  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  and  the  General’s  private  secretary, 
Don  Niceto  Mayoral,  was  granted  special  powers  to  arrange  with 
Paterno  the  details  of  the  proposed  treaty.  He  visited  Aguinaldo  in 
his  mountain  retreat  in  Bulacan  Province,  and  on  the  9th  of  August, 
1897,  Aguinaldo  signed  a power  of  attorney  in  favour  of  Paterno, 
Stating  his  terms,  which  were  tantamount  to  a Protocol  of  Peace,  and 
which  was  to  serve  as  a basis  for  the  treaty.  The  General  then 
consulted  with  the  Home  Government,  sending  particulars  by  mail,  and 
the  Madrid  Cabinet  approved  of  the  negotiations.  Meanwhile,  it  soon 
became  evident  that  there  were  three  distinct  interests  at  stake,  namely, 
those  of  Spain  and  the  Spanish  people  ; those  of  the  Friars,  and  the 
claims  of  the  Rebels.  Consequently  the  traditional  feud  between  the 
Archbishop  of  Manila  and  the  Captain-General  was  revived. 


ALLEGED  TREATY’  OF  BIAC-NA-BATO. 


545 


General  Primo  (le  Rivera  urged  the  Madrid  Government  to  grant 
certain  reforms,  in  any  case,  which  could  not  fail  to  affect  the  hitherto 
independent  position  of  the  friars  in  governmental  affairs.  He  also 
drew  the  attention  of  the  Government  to  the  defenceless  condition  of 
the  capital  in  the  event  of  a foreign  attack.  The  friars  were  exceedingly 
wroth  and  combined  to  frustrate  the  General’s  efforts  to  come  to  au 
understanding  with  the  rebels.  They  secretly  paid  natives  to  simulate 
the  Iv  at  ip  unax  in  the  provinces,  and  the  plot  only  came  to  light  when 
these  unfortunate  dupes  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  military  authorities 
and  confessed  what  had  happened.  Nevertheless  the  General  pursued 
the  negotiations  with  Paterno  as  intermediary.  Iu  the  Protocol 
Aguinaldo  stipulated  that  $3,000,000  should  be  paid  to  the  Katipunan, 
but  this  was  finally  reduced  to  $1,700,000,  and  other  amendments  were 
accepted  through  Paterno,  all  of  which  were  embodied  in  a new  power 
of  attorney  granted  by  Aguinaldo  dated  the  7th  of  November. 

The  terms  of  the  Preliminaries  of  Peace  having  been  mutually  agreed 
upon,  a treaty,  known  as  the  Pacto  de  Biac-na-bat6,  was  signed  at 
Biac-na-bato1  on  the  14th  of  December,  1897,  between  Emilio  Aguinaldo 
aud  others  of  the  one  part,  and  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  as  attorney  for  the 
Captain- General,  acting  in  the  name  of  the  Spanish  Government,  of  the 
other  part.  Under  this  treaty  the  rebels  undertook  to  deliver  up  their 
arms  and  ammunition  of  all  kinds  to  the  Spaniards  ; to  evacuate  the 
places  held  by  them  ; to  conclude  an  armistice  for  three  years  for  the 
application  and  development  of  the  reforms  to  be  introduced  by  the 
other  part,  and  not  to  conspire  against  Spanish  sovereignty  in  the  Islands, 
nor  aid  or  abet  any  movement  calculated  to  counteract  the  reforms. 
Emilio  Aguinaldo  and  34  other  leaders  undertook  to  quit  the  Philippine 
Islands  and  not  return  to  them  until  so  authorised  by  the  Spanish 
Government. 

On  behalf  of  the  Spanish  Government  it  was  agreed  to  pay,  through 
the  medium  of  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  to  the  rebels  the  sum  of  $1,000,000, 
aud  to  the  families  who  had  sustained  loss  by  reason  of  the  war 
$700,000,  in  instalments  and  conditionally  ( vide  the  Primo  de  Rivera- 
Paterno  Agreement  on  next  page). 


1 Biac-na-bato  is  a mountain  fastness  in  the  vicinity  of  the  well-known  Sulphur 
Springs  of  Sibul,  close  to  Angat  in  the  Province  of  Bulacan,  and  about  60  miles 
distant  from  Manila. 


M M 


546 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


It  is  further  alleged  that  on  behalf  of  the  Spanish  Government  it 
was  agreed  to  either  expel  the  Friars  from  the  Islands,  or  secularize 
the  Religious  Orders  ; to  grant  Parliamentary  representation  in  the 
Spanish  Cortes ; to  establish  legal  equality  for  Spaniards  and  Filipinos  ; 
to  appoint  natives  as  Directors  of  Civil  Administration  ; to  declare 
native  priests  eligible  for  the  incumbencies  ; to  reform  the  taxes,  and  to 
grant  liberty  of  the  press  and  right  of  assembly  ; and  lastly,  that 
General  Primo  de  Rivera  undertook  to  retain  his  post  of  Captain- 
General  during  the  said  three  years’  armistice  as  a personal  guarantee 
for  the  execution  of  the  reforms. 

The  rebels  also  allege  that,  extra-officially,  the  Governor-General 
promised  to  obtain  a general  amnesty,  and  to  allow  no  person  in  the 
Islands  to  be  molested  on  account  of  his  former  participation  in  the 
Rebellion.  This  last  condition  would,  naturally,  follow  any  Treaty  of 
Peace. 

It  is  a remarkable  fact  that  neither  in  the  Madrid  parliamentary 
papers  (to  copies  of  which  I have  referred),  nor  in  the  numerous  rebel 
proclamations  and  edicts,  nor  in  the  published  correspondence  of  Pedro 
Paterno,  is  the  full  text  of  this  Treaty  given.  It  is  singular  that  the 
rebels  should  have  abstained  from  publishing  to  the  whole  world  the 
precise  terms  which  they  say  were  accepted  and  not  fulfilled  by 
the  Spanish  Government,  which  denies  their  existence. 

The  promised  Reforms,  whatever  they  were,  were  purely  govern- 
mental matters  which  required  no  mediator  for  their  execution,  but  as 
to  the  money  payments  to  be  made,  Paterno  was  to  receive  them  from 
the  Government  and  hand  them  over  to  Aguinaldo  and  his  followers. 
An  Agreement  to  this  effect  was,  therefore,  signed  by  General  Primo 
.de  Rivera  and  Pedro  A.  Paterno  in  the  following  terms,  viz.  : — 

In  the  peace  proposals  presented  by  the  sole  mediator,  Don 
Pedro  Alejandro  Paterno,  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  rebels 
in  arms,  and  in  the  Peace  Protocol  which  was  agreed  to  and 
submitted  to  His  Majesty’s  Government,  which  approved  of  the 
same , there  exists  a principal  clause  relating  to  the  sums  of  money 
which  were  to  be  handed  over  to  the  rebels  and  their  families  as 
indemnity  for  the  loss  of  their  goods  consequent  on  the  war, 
which  sums  amounted  to  a total  of  $1,700,000,  which  the 
mediator,  Senor  Paterno,  was  to  distribute  absolutely  at  his 
discretion,  but  the  payment  of  the  said  sum  will  have  to  be 


THE  PRIMO  HE  RIVERA-PATERNO  AGREEMENT.  547 


subject  to  the  conditions  proposed  by  the  representative  of  the 
Government,  H.  E.  the  General-in-Chief  of  this  Army.  These 
conditions  were  agreed  to  be  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

(1°)  For  the  rebels  in  arms  a draft  for  the  sum  of  $400,000 
will  be  handed  to  Senor  Paterno,  payable  in  Hongkong,  as  well  as 
two  cheques  for  $200,000  each,  payable  only  on  the  condition  of 
the  Agreement  being  fulfilled  on  the  other  part.  (2°)  For  the 
families  of  those  who  were  not  rebels  in  arms,  or  engaged  in 
rebellion,  but  who  have  likewise  suffered  the  evils  of  war,  the 
balance  of  the  sum  offered  shall  be  paid  in  three  equal  instalments, 
the  last  to  be  paid  six  months  after  the  date  on  which  the 
Te  Deum  shall  be  sung,  assuming  the  peace  to  become  an 
accomplished  fact.  Peace  shall  be  held  to  be  effectively  concluded 
if,  during  the  interval  of  these  instalment  periods,  no  party  of 
armed  rebels,  with  recognized  leader,  shall  exist,  and  if  no  secret 
society  shall  have  been  discovered  as  existing  here  or  abroad  with 
the  proved  object  of  conspiracy  by  those  who  benefit  by  these 
payments.  The  representative  of  the  rebels,  Don  Pedro  Alejandro 
Paterno,  and  the  representative  of  the  Government,  the  Captain- 
General  Don  Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera,  agree  to  the  above 
conditions,  in  Avitness  whereof  each  representative  now  signs 
four  copies  of  the  same  tenor  and  effect,  one  being  for  the 
Government,  another  for  the  archives  of  the  Captain-Generalcy, 
and  one  copy  each  for  the  said  representatives. 

1 Done  in  Manila  on  the  loth  of  December,  1897. 

Fernando  Primo  de  Rivera, 

The  General-in-Chief. 
Pedro  A.  Paterno, 

The  Mediator. 

In  the  course  of  a few  days  a military  deputation  was  sent  by  the 
Governor-General,  under  the  leadership  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Primo 
de  Rivera,  to  meet  Aguinaldo  and  his  34  companions-in-arms  at  a 
place  agreed  upon  in  the  Province  of  Pangasinan.  They  had  a repast 
together,  and  Aguinaldo  called  for  cheers  for  Spain,  in  which  all 


1 The  original  of  the  above  document  was  read  in  public  session  of  Congress  in 
Madrid,  on  the  16th  of  June,  1898,  by  the  Deputy  Senor  Muro. 


MM2 


548 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


heartily  joined.  Thence  they  proceeded  in  vehicles  to  Sual  to  await 
the  arrival  of  the  s.s.  Uranus , in  which  they  embarked  for  Hongkong  on 
Monday,  December  27th,  1897.  Aguinaldo  had  very  rightly  stipulated 
that  a Spanish  officer  of  high  rank  should  accompany  him  and  his 
followers  to  Hongkong  as  a guarantee  against  foul  play.  The  Governor- 
General,  therefore,  sent  with  them  his  two  nephews,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Primo  de  Rivera  and  Captain  Celestino  Espiuosa,  and  Major  Antonio 
Pezzi.  Aguinaldo  and  eight  other  chiefs,  namely,  Gregorio  H.  del  Pilar, 
Wenceslao  Yinegra,  Yito  Belarmino,  Mariano  Llaneras,  Antonio 
Montenegro,  Luis  Yiola,  Manuel  Fino,  and  Escolastico  Yiola,  stayed 
at  the  Hongkong  Hotel,  whilst  the  remainder  took  up  their  abode 
elsewhere  in  the  city. 

There  was  great  rejoicing  in  Manila,  in  Madrid,  and  in  several 
Spanish  cities,  and  fetes  were  organized  to  celebrate  the  conclusion  of 
peace.  In  Manila  particularly,  amidst  the  pealing  of  bells  and  strains 
of  music,  unfeigned  enthusiasm  and  joy  were  everywhere  evident.  It 
was  a tremendous  relief  after  sixteen  months  of  persecution,  butchery, 
torture,  and  pecuniary  losses.  General  Primo  de  Rivera  received  the 
thanks  of  the  Government,  whilst  the  Queen  Regent  bestowed  on  him 
the  Grand  Cross  of  San  Fernando,  with  the  pension  of  10,000  pesetas 
(nominal  value  £400).  According  to  a letter  of  Pedro  A.  Paterno, 
dated  7th  of  March,  1898,  published  in  El  Liberal  of  Madrid  on  the 
17th  of  June,  1898,  it  would  appear  that  not  even  the  first  instalment 
had  (up  to  the  former  date)  been  paid  to  the  rebel  chiefs.  The  letter 
says  : — 

As  a matter  of  justice,  I ought  to  have  received  the  two 
instalments,  amounting  to  $600,000.  Why  is  this  obligation  not 
carried  out,  and  why  has  General  Primo  de  Rivera  not  followed 
my  advice  by  arresting  Yocson  and  his  followers  from  the  oth  of 
last  February  ? I have  my  conscience  clear  respecting  the  risings 
in  Zambales  and  Pangasinan  Provinces  and  those  about  to  take 
place  in  Laguna  and  Tayabas. 

Before  Primo  de  Rivera  left  Manila  (in  April,  1898)  one  instalment 
($300,000)  was  paid  to  the  chiefs  in  Hongkong.  Whatever  were  the 
means  employed,  the  rebellion  was  disorganized  for  a long  time  to 
come,  but  the  Spanish  authorities  had  not  the  tact  to  follow  up  this 
coup  by  temperate  and  conciliatory  measures  towards  their  wavering 
quondam  foes.  Persons  who  had  been  implicated  in  the  rebellion  were 


RAFAEL  COMEXGE  SPEAKS  AT  THE  MILITARY  CLUB.  549 


re-arrested  on  trivial  trumped-up  charges  and  imprisoned,  whilst  others 
were  openly  treated  as  seditious  suspects.  The  priests  started  a 
furious  campaign  of  persecution,  and  sought,  by  all  manner  of  intrigue, 
to  destroy  the  compact,  which  they  feared  would  operate  against 
themselves.  More  executions  took  place.  Instead  of  the  promised 
general  amnesty,  only  a few  special  pardons  were  granted. 

There  had  been  over  two  months  of  nominal  peace  ; the  rebels  had 
delivered  up  their  arms,  and  there  was  nothing  to  indicate  an  intention 
to  violate  their  undertakings.  Primo  de  Rivera,  who  believed  the 
rebellion  to  be  on  the  wane,  shipped  back  to  Spain  7,000  troops.  The 
Madrid  Government,  still  under  the  tutelage  of  the  clergy,  at  once 
appointed  two  friars  of  the  orders  which  (according  to  the  rebel 
version  of  the  Treaty)  were  to  be  expelled  or  secularized  to  vacant 
bishoprics.  Rafael  Comenge,  the  President  of  the  Military  Club,  was 
rewarded  with  the  Grand  Cross  of  Military  Merit  for  the  famous 
speech  which  he  had  delivered  at  the  Club.  It  was  generally  lauded 
by  Spaniards,  whilst  it  filled  all  classes  of  natives  with  indignation. 
Here  are  some  extracts  from  this  oration  : — 

You  arrive  in  time  ; the  cannibals  of  the  forest  are  still  there  ; 
the  wild  beast  hides  in  his  lair  (bravo)  ; the  hour  has  come  to 
finish  with  the  savages  ; wild  beasts  should  be  exterminated  ; 
weeds  should  be  extirpated.  ( Great  applause.)  Destruction  is 
the  purport  of  war  ; its  civilizing  virtue  acts  like  the  hot  iron  on  a 
cancer,  destroying  the  corrupt  tendons  in  order  to  arrive  at  perfect 
health.  No  pardon  ! (Very  good,  very  good.)  Destroy!  Kill! 
Do  not  pardon,  for  this  prerogative  belongs  to  the  monarch,  not  to 

the  army From  that  historical,  honoured,  and  old 

land  Spain,  which  we  all  love  with  delirious  joy,  no  words  of 
peace  come  before  this  treason,  but  words  of  vigour  and  of  justice, 
which,  according  to  public  opinion,  is  better  in  quality  than  in 
quantity.  (Frantic  applause , several  times  repeated , which  drown 
the  voice  of  Sehor  Comenge .)  Soldiers  ! you  are  the  right  arm  of 
Spain.  Execute  ; exterminate  if  it  be  necessary.  Amputate  the 
diseased  member  to  save  the  body  ; cut  off  the  dry  branches 
which  impede  the  circulation  of  the  sap,  in  order  that  the  tree 
may  again  bring  forth  leaves  and  flowers.  (Sehor  Peharanda 
interposed , shouting , “ That  is  the  way  to  speak."  Frantic 
applause.) 


550 


PHILIITIXE  ISLANDS. 


Thirty  thousand  dollars  were  subscribed  at  the  Military  Club  for 
the  benefit  of  General  Primo  de  Rivera.  Admiral  Patricio  Moutojo, 
who  had  co-operated  against  the  rebels  by  firing  a few  shots  at  them 
when  they  occupied  the  coast  towns  of  Cavite  Province  and  trans- 
porting troops  to  aud  from  Manila,  was  the  recipient  of  a sword  of 
honour  on  the  17th  of  March.  It  was  presented  to  him,  on  behalf  of 
the  Military  Club,  by  Senor  Comenge  (who  escaped  from  Manila  as 
soon  as  the  Americans  entered  the  port)  as  a “ perpetual  remembrance 
“ of  the  triumph  of  our  ships  off  the  coast  of  Cavite,”  although  no 
deed  of  glory  on  the  part  of  the  fleet  had  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  general  public. 

The  promised  reforms  were  a subject  of  daily  conversation  and  no 
State  secret,  yet  when  the  Diario  de  Manila  published  an  article  on 
the  17th  of  March,  demanding  autonomy  for  the  Islands  and  urging  the 
immediate  application  of  the  reforms  (which  the  rebels  allege  included 
liberty  of  the  press),  General  Primo  de  Rivera  astonished  everybody  in 
Manila  by  suspending  the  publication  of  the  newspaper.  Some  were 
inquisitive  enough  to  ask,  Has  a treaty  been  signed  or  a trick  been 
played  upon  the  rebels  ? 

The  expatriated  ex-rebels  became  more  and  more  alarmed  as  it 
dawned  upon  them  that  they  had  been  miserably  duped.  A committee 
of  Filipinos,  styled  La  Junta  Pairiotica,  was  formed  in  Hongkong. 
They  were  in  frequent  communication  with  their  friends  in  the  islands. 
The  seed  of  discontent  was  again  germinating  under  the  duplicity  of 
the  Spanish  authorities  aud  the  monks.  Thousands  were  ready  to 
take  the  field  again  (this  was  proved  to  be  the  case  a few  months  later), 
but  their  chiefs  were  absent,  their  arms  surrendered,  and  the  rebellion 
disorganized.  Here  aud  there  roving  parties  appeared,  but  having  no 
recognized  leaders,  their  existence  did  not  invalidate  the  treaty.  The 
Spaniards,  indeed,  feigned  to  regard  them  only  as  a remnant  of  the 
rebels  who  had  joined  the  ever-existing  brigand  bands.  The  Volun- 
teers were  committing  outrages  which  might  have  driven  the  people 
again  into  open  revolt,  and  General  Primo  de  Rivera  had,  at  least,  the 
sagacity  to  recognize  the  evil  which  was  apparent  to  everybody.  The 
Volunteers  and  guerilla  battalions  were  consequently  disbanded,  not  a 
day  too  soon  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  city.  On  the  2oth  of  March 
the  tragedy  of  the  Calle  de  Camba  took  place.  This  street  lies  just 
off  the  Calle  de  San  Fernando  in  Binondo,  a few  hundred  yards  from 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  CALLE  DE  CAMBA. 


551 


the  river.  In  a house  frequented  by  seafaring  men  a large  number  of 
Yisayan  sailors  had  assembled,  and  were,  naturally,  discussing  the 
topics  of  the  day  with  the  warmth  of  expression  and  phraseology  peculiar 
to  their  race,  when  a passer-by,  who  overheard  the  talk,  informed  the 
police.  The  Civil  Guard  at  once  raided  the  premises,  accused  these 
sailors  of  conspiracy,  and,  without  waiting  for  proof  or  refutation,  shot 
down  all  who  could  not  escape.  The  victims  of  this  outrage  numbered 
over  70  ; the  news  dismayed  the  native  population  ; the  fact  could  no 
longer  be  doubted  that  a reign  of  terrorism  and  revenge  had  been 
initiated  with  impunity,  under  the  assumption  that  the  rebellion  was 
broken  for  many  a year  to  come.  How  the  particulars  of  this  crime 
were  related  by  the  survivors  to  their  fellow  islanders  we  cannot  know, 
but  it  is  a coincidental  fact  that  only  now  the  flame  of  rebellion  spread 
to  the  Southern  Island  of  Cebu.  Nine  days  after  this  occurrence,  on 
the  3rd  of  April,  1898,  a party  of  about  5,000  disaffected  natives  from 
around  Mandaue,  Mabolo,  Talisay,  Pardo,  San  Nicolas,  and  Guadalupe, 
made  a raid  on  the  city  of  Cebu.  The  leaders  were  armed  with  rifles, 
but  the  rank  and  file  carried  only  bohie-knives.  At  the  first  alarm 
the  Spanish  residents  escaped  to  the  fort  known  as  the  Cotta , leaving 
everything  behind  them.  The  rebels  had  cut  the  telegraph  wires 
connecting  Cebu  with  Manila.  Opportunely  the  gunboat  Paragua 
came  in  this  afternoon  from  Yligan  (Mindanao).  Two  small 
steamers  were  sent  to  Yloilo  and  Yligan  respectively  in  search 
of  troops.  The  next  day,  at  sunrise,  the  rebels  attempted  to 
reach  the  Fort,  but  were  fired  upon  from  the  Governor’s  house  by  the 
Spanish  garrison,  consisting  of  40  regular  troops  and  about  the  same 
number  of  Volunteers.  The  Government  House  is  situated  in  front  of 
the  fort.  The  rebels  then  withdrew  along  the  shore  road  and  the 
gunboat  Maria  Cristina  opened  fire  on  them.  The  rebels  retreated  to 
the  Chinese  quarter  of  Lutao,  around  the  Cathedral  and  the  Santo 
Nino  Church.  The  Spaniards  remained  under  cover  whilst  the  rebels 
were  in  possession  of  the  whole  city  except  the  Fort,  Government 
House,  the  College,  and  the  foreigners’  houses.  During  the  whole  day 
there  was  an  incessant  fusilade.  The  rebels’  chief  stronghold  was  the 
Recoleto  Convent.  Groups  of  rebels  were  all  over  the  place,  plunder- 
ing the  shops  and  Spanish  houses  and  offices.  On  the  5th  of  April  a 
small  force  of  Spanish  regulars,  volunteers,  and  sailors  made  a sortie 
and  fired  on  the  insurgents  in  Lutao  from  a long  range.  They  soon 


552 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


retired,  however,  as  the  Fort  was  in  danger  of  being  attacked  from 
another  side.  The  same  afternoon  the  steamer  sent  to  Yligan  for  troops 
returned  with  240  on  hoard.  During  the  night  the  Spanish  troops 
ventured  into  the  open  and  shots  were  exchanged.  On  the  6th  of 
April  the  Venus  arrived  with  50  soldiers  from  Yloilo  and  was  at  once 
sent  on  to  Bojol  Island  in  search  of  rice  and  cattle,  which  were  difficult 
to  procure  as  that  island  was  also  in  revolt.  Native  women  were  not 
interfered  with  by  either  party,  so  they  were  useful  in  procuring 
supplies  of  food  for  the  foreigners,  many  of  whom  took  refuge  at  the 
British  Consulate.  The  rebels  wished  to  advance  from  Lutao,  but  were 
kept  back  by  the  fire  from  the  gunboat.  The  Spanish  troops  did  not  care 
to  venture  past  a block  ’of  buildings  in  which  were  the  offices  aud 
stores  of  a British  firm.  On  the  7th  of  April  reinforcements  arrived 
from  Manila,  under  the  command  of  General  Tcjeiro,  in  the  cruiser 
Don  Juan  dc  Austria  and  the  chartered  merchant  steamer  Ckurruca. 
At  9 a.m.  the  Governor  ordered  the  foreigners  to  go  to  the  Fort,  and  at 
once  the  73rd  Native  Regiment  aud  a regiment  of  Spanish  Cazadores 
were  disembarked  and  drove  the  enemy  out  of  Lutao  at  the  point  of 
the  bavonet,  then,  crossing  the  square  in  front  of  the  British  Consulate, 
they  carried  all  before  them  at  the  Recoleto  Convent,  inflicting  a 
crushing  defeat  on  the  rebels.  At  the  same  time  the  rebels  were 
attacked  at  the  mestizo  quarter  called  the  Parian  and  at  Tiniago, 
whence  they  had  to  retreat,  with  severe  loss,  towards  San  Nicolas, 
which  practically  adjoins  Cebu  and  is  only  separated  therefrom  by  a 
narrow  river.  Then  the  cruiser  Don  Juan  dc  Austria  bombarded  all 
that  part  of  the  city  immediately  facing  the  sea.  Lutao  caught  fire 
and  was  totally  destroyed  ; the  towers  of  the  Austin  Friars’  Church  and 
San  Nicolas  (the  ancient  watch-tower)  were  demolished ; the  Parian 
was  razed  to  the  ground,  and  fires  spread  in  all  directions.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  procure  supplies  from  the  little  Island  of  Magtan,  which 
lies  onlv  half-a  mile  off  the  coast  of  Cebu,  but  the  expedition  had  to 
return  without  having  been  able  to  effect  a landing  at  the  capital  town 
of  Opon,  which  had  risen  in  rebellion. 

The  rebels  having  been  forced  out  of  the  city,  foreigners  were 
permitted  to  leave  the  Fort  for  their  homes.  On  the  8th  of  April 
the  loyal  troops  continued  their  pursuit  of  the  rebels,  who  suffered 
severe  losses  at  San  Nicolas  and  Pili,  on  the  road  south  of  Cebu  city. 
Just  outside  the  city  there  were  large  heaps  of  corpses.  Practically 


THRILLING  ADVENTURES  OF  AMERICANS. 


553 


the  -whole  of  the  east  coast  of  the  island  had  risen  against  the  Spaniards, 
but  the  rebels  were  careful  not  to  interfere  with  foreigners  when  they 
could  distinguish  them  as  such.  A large  force  of  insurgents  made 
another  stand  at  Labangan,  where  they  were  almost  annihilated  ; they 
are  estimated  to  have  left  quite  a thousand  dead  on  the  field.  The 
loyal  troops  followed  up  the  insurgents  towards  the  mountain  region, 
whilst  the  Don  Juan  de  Austria  cruised  down  the  coast  with  the 
intention  of  bombarding  any  town  which  might  be  in  rebel  hands. 
The  material  losses  in  Cebu  amounted  to  about  $1,725,000  in  Lutao, 
represented  by  house  property  of  Chinese  and  half-castes  and  their 
stock-in-trade.  The  Compania  Tabacalera  lost  about  $30,000  in  cash 
whilst  their  offices  and  all  they  contained  were  completely  wrecked. 
Rich  natives  and  Chinese  lost  large  sums  of  money,  the  total  of  which 
cannot  be  ascertained.  From  the  Recoleto  Convent  $19,000  in  cash, 
were  stolen,  and  there,  as  well  as  in  mo3t  of  the  Spanish  residences, 
everything  valuable  and  easily  movable  was  carried  off,  and  what  was 
of  no  use  to  the  insurgents  was  smashed  or  torn  up.  To  this  must  be 
added  the  Parian,  which  was  chiefly  half-caste  house  property,  San 
Nicolas,  etc.,  etc.  The  only  foreigner  who  lost  his  life  was  my  late 
Italian  friend  Signor  Stancampiano,  who  is  supposed  to  have  died  of 
shock,  for  when  I last  saw  him  he  was  hopelessly  ill.  As  usual,  a 
considerable  number  of  well-known  residents  of  the  city  were  arrested 
and  charged  with  being  the  prime  movers  in  this  affair. 

Up  on  the  hills  on  the  west  coast  of  Cebu,  near  Toledo  town,  some 
American  freinds  of  mine  experienced  a series  of  thrilling  adventures. 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Wilson,  mother  and  son,  to  whom  I am  indebted  for 
their  generous  hospitality,  resided  on  a large  sugar  estate  at  Calu- 
mampao,  of  which  Mr.  Wilson  is  part  owner.  They  were,  naturally, 
in  ignorance  of  what  had  taken  place  in  Cebu  city.  The  rebellion 
spread  to  their  district,  and  many  of  the  natives  on  and  about  the 
estate  were  eager  to  join  in  the  movement.  Mr.  Wilson  did  his  utmost 
to  point  out  to  them  the  futility  of  the  attempt,  but  they  indulged 
in  all  sorts  of  superstitions  about  the  invulnerability  of  their  chief, 
Claudio,  and  the  charm  attached  to  a red  flag  he  carried,  and  they 
were  determined  to  take  their  chance  with  him.  On  the  19th  of  April 
an  insurgent  force  came  on  to  the  plantation,  compelled  the  labourers 
to  join  their  standard,  and  coolly  quartered  themselves  in  the  out- 
buildings and  warehouses.  They  did  no  harm  to  the  Wilsons,  but  they 


554 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


kidnapped  a Spanish  gentleman  who  lived  close  by,  and  shot  him,  in 
spite  of  Mr.  Wilson’s  entreaties  to  spare  his  life.  The  insurgents 
moved  off,  taking  with  them  the  estate  hands,  and  in  a couple  of  days 
a company  of  Spanish  soldiers,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Suarez, 
arrived  at  the  estate-house.  The  officer  was  very  affable,  aud  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Wilson  treated  him  as  hospitably  as  they  did  all  their  friends  and 
European  passers-by.  Naturally  the  conversation  fell  on  the  all- 
absorbing  topic  of  the  day  and  the  object  of  his  mission.  After  he 
and  his  men  had  been  well  refreshed  they  started  down  the  hill  to 
meet  some  cavalry  reinforcements,  and  as  the  Wilsons  watched  their 
departure,  to  their  astonishment  they  saw  Claudio,  at  the  head  of  a 
couple  of  hundred  rebels,  rushing  down  the  hill  with  the  red  flag 
float  ing  in  the  air.  Simultaneously  a body  of  Spanish  horse  approached 
through  the  valley  ; Claudio  and  his  followers,  caught  between  the 
Spanish  cavalry  and  infantry,  retreated  to  a storehouse  in  the  valley. 
The  result  was  that  some  40  rebels  were  killed,  others  taken  prisoners, 
and  the  remainder  escaped  into  the  planted  fields.  Every  leader  was 
killed,  and  every  peaceful  native  whom  the  Spaniards  met  on  their  way 
was  unmercifully  treated.  Mr.  Wilson  was  then  asked  to  go  on  board 
a Spanish  vessel,  and  when  he  got  there  he  was  charged  with  being 
in  league  with  the  rebels.  He  was  allowed  to  return  to  shore  to  fetch 
his  mother — a highly  educated,  genial  old  lady — aud  when  they  both 
got  on  board  they  found  there  two  Englishmen  as  prisoners.  Their 
guest  of  a few  days  previous  treated  them  most  shamefully.  When 
they  were  well  on  the  voyage  to  Cebu  the  prisoners  were  allowed  to 
be  on  the  upper  deck,  and  Mrs.  Wilson  was  permitted  to  use  an  armchair. 
The  soldiers  insulted  them;  they  leaned  their  backs  to  Mrs.  Wilson’s 
chair,  and  Avhilst  some  sang  ribald  songs,  others  debated  whether  they 
should  be  shot  on  the  beach  or  at  the  Cotta  in  Cebu.  Sometimes  they 
would  draw  their  swords  and  look  viciously  towards  them.  At  last, 
after  a series  of  intimidations,  they  reached  Cebu,  where,  after  being 
detained  on  board  several  hours,  they  were  all  taken  before  the 
Governor  and  the  Chief  Justice,  aud  were  only  saved  from  further 
miseries  through  the  intercession  of  the  American  Vice-Consul.  War 
had  been  declared  between  America  and  Spain.  The  estate  had  to  be 
left  to  the  mercy  of  the  rebels,  whilst  my  friends  took  passage  to 
Singapore  on  the  Gulf  of  Martaban. 

In  the  provinces  north  of  Manila  the  rebellion  was  again  in  full 


REBELLION  CONTINUES  IN  THE  NORTH. 


555 


vigour,  and  all  trust  in  Spanish  promises  was  irrevocably  lost.  The 
Spanish  quarters  at  Subig  (Zambales)  and  Apalit  (Pampanga)  were 
attacked  and  looted  in  the  first  week  of  March.  The  new  movement 
bore  a more  serious  aspect  than  that  under  Aguiualdo  and  his  colleagues. 
At  least  they  were  men  of  certain  intelligence,  inspired  only  with  a 
wish  to  secure  reforms,  most  of  which  would  appear  to  be  reasonable. 
Their  successors  in  revolt,  however,  were  men  of  far  less  mental 
capacity,  seeking,  apparently,  only  retaliation  for  the  cruelties  inflicted 
on  the  people.  It  is  possible,  too,  that  the  premium  of  one  million 
dollars  per  35  rebel  chiefs  inflamed  the  imagination  of  the  new  leaders, 
who  were  too  ignorant  to  appreciate  the  promised  reforms  linked  with 
the  same  bargain.  During  the  mouth  of  February  the  permanent 
way  of  the  Manila-Dagupan  Railway  had  been  three  times  torn  up  to 
prevent  the  transport  of  loyal  troops.  At  the  same  time  the  villages 
around  were  looted  and  burnt.  Early  in  March  the  rebels,  under  the 
chief  leadership  of  Yocson,  of  Malolos,  attacked  and  killed  the  garrisons 
and  the  priests  in  the  north  of  Pangasinan  and  Zambales,  excepting 
six  soldiers  who  managed  to  escape.  Some  of  the  garrison  troops  were 
murdered  after  surrender.  The  telegraph  line  between  Lingayen  and 
a place  a few  miles  from  Bolinao  was  cut  down  and  removed.  A 
lineman  was  sent  out  to  repair  it  under  escort  of  Civil  Guards,  who 
were  forced  by  the  rebels  to  retire.  On  the  7th  of  March,  about  2 a.m., 
the  Eastern  Extension  Telegraph  Co.’s  cable  station  at  Bolinao 
(Zambales)  was  besieged  by  rebels.  The  village  was  held  by  about 
400  armed  natives,  who  had  killed  one  native  and  two  European 
soldiers  on  the  way.  The  lighthouse  keeper  and  the  Inspector  of 
Forests  safely  reached  Santa  Cruz,  40  miles  south,  in  a boat.  The 
other  civilian  Spaniards  and  priests  got  away  in  another  boat,  but 
were  pursued  and  captured  by  the  insurgents,  who  killed  two  of  the 
civilians  and  brought  the  European  women  and  Friars  into  the  village 
as  prisoners  at  4.30  the  same  afternoon.  Eight  soldiers  had  taken 
refuge  in  the  cable  station,  and  at  6 a.m.  a message  was  sent  to  the 
British  staff  requiring  them  to  turn  out  the  soldiers  or  quit  the  premises 
themselves.  They  refused  to  take  either  course,  and  declared  their 
neutrality.  A similar  message  was  sent  several  times  with  the  same 
result.  By  4 p.m.  the  soldiers  had  fortified  the  station  as  well  as  they 
could,  and  the  rebels  attacked,  but  were  repulsed  with  a few  shots. 
Nothing  transpired  during  the  night,  but  the  next  day  (8th  March) 


55G 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


another  message  was  sent  to  the  British  staff  urging  them  to  withdraw 
as  the  rebels  would  renew  the  assault  at  10  a.m.  The  staff  again 
refused  to  comply.  Then  it  appears  that  the  rebels  delayed  their 
attack  until  the  arrival  of  their  chief,  hourly  expected.  An  ultimatum 
was,  at  length,  received  at  the  station,  to  the  effect  that  if  all  arms  were 
given  up  they  would  spare  the  soldiers’ lives.  They  also  demanded  the 
surrender  of  the  two  rebels  held  prisoners  by  these  soldiers.  At  this 
stage  one  of  the  Company’s  staff,  who  were  allowed  to  go  and  come  as 
they  pleased,  volunteered  to  interview  the  rebels,  but  matters  could  not 
be  arranged,  as  the  Spanish  corporal  (a  plucky  youth  of  20  years  of 
age)  in  the  station  refused  to  surrender  anything  at  any  price.  Still 
parleying  was  continued  aud  on  the  11th  of  March  one  of  the  Company’s 
staff  again  visited  the  rebel  camp  to  state  that  if  the  regular  bi-monthly 
steamer  failed  to  arrive  on  the  morrow  the  corporal  would  surrender 
arms.  Then  the  rebel  chief  proposed  that  the  corporal  should  meet 
him  half  way  between  the  Company’s  office  and  the  rebel  camp,  the 
rebel  pledging  his  word  of  honour  that  no  harm  should  befall  the 
corporal.  The  corporal,  however,  could  not  do  this,  as  it  would 
have  been  contrary  to  the  Spanish  military  code  to  capitulate  on 
his  own  authority,  but  he  confirmed  his  willingness  to  surrender  arms 
if  no  steamer  arrived  the  next  day.  The  Company’s  employe  returned 
to  the  camp  to  notify  this  resolution,  but  in  a few  minutes  he  observed 
a commotion  among  the  insurgents  ; some  one  had  descried  a war- 
ship approaching,  and  the  native  canoes  were  very  busy  making  ready 
for  escape  or  attack.  The  British  delegate,  therefore,  hastened  back 
to  the  station,  and  at  3 p.m.  a Spanish  gunboat  arrived,  to  their 
immense  relief,  and  landed  107  marines.  Heavy  firing  continued  all 
that  afternoon,  inflicting  great  loss  on  the  rebels,  whilst  the  Spaniards 
lost  one  soldier.  On  the  12th  of  March  a Spanish  cruiser  anchored  off 
the  Bay  of  Bolinao  ; also  a merchant  steamer  put  into  port  bringing  the 
Company’s  Manila  Superintendent  with  apparatus  for  communicating 
with  Hongkong  in  case  the  station  were  demolished.  The  next  day 
H.M.S.  Edgar  entered  aud  Bolinao  was  again  perfectly  safe. 

In  consequence  of  this  threatened  attack  on  the  cable-station  the 
cable  was  detached  from  Bolinao  and  carried  on  to  Manila  in  the 
following  month  {vide  page  304). 

As  soon  as  the  news  reached  Manila  that  Bolinao  was  menaced, 
General  Monet  proceeded  north  with  one  thousand  men  whilst  three 


GENERAL  PRIMO  DE  RIVERA  RECALLED. 


557 


thousand  more  followed  by  railway  as  far  as  they  could  reach.  On  the 
way  the  General  had  five  engagements  with  the  enemy,  between 
Lingayeu  (Pangasinau)  and  Boliuao,  where  he  arrived  on  the  night  of 
the  14th  of  March,  having  routed  the  insurgents  every  where  with  great 
loss  to  them.  On  the  Spanish  side  one  lieutenant  and  one  soldier  were 
killed.  After  leaving  a garrison  of  300  men  in  Bolinao,  General  Monet 
returned  to  Manila  in  the  Spanish  cruiser  the  next  day. 

On  the  31st  of  March,  Father  Mo'ises  Santos,  who  had  caused  all 
the  members  of  the  Town  Council  of  Malolos  to  be  banished  in  1895, 
was  assassinated.  He  had  been  appointed  vicar  of  the  Augustine  Order 
and  was  returning  to  Malolos  station,  en  route  for  Manila,  in  a buggy 
which  stuck  fast  in  a mud  pool  (the  same  in  which  I have  found  myself 
several  times),  where  he  was  stabbed  to  death.  His  body  was  recovered 
and  taken  by  special  train  to  Manila,  where  it  was  interred  with  great 
pomp  iu  the  Church  of  St.  Augustine.  He  was  44  years  of  age  and 
had  been  19  years  in  the  Colony. 

Notwithstanding  the  alleged  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Biac-na-batd, 
the  Home  Government  recalled  General  Primo  de  Rivera,  appointing  in 
his  stead  General  Basilio  Augusti,  who  had  never  before  held  that  rank 
in  the  Islands.  Primo  de  Rivera  was  no  doubt  anxious  to  be  relieved 
of  a position  which  he  could  not  well  continue  to  hold,  with  dignity  to 
himself,  after  the  Madrid  Government  had  shelved  his  recommendations 
for  reforms.  His  subsequent  speeches  in  the  Senate  incline  one  to 
draw  this  conclusion.  The  Colonial  Minister,  Segismundo  Moret, 
warmly  supported  the  proposed  reforms,  but  monastic  influences,  ever 
predominant  in  the  Peninsula,  were  brought  to  bear  which  Praxedes 
Sagasta  had  not  the  moral  courage  to  resist. 

Pedro  A.  Paterno,  the  peacemaker,  was  sorely  disappointed,  too,  that 
the  Government  had  failed  to  remunerate  him  for  his  services.  His 
position  will  be  best  understood  from  the  subjoined  translation  of  the 
letter  which  he  addressed  to  a high  authority  on  the  subject.  The 
original  documeut  was  read  iu  public  session  of  Congress  in  Madrid  on 
the  16th  of  June,  1898,  by  the  Deputy  Senor  Muro. 

Manila,  23rd  of  February,  1898. 

My  esteemed  Friend, 

As  it  appears  that,  at  last,  one  is  thinking  of  giving  me 
something  for  the  services  rendered  by  me,  and  as,  according  to 
you,  the  recompense  is  going  to  be  a title  of  Castile,  I wish  to 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


speak  frankly,  in  secret,  on  the  subject.  I do  not  wish  to  fall  into 
ridicule,  because  in  such  a material  and  mercantile  place  as  Manila 
a title  without  rent-roll,  or  grandeur,  or  anything  of  the  nature  of 
an  employment,  or  Cross  of  Maria  Christina,  or  rewards  such  as 
have  been  showered  broadcast  by  three  Captain-Generals  would, 
in  Philippine  circles,  make  me  appear  as  the  gullible  boy  and  the 
laughing-stock  of  my  fellows.  To  express  my  private  opinion,  I 
aspire,  above  all,  to  the  preservation  of  my  name  and  prestige,  and  if 
I were  asked  to  renounce  them  for  a childish  prize,  even  though  it 
be  called  a title  of  Castile,  despised  by  serious  statesmen  in 
Europe,  I think  I should  be  obliged  to  refuse  it.  But  I am  willing 
to  meet  half  way  the  state  of  Spanish  society  in  the  Philippines, 
and  as  I belong  to  the  family  of  the  Maguinong  Paterno,  I must 
express  myself  in  another  way.  That  title  of  Castile  might 
become  the  cherished  ideal  in  the  Philippines  if  it  were  valued  as 
I desire. 

In  the  first  place,  it  mi/st  not  be  less  than  that  of  Duke , 
because  the  natives  have  obeyed  me  as  the  Great  Maguinong , or 
Prince  of  Luzon,  and  the  ex-revolutionists  call  me  the  arbiter  of 
their  destinies. 

The  reward  from  Spain  must  not  be  less  than  the  Philippine 
public  already  award  to  me. 

In  the  second  place,  the  reward,  to  be  accepted  by  me  with 
dignity  and  preservation  of  prestige,  must  be  presented  to  me  in 
the  sense  that  it  is  for  the  general  welfare  of  the  Philippines  as 
implied  in  the  title  of  Grandee  of  Spain  of  the  First  Class  with 
the  consequent  right  to  a seat  in  the  Senate  to  defend  the  interests 
of  the  Colony,  seeing  that  we  have  no  Members  of  Parliament,  and 
parliamentary  representation  is  anxiously  desired, 

I can  show  that  I possess  an  income  of  $25,000  and  more  if 
necessary. 

In  the  third  place,  it  must  be  in  the  nature  of  a gift  and  not  a 
purchase,  that  is  to  say,  the  patent  of  nobility  must  be  a free 
gift. 

In  the  fourth  place,  it  must  be  valued  in  dollars,  so  that  the 
reward  may  not  be  held  in  contempt  by  the  public,  who  know  my 
liberality  when  I pay,  with  splendid  generosity,  sea  vogages, 
river  and  land  journeys  for  myself  and  for  my  emissaries,  or  when 


PATERNO  DEMANDS  A DUKEDOM  AND  A MILLION.  559 


I distribute  with  abundant  profusion  pecuniary  and  material 
recompenses  to  buy  over  the  tvills  of  and  unite  all  the  insurgent 
chiefs  to  bring  them  to  sxirrender  to  Spain.  Up  to  the  present,  I 
have  not  received  a cent  from  the  revolutionists  or  from  the 
Spanish  Government  to  cover  these  expenses. 

It  is  notorious  that  I have  worked  so  grandly  that  no  one  can 
now  ask  me  to  sink  into  insignificance. 

The  recent  concessions  made  by  the  Spanish  Government  have 
been  seen  by  the  Philippine  public.  The  grade  of  Captain-General 
was  given  for  subjecting  a few  Moslem  chiefs  of  Mindanao  ; 
promotions  and  grand  crosses  with  pensions  have  been  awarded, 
and  I,  who  have  put  an  end  to  the  war  at  a stroke,  saving  Spain 
many  millions  of  dollars — I,  who,  amidst  inundations  and  hurricanes 
have  assaulted  and  conquered  the  barracks  and  military  posts  of 
the  enemy , causing  them  to  lay  down  their  arms  to  Spain  without 
bloodshed  and  at  my  command  surrender  all  their  chiefs  and 
revolutionary  Government  with  their  brigades  and  companies,  I 
think  I have  good  right  to  ask  Spain,  if  she  wishes  to  show  herself 
a mother  to  me,  to  give  me  as  much  as  she  has  given  to  other 
sons  for  lesser  services. 

To  conclude,  for  family  reasons,/  want  a title  of  Castile , that  of 
Prince  or  Duke , if  possible , and  to  be  a Grandee  of  the  first  class, 
free  of  nobility  patent  fees  and  the  sum  of  $ once  for  all. 

I think  that  the  title  of  Castile,  or  Spain’s  reward,  if  it 
reaches  me  without  the  mentioned  formalities,  will  be  an  object 
of  ridicule,  and  Spain  ought  not  to  expose  me  to  this,  because  I 
wish  to  serve  her  always,  in  the  present  and  in  the  future. 

I also  recommend  you  very  strongly  to  procure  for  my  brother 
Maximino  Melo  Agustin  Paterno  y Debera  Ignacio  the  title  of 
Count  or  a Grand  Cross  free  of  duties,  for  he  has  not  only 
rendered  great  services  to  the  nation,  but  he  has  continually 
sustained  the  prestige  of  Spain  with  the  natives. 

I am,  etc.,  etc., 

Pedro  A.  Paterno. 

N.B. — 1°.  I told  you  verbally  that  if  my  merits  did  not  reach 
two  millimetres,  it  is  the  friend’s  duty  to  amplify  them  and  extend 
them  and  make  others  see  them  as  if  they  were  so  many  metres, 
especially  as  they  have  no  equal. 


560 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Prince  of  Limasaba  is  the  first  title  of  Castile  conceded  to 
a native  of  the  Philippines.  He  was  the  first  king  of  the  Island 
of  Limasaba  in  the  time  of  Maghallanes,  according  to  Father 
Jose  Fernandez  Cuevas,  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  iu  his 
“ Spain  and  Catholicism  iu  the  Far  East,”  folio  2 (years  1519 
to  1595).  Iu  Spain,  in  modern  times,  Prince  of  Peace,  Prince  of 
Vergara,  etc. 

2°  and  3°.  Verbally  I mentioned  one  million  of  dollars,  and 
that  Parliament  should  meet  sometimes  for  the  Philippines  and  for 
extraordinary  reasons.  Take  note  that  out  of  the  25,000  meu 
sent  here  by  Spain  on  account  of  the  insurrection,  statistics  snow 
6,000  struck  off  the  effective  list  in  the  first  six  months  aud  many 
millions  of  dollars  expenses.  The  little  present,  or  the  Christmas 
box  (mi  Aguinaldo ) is  of  no  mean  worth. 

In  the  second  week  of  April,  1898,  General  Primo  de  Rivera  left 
Manila  for  Spain,  on  the  arrival  of  his  successor  in  the  Captain- 
Generalcy,  General  Basilio  Augusti,  iu  the  s.s.  Isla  de  Mindanao .' 
Some  days  before  General  Primo  de  Rivera’s  departure  the  American 
Consul  at  Manila  had  received  despatches  from  his  Government  to 
prepare  to  quit  the  Islands,  as  war  was  imminent  between  Spain  aud 
the  United  States.  He  was  further  instructed  to  hand  over  his 
consulate  archives  to  the  British  Consul,  who  would  take  charge  of 
American  interests.  But  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Spauish 
authorities  no  official  transfer  could  be  made  from  one  consulate  to  the 
other,  and  the  General  professed  ignorance  of  the  existing  relations 
between  his  country  aud  America.  He  cabled  to  Madrid  for  infor- 
mation, but  managed  to  delay  matters  until  his  successor  assumed 
office,  when  the  transfer  was  duly  made.  Consul  Williams  was  iu  no 
way  molested.  He  passed  to-and-fro  in  the  city  without  the  least 
insult  being  offered  him  by  any  Spaniard.  The  Governor-General 
courteouslv  proposed  to  send  a large  bodyguard  to  his  consulate,  but  it 
was  not  necessary.  Yet,  as  soon  as  Consul  Williams  closed  his  office 
and  went  on  board  the  s.s.  Esmeralda , the  American  Consulate 
escutcheon  was  painted  out  and  the  notice  boards  outside  the  doors 
were  kicked  about  the  streets. 


1 This  steamer  came  into  Manila  flying  the  French  ensign,  and  painted  to 
esemble  one  of  the  Russian  Volunteer  Fleet,  to  avoid  capture  on  the  way. 


WAR  IMMINENT. — COMMOTION  IN  MADRID. 


561 


General  Prirao  de  Rivera  must  have  been  well  aware  of  the 
strained  relations  between  Spain  and  America,  for  the  s.s.  Leon  XIII., 
in  which  he  travelled  to  Barcelona,  was  armed  as  a cruiser,  in  Manila, 
with  two  4-inch  Houtoria  guns  mounted  aft  of  the  funnel  and  two 
Xordenfeldts  in  the  bows.  This  steamer,  crowded  with  refugee 
Spanish  families,  some  of  whom  slept  on  the  saloon  floors,  made  its 
first  stoppage  at  Singapore  on  the  17th  of  April.  At  the  next  port  of 
call  General  Primo  de  Rivera  learnt  that  the  United  States  of  America 
had  presented  an  ultimatum  to  his  Government.  Before  he  reached 
Barcelona,  in  the  third  week  of  May,  war  between  the  two  countries 
had  already  broken  out  (23rd  of  April,  1898).  There  were  riots  in 
Madrid  ; martial  law  was  proclaimed  ; the  Parliamentary  session  was 
suspended  ; a strict  censorship  of  the  Press  was  established  ; the  great 
disaster  to  Spanish  arms  in  Philippine  waters  had  taken  place  ; the 
Prime  Minister  Sagasta  had  iutimated  his  willingness  to  resign,  and 
Primo  de  Rivera  entered  Madrid  when  it  was  too  late  to  save  the 
Philippine  Islands  for  Spain,  even  had  the  rebel  version  of  the  Treaty 
of  Biac-na-bato  been  fulfilled  to  the  letter. 

The  leaders  of  the  principal  political  parties  were  hastily  summoned 
to  the  palace  to  consult  separately  with  the  Queen  Regent  on  the 
situation,  and  they  were  unanimous  on  one  point,  namely,  that  the 
Prime  Minister  who  had  accepted  war  should  carry  them  through  the 
crisis.  Spain  was,  apparently,  more  concerned  about  the  salvation  of 
the  Antilles  than  her  Far  Eastern  Colony. 

The  Friars,  fully  alive  to  their  moral  responsibility  towards  the 
nation  for  the  loss  of  the  Philippines,  were,  nevertheless,  desirous  of 
finding  a champion  of  their  cause  in  the  political  arena,  and  Deputy 
Uria  was  -willing  to  accept  this  onerous  task.  The  Bishop-elect  of 
Porto  Rico  (an  Austin  friar)  was  a fellow  passenger  with  General 
Primo  de  Rivera.  According  to  El  Liberal  of  the  3rd  of  June,  1898, 
when  he  arrived  in  Madrid  he  went  with  the  Procurator  of  his  Order 
to  interview  the  Colonial  Minister,  Seiior  Romero  Giron,  on  the 
prospects  of  Deputy  Uria’s  proposed  debate  when  Congress  should 
meet  again.  The  Minister  pointed  out  to  them  the  attendant  diffi- 
culties, and  referred  them  to  the  Prime  Minister.  They  immediately 
weut  to  Seiior  Sagasta’s  residence,  where  they  were  promptly  given 
to  understand  that  if  anyone  could  be  found  to  defend  them, 
there  might  well  be  others  who  would  oppose  them , so  their  champion 
withdrew. 


N N 


562 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


When,  months  later,  Parliament  was  re-opened,  the  Minister  of  War 
denied  in  Congress  that  the  Treaty  of  Biac-ua-batd  had  ever  existed, 
and  in  support  of  his  contention  he  cited  a cablegram  which  the 
Governor-General  Primo  de  Rivera  is  alleged  to  have  sent  to  the 
Prime  Minister  Sagasta.  It  was  published  in  the  Gaceta  de  Madrid' 
on  the  16th  of  December,  1897,  and  reads  as  follows  : — 

( Translation .) 

Manila,  12th  of  December,  1897. 

To  the  President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers  from  the 
Governor-General. 

At  the  expiration  of  the  time  allowed  and  announced  in  the- 
Gazette  of  the  28th  of  November,  after  which  rigorous  and  active 
war  measures  would  be  taken  against  the  rebels,  a deputation 
from  the  enemy  came  to  me  on  behalf  of  the  brothers  Aguinaldo, 
Llanera,  and  the  so-called  Eepublicau  Government,  offering  to 
surrender  themselves,  their  followers,  and  their  arms,  on  the  sole 
conditions  of  their  lives  being  spared  and  that  they  should  receive 
means  with  which  to  emigrate.  It  appears  to  me,  and  to  the 
general  officers  of  this  army,  that  this  surrender  is  the  result  of 
the  successive  combats  by  which  we  have  held  the  positions  taken 
in  Morong,  Paray,  Minuyan,  and  Arayat,  and  the  enthusiasm 
displayed  by  the  resolute  volunteers  in  the  provinces  outside 
Tagalog  sphere.  I feel  sure  of  being  able  to  take  Biac-na-batd, 
as  well  as  all  the  other  points  occupied  by  the  rebels,  but  I am 
not  so  certain  of  being  able  to  secure  the  persons  of  the  chiefs  of 
the  rebellion  with  their  followers.  The  war  would  then  be  carried 
on  by  roving  parties  who,  from  their  hiding-places  in  the  forests 
and  mountains,  might  appear  from  time  to  time,  and  although  of 
little  importance,  they  would  sustain  the  rebellion. 

The  generals  agree  with  me  that  this  peace  will  save  the 
honour  of  Spain  and  the  army,  but  in  view  of  the  importance  of 
the  event  I consider  it  necessary  to  solicit  the  approval  of  the 
Government. 

If  the  Government  should  accept  the  proposals,  I will  bring 
them  to  an  issue  at  once,  but  I so  far  distrust  them  that  I cannot 
be  sure  of  anything  until  I have  the  men  and  the  arms  in  my 
possession.  In  any  case,  it  is  now  the  unanimous  opinion  that  the 

situation  is  saved. 


Primo  de  Rivera. 


AGREEMENT  WITH  REBELS. OFFICIAL  TAPERS.  563 


( Translation  of  reply.) 

Madrid,  13  th  of  December,  1897. 
President  of  the  Council  of  Ministers  to  the  Governor-General, 
Manila. 

Colonial  Ministry  Code.  H.  M.  the  Queen  has  perused  with 
great  satisfaction  your  Excellency’s  telegram  and  commands  me 
to  congratulate  you  in  the  name  of  the  nation.  In  view  of 
the  opinion  of  your  Excellency  and  the  generals  under  your  orders 
that  the  honour  of  the  army  is  saved,  the  Government  fully 
authorizes  your  Excellency  to  accept  the  surrender  of  the  rebel 
chiefs  and  their  Government  on  the  terms  specified  in  your 
telegram.  Please  advise  the  surrender  as  soon  as  possible  in  order 
to  give  due  and  solemn  publicity  to  the  event.  Receive  my 
sincere  congratulations  and  those  of  the  Government. 

Sagasta. 

The  publication  of  these  documents,  however,  did  little  to  calm  the 
anger  of  those  Madrid  politicians  who  maintained  that  Spanish 
dominion  in  the  Philippines  could  only  he  peacefully  assured  by  a 
certain  measure  of  reform  in  consonance  with  the  natives’  aspirations. 

Months  afterwards,  when  Spanish  sovereignty  in  the  Archipelago 
was  drawing  to  a close,  the  Conde  de  las  Almenas  opened  a furious 
debate  in  the  Senate,  charging  all  the  Colonial  Governor-Generals  with 
incompetency,  but  its  only  immediate  effect  was  to  widen  the  breach 
between  political  parties. 


-*■ 


+■ 


N N 2 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 


THE  TAGALOG  REBELLION  OF  1896-98. 

Second  Period. 

American  Intervention. 

The  prelude  to  the  American  occupation  of  Manila  was  the  demand 
made  on  Spain  by  the  United  States  Government  to  evacuate  the 
Island  of  Cuba. 

Generations  of  Spanish  misrule  in  that  island  had  produced  a 
recurrence  of  the  many  attempts  to  throw  off  the  sovereignty  of  Spain. 
In  February,  1895,  the  flag  of  insurrection  was  again  unfurled,  and 
at  Baira  a proclamation,  claiming  independence,  was  issued  at  the 
instance  of  one  of  Cuba’s  most  intelligent  patriots — Marti.  This  civil 
leader,  however,  died  a natural  death  a few  months  afterwards,  but  the 
chief  command  of  the  insurgents  in  the  field  was  continued  by  the 
mulatto  Antonio  Maceo.  The  rebellion  was  assuming  a serious  aspect 
when  General  Martinez  Campos,  who  had  been  instrumental  in  duping 
the  Cubans  in  1878  by  the  Treaty  of  Zaujon,  was  again  sent  out  as 
Captain-General  of  the  Island.  But  the  Cubans  refused  to  be  caught 
a second  time  in  the  same  trap.  Martinez  Campos’  theme  of  “ political 
“ action  combined  with  military  force  ” held  no  weight.  During  his 
mild  regime  the  insurrection  increased  rapidly,  and  in  one  encounter 
he  himself  was  very  near  falling  a prisoner.  In  eight  months  he  was 
relieved  of  his  post,  and  General  Weyler,  who  had  a reputation  for 
severity,  succeeded  him  in  command.  He  was  a man  of  the  Duke  of 
Alba  type — the  ideal  of  the  traditional  Spanish  Colonial  party  who 
recognized  no  colonists’  rights,  and  regarded  concessions  of  liberty  to 
the  colonies  as  maternal  dispensations  to  be  hoped  for  only,  but  never 
demanded.  Canovas,  the  ultra-Conservative  Prime  Minister,  had 
declared  that  so  long  as  an  armed  rebel  remained  in  the  field  he  would 


CAUSE  OF  THE  AMERICAN-SPANISH  WAR. 


565 


not  grant  reforms,  so  the  prospect  of  a settlement  of  the  disputes 
between  the  Government  and  the  governed  was  hopeless  during  that 
administration.  The  duration  of  the  civil  war  had  seriously  preju- 
diced American  trade  interests ; the  pursuance  of  a conflict  under 
the  conditions  imposed  by  General  Weyler,  who  caused  all 
non-combatant  islanders  to  be  “ concentrated  ” in  places  where 
they  were  left  to  starve,  aroused  the  just  indignation  of  America 
and  Europe  alike.  The  hand  of  the  assassin  brought  the  Canovas 
Ministry  to  an  end  on  the  8th  of  August,  1897  ; General  Weyler 
was  recalled  six  weeks  later,  and  the  United  States  Government, 
which  had  so  repeatedly  protested  against  the  indefinite  and  wanton 
waste  of  lives  and  fortunes  in  Cuba,  dictated  to  Spain  a limit 
to  its  continuance.  After  a Conservative  interregnum  of  six  weeks 
under  the  leadership  of  General  Azcarraga,  Praxedes  Sagasta  came 
into  power  at  the  head  of  a Liberal  ministry  and  with  a Cuban 
autonomy  bill  in  his  portfolio.  The  newly  appointed  Governor- 
General,  Ramon  Blanco,  of  the  Martinez  Campos  school — a more 
noble  and  compassionate  man  than  his  predecessor — unsuccessfully 
essayed  the  policy  of  coercing  the  rebels  in  arms  whilst  cajoling 
peaceful  autonomists  and  separatists  with  the  long-talked  of  self- 
government.  Nevertheless,  the  separatist  movement  had  in  no  way 
abated  when  the  Autonomy  Bill  was  promulgated,  and  an  insular 
Cuban  Government  was  formed  on  the  1st  of  January  1898.  In  the 
meantime  the  incident  of  the  explosion  of  the  American  warship 
Maine , the  cause  of  which  has  not  yet  been  made  clear  to  the  satis- 
faction of  the  world,  had  further  incensed  the  war  party  in  the  United 
States.  Autonomy  had  come  too  late  ; examined  in  detail  it  was  but 
another  form  of  Spanish  dominion  open  to  almost  similar  abuses  ; it 
was  not  the  will  of  the  people,  and  it  failed  to  bring  peace.  The 
thousands  “ concentrated”  under  Weyler’s  rule  still  formed  a moribund' 
mass  of  squalid  misery  which  Spain  was  still  unable  or  unwilling  to 
relieve.  America’s  offer  to  materially  alleviate  their  wretchedness 
was  received  with  suspicion,  hemmed  in  with  conditions,  and  not 
openly  rejected  for  the  want  of  physical  power  to  do  so.  Three 
months  of  insular  government  and  over  200,000  Spanish  troops  had 
effected  practically  nothing  ; the  prospect  of  peace  was  hopeless,  and 
the  United  States  of  America  formally  called  upon  Spain  to  evacuate 
the  island.  Spain  argued  the  point ; America  insisted  on  the  course 


566 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


dictated,  and  sent  an  ultimatum  to  Madrid  on  the  20th  of  April,  1898, 
to  be  accepted  or  otherwise  within  three  days.  The  ministers  Polo  de 
Bernabe  and  General  Woodford  withdrew  from  Washington  and 
Madrid  respectively,  and  war  broke  out  between  the  United  States 
and  Spain  on  Saturday  the  23rd  of  April,  1898. 

In  anticipation  of  hostilities,  an  American  fleet  had  concentrated  at 
Hongkong.  On  the  23rd  of  April  Major-General  Black,  the  officer 
administering  the  Colony,  issued  a proclamation  of  neutrality,  and 
Commodore  Dewey  withdrew  his  fleet  from  British  waters  to  Mirs 
Bay1  within  Chinese  jurisdiction. 

It  was  known  in  Manila  that  the  hostile  squadron  was  on  the  way 
to  the  Philippine  capital.  Submarine  miues  were  laid,  or  said  to  have 
been  laid,  for  some  old  cable  was  purchased  for  the  purpose  from 
the  telegraph  ship  Sherard  Osborn  when  the  submarine  cable  was 
removed  from  Bolinao  and  carried  on  to  Manila.  Admiral  Montojo 
went  with  four  ships  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  enemy  off  Subig  on 
the  W.  coast  of  Luzon.  Subig  is  a fine  natural  harbour,  but  with 
precipitous  shores  just  as  nature  has  made  it.  For  years  the 
“ project  ” had  existed  to  carry  a State  railway  there  from  Manila 
and  make  Subig  the  principal  Government  Naval  Station  and  Arsenal 
instead  of  Cavite.  But.  personal  interests  and  the  sloth  of  the  Govern- 
ment combined  to  frustrate  the  plan.  Under  the  pressing  circumstances, 
the  military  authorities  pretended  to  be  doing  something  there,  and 
sent  up  a commission.  Admiral  Montojo  expected  to  find  batteries  of 
artillery  mounted  and  II  torpedoes  in  readiness,  but  absolutely  nothing 
had  been  done,  so  he  at  once  returned  to  Manila  Bay,  and  prepared  to 
meet  the  adversary  off  Cavite.  In  Cavite  there  were  two  batteries, 
with  three  guns  between  them,  but  at  the  last  moment  two  defective 
guns  were  put  ashore  there  from  the  Don  Juan  de  Austria  and  two 
similar  pieces  from  the  Castilla. 

In  Hongkong  there  was  great  agitation  among  the  members  of  the 
Philippine  Patriotic  League  ( Junta  Patriotica ),  and  the  rebel  chiefs 
exiled  under  the  Treaty  of  Biac-na-bato.  The  League  had  presented 
to  several  European  Governments,  through  its  own  agents,  a sort  of 
Memorandum , to  which  no  official  recognition  could  be  given.  The 


1 Mira  Bay  has  since  become  British,  being  included  in  the  extended  Kowloon 
Concession. 


AGUINALDO’S  AGREEMENT  WITH  AMERICAN  CONSUL.  567 


Filipinos  were  now  anxious  to  co-operate  with  the  Americans  in 
compelling  the  Spaniards  to  evacuate  the  Archipelago.  The  American 
Consul  in  Hongkong,  Mr.  Wildman,  accepted  the  honorary  post  of 
treasurer  of  the  Patriotic  League  fund.  Emilio  Aguinaldo  and  suite 
went  to  Singapore,  where  they  found  Mr.  Howard  W.  Bray,  an  English- 
man and  old  personal  friend  of  mine,  who  had  resided  some  years  in 
the  Islands.  Aguinaldo  and  his  party  were  obliged  to  travel  incognito , 
because  secret  paid  agents  were  on  his  track  to  endeavour  to  fetter  his 
movements,  and  in  Singapore  a Malay  police  sergeant  was  illegally 
employed  to  investigate  the  private  acts  of  a Filipino.  The  editor  of 
the  Singapore  Free  Press  and  Mr.  Bray  had  become  acquainted. 
The  editor  introduced  Mr.  Bray  to  the  American  Consul-General, 
Mr.  Spencer  Pratt,  and  Mr.  Bray  presented  Emilio  Aguinaldo  to  the 
Consul-General.  The  midnight  meeting  of  the  above-named  four 
persons  took  place  at  “ The  Mansion,”  River  Valley  Road,  Singapore, 
on  the  24th  of  April,  the  day  following  the  outbreak  of  American- 
Spanish  hostilities.  The  original  idea  in  making  Aguinaldo  and  the 
Consul-General  known  to  each  other  was  to  utilize  Aguinaldo’s  services 
and  prestige  with  the  armed  natives  to  control  them  and  prevent 
reprisals  when  the  American  forces  should  appear  before  Manila.  It 
was  hoped  that,  in  this  way,  the  lives  of  many  Spaniards  in  the  Islands 
would  be  spared.  The  result  of  this  Singapore  meeting  was  that  a 
draft  Agreement  between  Consul-General  Pratt  and  Emilio  Aguinaldo 
was  drawn  up,  subject  to  the  approval  of  Commodore  Dewey  and 
subsequent  confirmation  from  Washington.  The  essence  of  this 
provisional  understanding  was  as  follows,  viz. : — 

(1°.)  Philippine  Independence  to  be  proclaimed. 

(2°.)  A Federal  Republic  to  be  established  by  vote  of  the 
rebels  ; pending  the  taking  of  this  vote  Aguinaldo  was  to  appoint 
the  members  of  that  Government. 

(3°.)  The  Federal  Republic  to  recognize  a temporary  inter- 
vention of  American  and  European  Administrative  Commissions 
to  be  appointed  by  Commodore  Dewey. 

(4°.)  The  American  Protectorate  to  be  recognized  on  the  same 
terms  as  those  fixed  for  Cuba. 

(5°.)  Philippine  ports  to  be  open  to  all  the  world. 

(6°.)  Precautionary  measures  to  be  adopted  against  the  influx 
of  Chinese. 


568 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


(7®.)  The  existing  judicial  system  to  he  reformed. 

(8°.)  Liberty  of  the  press  and  right  of  assembly  to  be 
proclaimed. 

(9®.)  Ample  tolerance  of  all  religions  and  sects,  but  abolition 
and  expulsion  of  all  monastic  orders. 

(10°.)  Measures  to  be  adopted  for  -working  up  the  natural 
resources  of  the  Archipelago. 

(11®.)  The  wealth  of  the  country  to  be  developed  by  the 
construction  of  high  roads  and  railways. 

(12°.)  The  obstacles  operating  against  the  development  of 
enterprises  and  employment  of  foreign  capital  to  be  removed. 

(13".)  The  new  Government  to  preserve  public  order  and 
check  all  reprisals  against  the  Spaniards. 

(14°.)  Spanish  officials  to  be  transported  to  another  safe  and 
healthy  island  until  there  shall  be  an  opportunity  for  their  return 
to  Spain. 

(15°.)  This  Agreement  is  subject  to  ratification  (by  telegraph) 
by  Commodore  Dewey  and  President  MacKinley. 

Consul-General  Pratt  thereupon  sent  Emilio  Aguiualdo  with  his 
stall'  to  Hongkong  with  instructions  to  Consul  Wildman  to  put  him  in 
communication  with  Commodore  Dcwev,  which  he  did,  and  Commodore 
Dewey,  before  he  left  China  for  Manila,  gave  orders  to  Consul 
Wildman  to  see  that  Aguiualdo  and  his  staff  followed  on  in  an 
American  warship.  About  the  same  time  the  Philippine  Patriotic 
League  issued  a proclamation  which  is  too  long  to  reproduce  here  as 
it  covers  eight  folios  of  print.  This  document  sets  forth  that  whereas 
the  Treaty  of  Biac-na-bato  has  not  been  fulfilled  by  the  Spanish 
Government,  the  Revolutionists  consider  themselves  absolved  therefrom 
and  morally  free  to  again  take  the  offensive  in  open  warfare  for  the 
security  of  their  rights  and  liberty.  But  this  document  does  not  quote 
any  of  the  text  of  the  above  Treaty.  Proclamations  and  exhortations 
to  the  rebels  were  issued  with  such  frequency  that  it  would  be  tedious 
to  cite  them  all,  but  I give  the  following  specimen  : — 

( Translation  of  Full  Text.) 

Philippine  Patriots. 

A nation  which  has  nothing  good  can  give  nothing.  It  is 
evident  we  cannot  depend  on  Spain  to  obtain  the  welfare  we  all 
desire.  A country  like  Spain,  where  social  evolution  is  at  the 


A REBEL  PROCLAMATION. 


569 


mercy  of  monks  and  tyrants,  can  only  communicate  to  us  its  own 
instincts  of  calumny,  infamy,  inquisitorial  proceedings,  avarice, 
secret  police,  false  pretences,  humiliation,  deprivation  of  liberties, 
slavery  and  moral  and  material  decay  which  characterize  its 
history.  Spain  will  need  much  time  to  shake  off  the  parasites 
which  have  grown  upon  and  cling  to  her  ; she  has  no  self- 
dependence  so  long  as  her  nationality  is  composed  of  inquisitorial 
monks,  ambitious  soldiers,  demoralized  civil  servants,  and  a 
populace  bred  to  support  this  state  of  things  in  silence.  It  is 
therefore  useless  to  expect  anything  from  Spain. 

During  three  and  a half  centuries  Spain’s  policy  has  been  a 
delusion.  Is  there  a conflict  between  Spain  and  England  or 
Holland  ? Then  the  Friars  come  and  relate  to  us  preposterous 
absurdities  of  the  miracles  of  Saint  Francis  and  of  the  Image  of 
the  Virgin  of  the  Rosary,  whilst  Simon  de  Anda  calls  the 
Pampango  natives  his  brothers  so  long  as  they  fight  to  save  the 
Spanish  flag  falling  into  the  hands  of  English  or  Dutch  savages  ! 
Is  the  foreign  invasion  ended  ? Then  the  Friars,  through  their 
salaried  ageuts  in  the  press,  reward  us  with  epithets  such  as  monkey, 
buffalo,  etc.  Is  there  another  conflict  imminent  between  Germany 
and  Spain  ? Then  the  Friars  call  the  natives  Spaniards  and  the 
military  officers  own  us  as  their  sons  and  they  dub  us  brave  soldiers. 
Is  the  conflict  finished  ? Then  we  are  again  overgrown  boys,  beings 
of  inferior  race  and  incapable  of  being  civilized.  Is  there  now  to 
be  a struggle  with  Americans  ? Then  General  Augusti,  who  is  the 
living  symbol  of  Spanish  authority,  who  ought  to  be  the  most 
prudent  of  the  prudent,  the  most  cultivated  of  the  cultivated,  points 
at  America  as  a nation  composed  of  all  social  excrescences  ; the 
Friars  and  their  enslaved  Spaniards  -want  to  again  cajole  and  cheat 
us  with  offers  of  participation  in  public  affairs,  recognition  of 
the  military  grades  of  ex-rebel  chiefs,  and  other  twraddle  degrading 
to  those  who  would  listen  to  it.  In  fact,  they  have  called  into 
their  councils  the  sons  of  the  country,  whilst  they  exclusively 
carry  out  their  own  ideas,  and  reserve  to  themselves  the  right  to 
set  aside  all  the  resolutions  at  a stroke.  They  offer  to  enrol  in 
their  ranks  the  insurgents  of  yesterday,  so  that  they  can  have  them 
all  shot  on  the  morrow  of  the  present  difficulty.  What  irrision  ! 
Do  you  want  another  trick  exposed  ? Now  that  Spain  is  in 
danger  of  losing  the  Philippines,  the  executioners  of  the  other  day 


570 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


— the  everlasting  tyrants — tell  us  that  America  will  sell  the  islands 
to  England.  No,  America  has  its  past  and  its  present.  America 
will  preserve  a clear  intelligence  ; she  is  not  dominated  by  friars 
and  tyrants  like  Spain  ; she  is  liberal  ; she  has  liberated  her 
slaves  against  the  will  of  the  Spaniards  who  were,  for  the  most 
part,  their  owners.  A country  is  known  by  its  national  character ; 
review  its  past  history  and  it  is  easy  to  understand  the  calumny 
launched  against  the  Americans.  But  even  though  we  became 
English  should  we  not  gain  by  it  ? The  English  have  conceded 
self-government  to  many  of  their  colonies  and  not  of  the  frail 
delusive  sort  that  Spain  granted  to  Cuba.  In  the  English  colonies 
there  are  liberties  which  Spain  never  yielded  to  hers  in  America 
or  Philippines. 

Our  country  is  very  rich,  and  as  a last  resource  we  can  buy  it 
from  the  Americans.  Do  not  be  deceived  by  the  Spaniards  ! 
Help  the  Americans  who  promise  us  our  liberty.  Do  not  fall  into 
the  error  of  taking  Spain  to  be  a civilized  country.  Europe  and 
America  consider  her  the  most  barbarous  of  the  century.  There 
the  weakest  is  the  most  persecuted.  In  no  country  to-day  but 
Spain  is  the  Inquisition  tolerated.  It  is  proved  by  the  tortures 
imposed  on  the  prisoners  of  Montjuich,  of  the  Philippines,  and  of 
Cuba.  Spain  did  not  fulfil  the  agreement  entered  into  with 
Maximo  Gomez  at  Zanjdn,  nor  that  made  with  Aguinaldo  at 
Biac-na-batd.  Spain  is  a nation  always  more  ready  to  promise 
than  to  perform.  But  ask  for  friars,  soldiers,  and  State  dependents 
to  come  and  devour  our  wealth  and  instantly  you  will  get  them. 
Spain  has  nothing  else  to  give,  and  God  grant  she  will  keep  what 
she  has.  Spain  will  flatter  you  under  the  present  circumstances, 
but  do  not  be  deceived.  Submit  every  fawning  offer  to  your 
conscience.  Bemember  the  execution  of  the  innocents,  the  tortures 
and  atrocities  which  have  been  the  means  of  covering  with 
decorations  the  breasts  of  those  who  took  the  blood  of  your 
fathers,  brothers,  relations  and  friends.  Providence  will  aid  the 
Americans  in  their  triumph,  for  the  war  is  a just  one  for  the  nation 
elected  to  lead  us  to  the  goal  of  our  liberty.  Do  not  rail  against 
the  designs  of  Providence  ; it  would  be  suicidal.  Aid  the 
Americans  ! ( Anonymous .) 

On  the  other  side,  far  richer  in  poetic  imagination  and  religious 
fervour,  is  the  Allocution  of  the  Archbishop  of  Madrid -Alcala. 


ALLOCUTION  OF  THE  ARCHBISHOP  IN  MADRID.  571 


published  in  Madrid  on  the  day  hostilities  commenced.  I give  the 
following  extract  to  show  how  the  religious  sentiment  of  the  people 
was  appealed  to  to  indirectly  make  them  believe  that  Spain  was 
defending  a noble  cause. 

Very  Beloved  Sons  : 

The  cursed  hunger  for  gold  and  the  unquenchable  thirst  for 
power  have  combined  to  tarnish  that  flag  which  the  Great  Queen 
Isabella  raised,  by  the  hand  of  Columbus,  in  the  West  Indies. 
With  justice  trodden  under  foot,  the  voice  of  the  Pope  unheeded 
and  the  intervention  of  the  nations  despised  with  arrogance,  every 
road  to  the  counsels  of  peace  has  been  barred  and  the  horrors  of 
war  have  become  a necessity.  Let  Heaven  be  witness  that  we  are 
not  the  authors  of  this  disaster,  and  let  the  responsibility  before 
God  be  on  that  vain  people  whose  dogma  seems  to  be  that 

money  is  the  god  of  the  world There,  ploughing 

the  seas,  go  our  soldiers  and  our  sailors.  Have  no  fear,  let  no  one 
weep,  unless  indeed  it  be  for  fear  of  arriving  too  late  for  the  fray. 
Go,  braves,  to  fight  with  the  blessing  of  the  Fatherland.  With 
you  goes  all  Spain,  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Atlantic,  from 
Irun  to  Tarifa.  With  what  envy  do  we  contemplate  you 
weighing  anchor  to  leave  our  shores  ! Oh  ! why  does  juvenility, 
or  decrepitude,  or  duty  deprive  us  of  the  joy  of  taking  part  in 
your  enterprise  ? But  no  ! with  you  goes  our  Spanish  heart 

May  the  Immaculate  Virgin,  whose  scapulary  hangs 

around  your  necks  and  whose  blessed  image  floats  on  your  flags, 
protect  you  under  her  mantle  in  the  moment  of  danger,  deliver  you 
from  all  evil,  and  shower  blessings  upon  you  ! May  Saint  James, 
patron  of  Spain,  and  the  martyr  Nicodemus  and  Saint  Telmo  and 
Saint  Raymond  and  the  King  Saint  Ferdinand  go  before  you  and 
ever  march  in  the  vanguard  wherever  you  may  go  and  make  you 
invulnerable  to  the  bullets  of  the  enemy,  so  that  you  may  return 
victorious  to  tread  once  more  this  noble  soil  and  kiss  the  cheek  of 

the  weeping  mother  who  bore  you  ! We,  who 

cannot  go  to  take  part  in  the  battles,  will  hold  and  brandish  the 
arms  of  prayer,  like  Moses  who  prayed  on  the  mountain,  whilst 

Joshua  slew  his  ferocious  enemies  in  the  valley 

God  has  triumph  in  His  hand  and  will  give  it  to  whom  He  pleases. 
He  gave  it  to  Spain  in  Covadonga,  in  Las  Navas,  in  El  Salado,  in 


572 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  river  of  Seville,  ou  the  plain  of  Granada,  and  in  a thousand 
battles  which  overflow  the  pages  of  history.  Oh  Lord,  give  it  us 
now  ! Let  the  nations  see  that  against  the  right  of  might  there  is 
the  might  of  right  ! 

To  all  beloved  sons,  from  our  heart  We  have  pleasure  in 
sending  you  our  pastoral  benediction,  in  the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost.  Amen. 

Given  in  our  palace  in  Madrid  on  the  23rd  of  April,  1898. 

Jose  Ma 

Archbishop-bishop  of  Madrid- Alcala. 

This  Allocution  calls  to  mind  Spain’s  last  struggle  with  Mexico. 
Was  it  a battle  of  the  saints  ? The  Spaniards  relied  on  Santa  Isabel  ; 
the  Mexicans  appealed  to  Santa  Guadalupe,  and  the  latter  came  out 
victorious. 

In  Manila,  as  the  critical  day  approached,  Governor-General 
Augusti  issued  his  general  order  as  to  special  military  service  and  his 
proclamation  to  the  Philippine  people.  The  latter  is  couched  in 
vituperative  and  erroneously  prophetic  language,  but  both  can  be 
better  appreciated  from  the  following  translated  texts  : — 

Special  Military  Service. 

Whereas  it  is  necessary  to  adopt  every  possible  means  for  the 
defence  of  this  territory  and  to  render  assistance  to  the  army  and 
the  fleet  in  the  approaching  operations  against  the  United  States 
of  North  America,  I order  : 

(1®.)  It  is  hereby  declared  that  a state  of  war  exists. 

(2°.)  All  public  functionaries  of  the  State  and  the  municipalities, 
not  exceeding  50  years  of  age  and  not  physically  unfit,  are  obliged 
to  take  up  arms  in  defence  of  the  country  and  serve  whenever  they 
are  required.  They  will  proceed,  at  once,  to  their  offices  and 
lodge  their  names  and  serve  under  their  present  chiefs. 

(3°.)  All  Spaniards  and  sons  of  Spaniards  (although  not  born 
in  the  Peninsula)  above  the  age  of  20  and  not  more  than:50,  living 
in  the  Provinces,  are  also  hereby  required  to  take  up  arms. 

(4°.)  All  those  not  comprised  in  the  foregoing  are  at  liberty  to 
serve  as  Volunteers. 

(a.)  All  native  Spaniards  who  are  not  employed  in  the 
public  offices. 


TIIE  GENERAL’S  PROCLAMATION. 


573 


(6.)  All  those  who  are  under  20  and  more  than  50  year3 
of  age,  and  who  are  strong  enough  to  endure  the  fatigue 
of  a campaign. 

(c.)  All  foreigners  (except  North  Americans)  who  are 
domiciled  in  Manila  or  in  the  capitals  of  the  Provinces. 

(5°.)  The  General  Sub-Inspector  will  organize  these  Volun- 
teers, and  distribute  them  as  required  for  defensive  purposes. 

(6°.)  Public  functionaries  •will  receive  their  orders  for  military 
service  from  their  respective  administrative  chiefs. 

(7°.)  From  this  date  no  one  capable  of  bearing  arms  is  allowed 
to  leave  these  Islands.  This  prohibition  does  not  apply  to  those 
who  are  seriously  ill. 

Proclamation. 

Spaniards. — 

Between  Spain  and  the  United  States  of  North  America 
hostilities  have  broken  out. 

The  moment  has  arrived  to  prove  to  the  world  that  we  possess 
the  spirit  to  conquer  those  who,  pretending  to  be  loyal  friends, 
take  advantage  of  our  misfortunes  and  abuse  our  hospitality,  using 
means  which  civilized  nations  consider  unworthy  and  disreputable. 

The  North  American  people,  composed  of  all  the  social 
excrescences,  have  exhausted  our  patience  and  provoked  war  with 
their  perfidious  machinations,  with  their  acts  of  treachery,  with 
their  outrages  against  the  law  of  nations  and  international  treaties. 

The  struggle  will  be  short  and  decisive.  The  God  of  Victories 
will  give  us  one  as  brilliant  and  complete  as  the  righteousness 
and  justice  of  our  cause  demand.  Spain,  which  counts  upon  the 
sympathies  of  all  the  nations,  will  emerge  triumphantly  from  this 
new  test,  humiliating  and  blasting  the  adventurers  from  those 
States  that,  without  cohesion  and  wdthout  a history,  offer  to 
humanity  only  infamous  traditions  and  the  sorry  spectacle  of 
Chambers  in  w'hich  appear  united  insolence  and  defamation, 
cowardice  and  cynicism. 

A squadron  manned  by  foreigners,  possessing  neither  instruc- 
tion nor  discipline,  is  preparing  to  come  to  this  Archipelago  with 
the  blackguard  intention  of  robbing  us  of  all  that  means  life, 
honour,  and  liberty.  Pretending  to  be  inspired  by  a courage  of 
which  they  are  incapable,  the  North  American  seamen  undertake 


574 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


as  an  enterprise  capable  of  realization  the  substitution  of  Pro- 
testantism for  the  Catholic  religion  you  profess,  to  treat  you  as 
tribes  refractory  to  civilization,  to  take  possession  of  your  riches 
as  if  they  were  unacquainted  with  the  rights  of  property,  and  to 
kidnap  those  persons  whom  they  consider  useful  to  man  their 
ships  or  to  be  serviceable  in  agricultural  or  industrial  labour. 

Vain  designs  ! Ridiculous  boastings  ! 

Your  indomitable  bravery  will  suffice  to  frustrate  the  attempt 
to  carry  out  their  plans.  You  will  not  allow  the  faith  you  profess 
to  be  made  a mockery  of,  with  impious  hands  placed  on  the 
temple  of  the  true  God,  the  images  you  adore  to  be  thrown  down 
by  unbelief.  The  aggressors  shall  not  profane  the  tombs  of  your 
fathers,  they  shall  not  gratify  their  lustful  passions  at  the  cost  of 
your  wives’  and  daughters’  honour,  or  appropriate  the  property 
that  your  industry  has  accumulated  as  a provision  for  your  old 
age.  Xo,  they  shall  not  perpetrate  any  of  the  crimes  inspired  by 
their  wickedness  and  covetousness,  because  your  valour  and 
patriotism  will  suffice  to  punish  and  abase  the  people  who, 
claiming  to  be  civilized  and  polished,  have  exterminated  the 
natives  of  Xorth  America  instead  of  bringing  to  them  the  life  of 
civilization  and  of  progress. 

Filipinos,  prepare  for  the  struggle,  and  united  under  the 
glorious  Spanish  banner,  which  is  ever  bedecked  with  laurels,  let 
us  fight  with  the  conviction  that  victory  will  reward  our  efforts  ; 
against  the  shouts  of  our  enemies  let  us  resist  with  Christian 
decision  and  the  patriotic  cry  of  “ Viva  Espana  ! ” 

Manila,  23rd  of  April,  1898, 

Your  General, 

Basilio  Augusti  y Davila. 

The  volunteers  and  guerilla  battalions  which  had  been  so  recently 
disbanded  by  General  Primo  de  Rivera,  because  they  terrorized  the 
peaceful  inhabitants,  were  now  publicly  thanked  and  praised  for  their 
past  services  and  called  upon  to  again  serve  their  country.  The  Mayor 
of  Manila  issued  his  own  proclamation,  exhorting  the  inhabitants  to 
help  the  Spaniards  against  the  Americans.  Archbishop  Xozaleda  also 
made  his  appeal  to  the  people,  assuring  them  that  four  Spanish  battle- 
ships were  on  their  way  out  (although,  as  a matter  of  fact,  only  one 
existed,  namely,  the  Pelayo  8,500  tons,  built  in  1887),  and  that  from 


GENERAL  AUGUSTI. 


FAMILIES  FLEE  FROM  MANILA. 


575 


direct  communication  with  the  Almighty  he  had  learnt  that  the  most 
Christian  Spain  would  be  victorious  in  the  next  engagement. 

There  was  a general  stampede  of  those  who  could  get  away  ; 
numbers  of  families  fled  up  the  river  Pasig  towards  the  Lake  of  Bay  ; 
the  approaches  to  Manila  from  the  north  were  held  by  the  rebels  ; 
Cavite  Province  threw  off  the  cloak  of  pacification  and  sent  fresh 
insurgents  to  invest  the  high  roads  leading  from  the  south  to  the 
capital.  General  Augusti’s  wife  and  children,  who  had  been  conducted 
to  Macabebe  (north  of  Manila  Bay),  were  kidnapped  by  the  rebels. 
All  Americans  (about  25),  except  one  family,  took  refuge  on  board 
foreign  ships  in  the  bay.  The  one  exception  was  a Mr.  Johnson,  who 
had  been  travelling  through  the  islands  with  a cinematograph  show, 
and  he  refused  to  remove  his  wife,  who  had  just  given  birth.  The 
well-known  s.s.  Esmeralda  took  on  board  a crowd  of  passengers  for 
Hongkong  at  fancy  rates  of  passage.  Refugees  offered  as  much  as 
four  times  the  usual  passage  money  for  a saloon  berth,  and  deck- 
passengers  were  willing  to  pay  three  times  the  normal  rate.  The 
Chinese  were  leaving  the  islands  by  hundreds  by  any  available 
opportunity,  for  they  had  just  as  much  to  fear  from  the  loyal  as  the 
rebel  faction.  The  rich  Chinese  were  robbed  and  the  labouring  class 
were  pressed  into  service  fit  for  beasts  of  burden.  Despised  by  the 
Spaniards  and  hated  by  the  natives,  their  lives  were  not  safe  any- 
where. Foreign  families  of  neutral  nationality  sought  more  tranquil 
asylum  far  beyond  the  suburbs  or  on  ships  lying  in  the  harbour.  Two 
days  before  the  Americans  arrived  a native  regiment  was  suspected  of 
disaffection.  The  Spanish  officers,  therefore,  picked  out  six  corporals 
and  shot  them  forthwith,  threatening  to  do  the  same  on  the  morrow 
if  the  ringleaders  were  not  handed  over.  During  the  night  the  whole 
regiment  went  over  to  the  rebels  with  their  rifles  and  accoutrements. 
No  intelligent  European  could  entertain  any  doubt  as  to  the  result 
of  the  coming  contest,  but  the  general  fear  (which  proved  to  be 
unfounded)  was  that  it  would  be  followed  by  an  indiscriminate  massacre 
of  the  Spaniards. 

There  were  warships  of  several  nations  in  the  bay,  and  the  Spanish, 
fleet  was  moored  off  Cavite  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  adversary’s 
squadron.  The  Spanish  men  o’  war,  which  were  always  painted  white, 
had  their  colour  changed  to  dark  gray  like  the  American  ships.  All 
coast  lights  were  extinguished.  The  Island  of  Corregidor  and  Punta 


576 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Restinga  -were  hastily  supplied  with  a few  6-inch  cannons  from  the 
Castilla.  Punta  Gorda,  Punta  Larisi,  the  rock  El  Fraile,  and  Caballo 
Island  had  toy  batteries  compared  with  the  American  armament. 

The  American  men  o’  war  left  Mirs  Bay  (opposite  to  Hongkong 
Island)  on  the  27th  of  April,  under  the  command  of  Commodore  Dewey, 
and  on  the  way  put  in  at  Subig,  but  finding  no  opponent  there,  they 
steamed  on  to  Manila.  With  all  lights  put  out  the  American  ships 
entered  the  bay,  passing  Corregidor  Island  at  3 a.m.  on  Sunday, 
May  1st,  1898.  The  Olympia , with  Commodore  Dewey  aboard,  led 
the  way.  The  defenders  of  Corregidor  Island1  were  apparently 
slumbering,  for  the  Olympia  had  already  passed  when  a solitary  cannon 
shot  was  heard  and  responded  to.  Then  a shot  or  two  were  fired  from 
the  rock  El  Fraile  and  from  the  battery  of  Punta  Saugley.  The 
American  squadron  kept  its  course  in  line  of  battle  ; the  Spanish  ships, 
under  the  command  of  Admiral  Montojo,  who  was  on  board  the  Reina 
Cristina,  cleared  for  action,  and  the  respective  positions  taken  up  by 
the  opposing  fleets  were  as  shown  in  the  accompanying  plan. 

The  Americans  cannonaded  the  forts  of  Caiiacao  and  Punta  Saugley, 
and  the  Spanish  fleet  responded  with  a furious  broadside,  which  being 
badly  directed  did  little  damage.  The  Don  Antonio  de  Ulloa  poured 
a volley  towards  the  enemy’s  ships  with  little  effect,  and  simultaneously 
the  drums  were  beaten  whilst  the  officers  and  crews  shouted  “ Long 
live  the  King,  Queen,  and  Spain  ! ” Firing  on  both  sides  then  became 
general ; the  well-aimed  shots  of  the  Americans  were  beginning  to 
tell  forcibly  against  the  Spaniards.  The  Don  Juan  de  Austria 
advanced  towards  the  Olympia  and  was  met  with  a shower  of  shot 
and  shell,  obliging  her  to  turn  back.  The  Gloria  Cristina,  seeing  the 
failure  of  the  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  went  full  speed  towards  the 
Olympia,  intending  to  ram  her,  but  a perfect  hurricane  of  projectiles 
from  the  Olympia  made  her  retreat  with  her  decks  strewn  with  the 
dead  and  dying.  The  Baltimore  was  damaged  by  the  Hontoria  guns 
of  Punta  Saugley  and  had  to  retire  from  the  combat.  The  Boston 
was  slightly  damaged.  Further  than  that  the  American  ships  suffered 
little.  By  7.30  a.m.  the  Spanish  flagship  Reina  Cristina  was  in 
flames,  so  a boat  was  lowered  to  transfer  the  Admiral  and  his  staff’  to  the 
Isla  dc  Cuba.  The  captain  of  the  Reina  Cristina,  Don  Luis  Cadarso, 


1 The  distance  from  Corregidor  Island  to  Manila  City  is  27  miles. 


THE  BATTLE  of  CAVITE  Mavl?tl898. 
Position  of  Spanish  and  U.  S.  Fleots. 


THE  NAVAL  BATTLE  OF  CAVITE. 


577 


although  mortally  wounded,  heroically  commanded  his  men  up  to  the 
moment  of  death.  By  8 a.m.  the  Spanish  ships  were  decidedly  crippled 
and  the  American  squadron  withdrew  to  another  place  in  the  bay 
behind  a number  of  foreign  war  and  merchant  ships,  where  they  had 
left  two  supply  transports  from  which  they  took  fresh  ammunition. 
Meantime  the  little  Spanish  gunboats  Lczo,  Duero,  Manila , Velasco, 
and  Argos , which  were  quite  unfit  for  action,  ran  ashore  at  Cavite 
Viejo.  At  10  a.m.  the  Americans  returned  in  line  of  battle  and 
opened  fire  on  the  Spanish  ships  which  still  had  their  flags  flying. 
The  fight  lasted  about  one  hour.  Of  the  Spanish  ships  the  Castilla 
and  Reina  Cristina  were  burnt ; the  Don  Juan  dc  Austria  rvas  blown 
up,  and  the  Don  Antonio  de  TJlloa,  pierced  all  over  with  shot,  sunk 
after  the  action  and  about  half  of  her  crew  which  had  survived  the 
battle  were  drowned.  Only  the  two  cruisers  Isla  de  Cebu 1 and  Isla  de 
I uzon  remained  in  fighting  condition,  but  the  position  was  so  hopeless 
that  the  Admiral  ordered  them  to  run  aground  in  the  Bay  of  Bacoor. 

The  Americans  then  opened  fire  on  the  Arsenal  and  Fort  of  Cavite 
which  had  not  a single  cannon  left  in  place.  Soon  a Spanish  officer, 
named  Lostoa,  signalled  for  a truce  to  save  the  women,  children,  and 
wounded.  An  American  officer  met  him  and  replied  that  having 
destroyed  the  fleet  his  mission  was  ended  for  the  present  and  agreed 
to  suspend  firing,  provided  the  shore  batteries  at  the  river  mouth 
were  silent.  General  Augusti  was  consulted  as  to  this  condition, 
and  agreed  to  it.  The  mail  steamer  Isla  de  Mindanao  was  aground 
off  Las  Pinas,  and  being  armed  as  a cruiser  the  Americans  fired  on 
her  and  she  was  soon  ablaze.  There  was  still  another  parley  with 
reference  to  Cavite.  The  Americans  demanded  the  surrender  of  the 
Arsenal,  the  Admiral,  and  the  surviving  crews  of  the  destroyed 
fleet.  As  General  Pena  declined  to  surrender  Cavite,  the  Americans 
gave  the  Spaniards  two  hours  to  evacuate,  under  the  threat  of  bom- 
barding Manila  if  the  demand  were  not  complied  with.  Again  the 
auswer  was  negative,  and  five  hours  were  allowed  so  that  General 
Pena  could  consult  with  the  Captain-General.  General  Augusti 

authorized  the  evacuation,  and  in  less  than  two  hours  Cavite  and  the 
whole  isthmus,  including  San  Roque,  Caridad,  Estanzuela  and  Dalahican, 
were  under  American  control.  All  the  Spanish  families  returned  to 

1 Subsequently  got  off  and  repaired  by  the  Hongkong  and  "Whampoa  Dock  Co. 
for  the  American  authorities  and  made  her  trial  trip  in  December,  1898,  at  a speed 
of  11^  knots. 

0 O 


578 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Manila  by  land.  The  next  day  (2nd  of  May)  the  debris  were  cleared 
away  from  Cavite  and  the  environs,  and  the  dwellings  were  cleansed 
and  put  in  order  for  indefinite  occupation. 

The  evacuation  of  Corregidor  Island  was  demanded  by  the 
Americans,  and  the  100  men  composing  the  garrison  were  allowed  to 
depart  in  boats  for  Naig  on  the  W.  coast  of  Cavite.  Their  commander, 
however,  surrendered  himself  prisoner  and  went  on  board  the  Baltimore 
with  his  family.  He  was  at  once  offered  (but  wisely  refused)  his 
liberty,  and  later  on  he  was  put  ashore  at  Balanga  (Bataan  Province). 

On  the  Spanish  side  the  losses  in  men  amounted  to  about  400 
(including  Captain  Cadarso  and  the  Chaplain  Novo),  out  of  a total  of 
about  1,000  Spaniards  and  natives.  It  was  a decisive  victory  for  the 
Americans  ; the  entire  Spanish  fleet  in  Philippine  waters  was  destroyed, 
excepting  a few  small  gunboats  stationed  about  the  southern  islands. 
After  a 15  months’  cruise,  one  of  these — the  Callao — steamed  into 
Manila  Bay  on  the  12th  of  May  in  complete  ignorance  of  what  had 
happened.  The  Americans  fired  a warning  shot,  and  ordered  her  to 
lower  her  flag.  With  little  hesitation  she  did  so,  in  view  of  the 
immensely  superior  force  displayed.  The  vessel  became  a prize,  and 
the  commander  a prisoner  of  war.  But  he  was  shortly  offered  his 
liberty  on  parole,  which  he  unfortunately  accepted,  for  the  Spaniards 
in  Manila  had  so  lost  their  heads  that  they  accused  him  of  cowardice 
in  not  having  fought  the  whole  American  squadron  ! He  was  actually 
court-martialled  and  condemned  to  death,  but  afterwards  reprieved. 
The  Spaniards  exhibited  great  bravery  in  the  battle  of  Cavite,  and  man 
for  man  they  proved  themselves  to  be  in  no  way  inferior  to  their 
opponents.  Considering  the  wretched  condition  of  their  old-fashioned 
ships  and  armament  compared  with  the  splendid  modern  equipment 
which  the  Americans  brought,  no  other  result  could  have  been  expected. 

Long  before  sunset  Admiral  Patricio  Montojo  and  his  surviving 
officers  found  their  way  to  Manila.  In  the  evening  the  Admiral 
serenely  passed  the  hours  in  his  suburban  villa,  whilst  the  Americans 
were  in  possession  of  the  Port  of  Manila,  and  the  stars  and  stripes 
floated  over  the  town  and  arsenal  of  Cavite,  and  the  forts  of  Canacao 
and  Punta  Sangley.  So  little  did  the  people  and  the  ignorant  Spanish 
priests  understand  how  a modem  military  occupation  was  conducted 
that  when  Commodore  Dewey  landed  his  marines,  a deputation  of 
friars  and  nuns  met  him  to  humbly  crave  clemency  for  the  vanquished. 


SURRENDER  OF  MANILA  DEMANDED. 


579 


The  entry  of  the  American  squadron,  without  opposition,  into  the  Bay 
of  Manila,  was  a great  surprise  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital. 
Whilst  the  women  and  children  were  driven  off  to  the  suburbs  of  the 
city  and  near-lying  villages,  male  Spaniards,  from  the  highest  to  the 
lowest — merchants,  State  dependents,  Spanish  troops,  and  even  those 
native  auxiliaries  who  still  remained  loyal — hastened  to  assure  the 
Governor-General  that  “ the  enemy  should  not  land  in  Manila  without 
“ passing  over  their  dead  bodies.”  Subsequent  facts,  however,  proved 
these  pompous  vows  to  be  merely  a figure  of  speech.  From  the  city 
walls,  the  terraces  of  houses,  the  church  towers,  and  every  available 
height,  thousands  of  curious  sightseers  witnessed  the  brave  defence  and 
the  complete  defeat  of  the  Spaniards.  As  the  American  fleet  advanced 
in  line  of  battle  the  Spanish  transport  Cebu  was  scuttled  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Pasig  River  to  bar  the  entrance.  All  the  small  steamers  and 
sailing  craft  in  the  river  moved  up  as  near  as  possible  to  the  Puente  de 
Espana.  The  obsolete  cannons  on  the  Luneta  fort  fired  a few  solitary 
shots  without  the  least  effect  ; the  fort  of  Santiago,  defending  the 
entrance  to  the  Pasig  River,  was  silent,  although  cannons,  said  to  be 
over  a century  old,  had  been  hastily  mounted  there,  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  the  colonel,  who  was  instructed  to  have  the  rust  chipped 
off  these  ancient  pieces  of  artillery,  committed  suicide  in  despair.  Xot 
a single  torpedo  had  been  brought  into  action  by  the  Spaniards.  There 
were  several  in  stock  at  Cavite  Arsenal,  but,  when  wanted,  each  had 
an  important  piece  missing,  so  they  were  unserviceable.  About 
4.30  p.m.  the  American  ships  changed  their  position  and  moved 
towards  Manila  City.  A formal  demand  was  made  on  the  Governor- 
General  August!  to  surrender  the  capital.  The  British  Consul,  who  had 
received  instructions  to  look  after  American  interests  pending  hostilities, 
served  as  the  medium  of  communication  between  the  representatives  of 
the  conflicting  parties.  The  Consuls  had  an  interview  with  the  Captain- 
General,  who,  after  a brief  consultation  with  his  colleagues,  gave  the 
customary  Spanish  reply  to  the  effect  that  he  would  resist  until  the 
last  drop  of  blood  was  in  his  veins.  Frequent  intercourse  took  place 
between  the  Spanish  Governor-General  and  the  American  Commodore 
through  the  intermediary  of  the  British  Consul.  The  same  afternoon 
another  British,  another  French,  and  another  German  man-o’-war 
entered  the  Bay.  Rear-Admiral  Dewey  (for  he  had  just  been  promoted 
in  rank)  declared  the  port  blockaded. 


0 0 2 


580 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


On  the  2nd  of  May  he  demauded  to  be  put  in  possession  of  the 
telegraph  station,  and  on  this  being  refused  he  ordered  the  cable 
connectiug  Luzon  with  Hongkong  to  be  cut.  The  Spanish  authorities 
had  just  time  before  this  measure  was  taken  to  report  to  Madrid  by 
cable  the  bare  facts.  The  news  came  to  the  Spanish  capital  like  a 
thunderbolt.  The  whole  city  was  instantly  in  uproar.  Mobs  of  people 
filled  the  streets,  wildly  denouncing  the  incapability  of  a Government 
which  could  lead  them  to  such  disaster.  The  newspaper  offices  were 
thronged.  Special  supplements  were  issued  as  quickly  as  possible. 
The  cafes,  clubs  and  other  public  meeting-places  were  besieged. 
General  Borbon  drove  out  in  a carriage  from  which  he  harangued  the 
populace,  and  was,  in  consequence,  sent  to  a fortress  for  three  months. 
There  was  an  attempt  at  holding  a mass  meeting  in  the  Puerta  del  Sol, 
but  the  surging  crowd  started  down  the  Calle  de  Sevilla  and  the  Carrera 
de  San  Geronimo  shouting,  “ Long  live  Weyler  ! ” “ To  the  house  of 
Weyler  ! ” They  reached  his  residence,  and  after  a series  of  frantic 
vivas  for  the  army,  navy,  etc.,  they  called  on  General  Weyler  to 
appear  at  the  balcony.  But  being  himself  in  somewhat  strained 
relations  with  the  existing  Government,  he  did  not  think  it  prudent 
to  show  himself.  Then  some  one  having  set  up  the  cry  of  “ Down 
with  the  whole  Government  ! ”,  which  was  responded  to  with  frenzied 
applause,  the  rioters  set  out  for  Sagasta’s  house,  returning  by  the 
Carrera  de  San  Geronimo.  At  that  moment  the  mounted  civil  guard 
met  and  charged  the  crowd.  Many  were  trodden  under  foot  and  arrests 
were  made.  The  Civil  Governor,  Seuor  Aguilera,  followed  up  in  his 
carriage,  and  when  the  military  police  had  dispersed  the  general  mass, 
leaving  only  here  and  there  a group,  the  Civil  Governor  stepped  out  of 
his  carriage  and  addressed  them.  His  words  were  hissed  from  the 
balcony  of  a club,  and  it  was  already  past  midnight  when  the  first 
outburst  of  public  indignation  and  despair  had  exhausted  itself.  On 
the  2nd  of  May,  the  Ilcraldo  of  Madrid,  calmly  reviewing  the  naval 
disaster,  commented  as  follows  : — 

It  was  no  caprice  of  the  fortune  of  war.  From  the  very  first 
cannon  shot  our  fragile  ships  were  at  the  mercy  of  the  formidable 
hostile  squadron  ; were  condemned  to  fall  one  after  the  other  under 
the  fire  of  the  American  batteries  ; they  were  powerless  to  strike, 
and  were  defended  only  by  the  valour  and  breasts  of  their  sailors. 
What  has  been  gained  by  the  illusion  that  Manila  was  fortified  ? 


PARTY  INTERESTS. 


581 


What  has  been  gained  by  the  intimation  that  the  broad  and 
beautiful  bay  on  whose  bosom  the  Spanish  Fleet  perished  yesterday 
had  been  rendered  inaccessible  ? What  use  was  made  of  the 
famous  island  of  Corregidor  ? What  was  done  with  its  guns  ? 
Where  were  the  torpedoes  ? Where  were  those  defensive  prepara- 
tions concerning  which  we  were  requested  to  keep  silence  ? 

Several  merchant  vessels  were  seized  in  aud  about  Manila  Bay,  and 
supplies  from  seawards  were  cut  off  from  the  city,  which  was  quite  at 
the  mercy  of  Admiral  Dewey,  who  could  have  bombarded  it  and  forced 
surrender  the  same  day.  But  it  was  not  easy  to  foresee  what  might 
follow.  Admiral  Dewey  had  full  discretion  to  act  as  circumstances 
might  seem  to  guide  him,  but  it  was  evident  that  whatever  the 
surrender  of  the  Captain-General  of  the  Archipelago  might  theoretically 
imply,  a military  occupation  of  Manila  was  far  from  being  tantamount 
to  possession  of  the  Islands.  Hemmed  in  everywhere  on  land  by  the 
insurgent  forces  which  now  occupied  aud  collected  taxes  in  several 
Luzon  provinces,  the  Spaniards  could  have  been  shelled  out  of  the 
capital  and  forced  to  capitulate,  or  driven  to  extermination  by  the 
thousands  of  armed  natives  thirsting  for  their  blood.  The  Americans 
had,  consequently,  a third  party  to  consider.  The  natives’  anxiety  to 
oust  the  Spaniards  was  far  stronger  than  their  wish  to  be  under 
American,  or  indeed  any  foreign,  control.  But  whilst  a certain  section 
of  the  common  people  was  perfectly  indifferent  about  such  matters, 
others,  wavering  at  the  critical  moment  between  their  opposition  to  the 
Spaniards  and  repulsion  of  the  foreign  invader  whoever  he  might  be, 
proclaimed  their  intention  to  join  issue  with  the  former.  Lastly,  there 
was  Aguinaldo’s  old  rebel  party  which  rallied  to  the  one  cry  “ Inde- 
pendence.” “ Nothing  succeeds  like  success,”  and  if  the  rebel  version 
of  the  Treaty  of  Biac-na-bato  had  been  fulfilled  in  the  spirit,  no  doubt 
Aguinaldo  would  have  been  revered  as  a great  reformer.  But  the 
relinquishment  of  the  strife  by  the  leaders,  the  money  transaction  and 
the  immediate  renewal  of  Spanish  severities,  together  created  an 
impression  on  the  minds  of  the  rebel  rank  and  file  that,  in  some  way, 
their  general  welfare  had  been  sacrificed  to  personal  interest.  It  was 
doubtful,  therefore,  how  Aguinaldo  would  be  received  on  his  return  to 
the  Islands.  With  the  object  of  investigating  the  feelings  of  the  old 
rebel  party,  the  leader  Jose  Alejandrino  (son  of  my  late  friend  Jose 


582 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Alejandrino,  a rich  planter  at  Matamo,  near  Arayat,  Pampauga),  and 
two  other  rebels  accompanied  the  American  expedition  to  Cavite,  where 
they  disembarked.  Several  days  passed  in  convincing  the  rebels  of 
Aguinaldo’s  good  faith  in  all  that  had  transpired,  and  in  the  meantime 
Aguinaldo  himself  arrived  on  the  19th  of  May  with  12  other  insurgent 
leaders  in  the  American  despatch  boat  Hugh,  McCulloch.  It  yet 
remained  doubtful  whether  he  still  held  the  confidence  of  the  insurgents, 
but,  when  he  at  length  landed  at  Cavite,  his  old  companions  in’arms  and 
many  more  rallied  to  his  standard  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm.  The 
rebels,  at  that  date,  were  computed  to  number  30,000,  and  Aguinaldo, 
on  taking  the  command,  declared  himself  Dictator.  Aguinaldo  was, 
naturally,  at  that  period,  on  the  most  amicable  terms  with  Admiral 
Dewey,  who  supplied  him  with  two  modern  field  pieces,  500  rifles  and 
200,000  rounds  of  ammunition,  enjoining  on  him  the  strict  observance 
of  his  engagement  to  repress  reprisals  against  the  Spaniards. 

To  prepare  the  natives  for  the  arrival  of  the  Americans,  Aguinaldo  sent 
over  in  advance  of  the  American  Fleet  the  following  proclamation  : — 

Compatriots, 

Divine  Providence  is  about  to  place  independence  within  our 
reach,  in  a manner  most  acceptable  to  a free  and  independent 
people. 

The  Americans,  not  for  mercenary  motives  but  for  the  sake  of 
humanity,  in  response  to  the  woes  of  the  persecuted,  have  thought 
fit  to  extend  their  protecting  arm  to  our  beloved  country,  now  that 
they  have  been  obliged  to  sever  their  relations  with  Spain  on 
account  of  the  tyranny  practised  in  Cuba,  to  the  great  prejudice  of 
the  large  commercial  interests  which  the  Americans  have  there. 
An  American  squadron  is  at  this  moment  preparing  to  sail  for  the 
Philippines.  We,  your  brothers,  fear  you  may  be  induced  to  fire 
on  the  Americans.  No,  brothers,  never  make  this  mistake. 
Eather  blow  out  your  own  brains  than  treat  with  enmity  those 
who  are  your  liberators. 

Your  natural  enemies,  your  executioners,  the  authors  of  your 
misery  and  your  woe,  are  the  Spaniards  who  rule  you.  Kaise 
against  these  your  weapons  and  your  hatred.  Understand  well, 
against  the  Spaniards  ; never  against  the  Americans.  Do  not 
heed  the  Governor-General's  decree,  calling  you  to  arms,  even 


ANOTHER  REBEL  PROCLAMATION. 


583 


though  it  cost  you  your  lives.  Die  rather  than  be  ungrateful  to 
our  American  liberators.  The  Governor-General  calls  you  to 
arms.  Why  ? To  defend  your  Spanish  tyrants  ? To  defend 
those  who  have  despised  you  and  in  public  speeches  called  for 
your  extermination — those  who  have  treated  you  little  better  than 
savages  ? No  ! no  ! a thousand  times,  no  ! 

Glance  at  history  and  you  will  see  that  in  all  Spain’s  wars 
undertaken  in  the  Far  East,  Philippine  blood  has  been  sacrificed  ; 
we  were  sent  to  fight  for  the  French  in  Cochin  China  over  a 
matter  which  in  no  way  concerned  us  ; we  were  forced  to  spill  our 
blood  by  Simon  de  Anda  against  the  English,  who,  in  any  case, 
would  have  been  better  rulers  than  the  Spaniards  ; every  year  our 
sons  are  taken  away  to  be  sacrificed  in  Mindanao  and  Sulu 
against  those  who,  we  are  led  to  believe,  are  our  enemies  when,  in 
reality,  they  are  our  brothers,  fighting,  like  us,  for  their  liberty. 
After  such  a sacrifice  of  blood  against  the  English,  the  Annamites, 
the  Mindanaos,  etc.,  what  reward  or  thanks  have  we  received  from 
the  Spanish  Government  ? Obscurity,  poverty,  the  slaughter  of 
our  dear  ones.  Enough,  brothers,  of  this  Spanish  tutelage  ! 

Note  that  the  Americans  will  attack  by  sea  and  prevent  any 
reinforcements  coming  from  Spain,  therefore  the  insurgents  must 
attack  by  land. 

You  will,  probably,  have  more  than  sufficient  arms,  because 
the  Americans,,  having  arms,  will  find  means  to  help  us.  Wher- 
ever you  see  the  American  flag,  there  flock  in  numbers.  They  are 
our  redeemers. 

Our  unworthy  names  are  nothing,  but  we  all  invoke  the  name 
of  the  greatest  patriot  our  country  has  seen,  certain  in  the  hope 
that  his  spirit  will  be  with  us  and  guide  us  to  victory,  our 
immortal  Jose  Rizal. 

Cavite  being  occupied  by  the  American  forces,  foreign  Manila 
residents  were  permitted  to  take  refuge  there,  for  no  one  could  tell 
when  the  Spaniards  would  be  forced  to  capitulate,  or  what  might 
happen  if  they  did.  Meantime  the  rebels  had  cut  off,  to  a considerable 
extent  but  not  entirely,  supplies  of  food  to  the  capital,  which  was, 
however,  well  stored,  and  at  no  time,  during  the  three  and  a half 
months’  siege  was  there  a danger  of  famine  among  the  civilian 


584 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


population,  although  prices  of  commodities  gradually  advanced  to  about 
double  under  the  circumstances.  Even  the  hotels  in  the  city  only 
charged  double  prices.  The  Spanish  troops  fared  far  worse.  Their 
condition  became  more  and  more  deplorable.  All  were  badly  and 
insufficiently  fed,  as  much  from  disorganized  commissariat  arrangements 
as  from  actual  want  of  supplies.  The  latest  arrivals  of  youthful  raw 
recruits  particularly  felt  the  pangs  of  hunger,  and  as  the  swarming 
rebels  took  one  outpost  after  another  from  its  emaciated  defenders  and 
raided  the  adjacent  provinces,  the  Spanish  prisoners  in  their  hands 
(soldiers,  friars,  and  civil  servants)  reached  the  figure  of  thousands. 
Among  them  was  Brigadier-General  Garcia  Pena  (lately  in  command 
of  Cavite),  a colonel,  several  other  officers,  a civil  governor,  etc.,  and 
some  hundreds  of  volunteers. 

Of  the  neutral  warships  in  the  bay,  Germany  had  sent  the  largest 
number,  and  the  actions  of  their  commanders  caused  much  anxiety  to 
the  blockading  forces.  In  the  city  the  German  Cor.-ul  made  little 
secret  of  his  sympathies  for  Spain,  and  was  in  frequent  consultation 
with  the  Captain-General.  German  and  Spanish  officers  fraternised 
freely  in  the  streets  and  cafes.  On  the  18th  of  May  a German 
steamer,  with  cargo  and  provisions,  was  reported  outside  Manila  Bay, 
but  her  entry  into  the  port  was  forbidden  by  the  Americans.  Later  on 
the  commander  of  a German  man-o’-war  and  his  staff  were  received 
and  feted  by  the  Captain-General.  These  German  officers  were 
invited  to  a picnic  at  San  Juan  del  Monte  accompanied  by  several 
general  and  other  high  Spanish  military  officers.  The  German  com- 
mander’s post-prandial  oration  at  the  feast  was  much  commented  upon, 
for  he  is  said  to  have  declared  (presumably  on  his  own  responsibility), 
that  so  long  as  William  II.  was  Emperor  of  Germany  the  Philippines 
should  never  come  under  American  sway.  The  party  then  rode  back 
to  Manila,  watched  by  the  rebels,  who  'were  too  wi-e  to  intercept 
them  and  so  jeopardise  their  own  cause  by  creating  international  com- 
plications. There  is  little  doubt  that  the  attitude  taken  up  by  the 
Germans  nurtured  the  hope  entertained  by  Spaniards  till  over  the 
world  that,  at  the  last  hour,  some  political  entanglement  between  the 
other  Powers  might  operate  for  Spain’s  interests. 

The  city  and  commercial  suburb  of  Binondo  wore  their  usual  aspect, 
although  trade  was  almost  at  a standstill.  The  undisguised  sympathies 
of  Great  Britain  for  America  stirred  up  the  old  feeling  of  di-trust  and 


one  man’s  loss  another  man’s  gain. 


585 


ill-will  towards  the  British  residents,  -which  became  so  marked  that 
the  Captain-General  issued  a proclamation  commanding  due  respect 
to  be  paid  to  neutral  foreigners.  Even  this  did  not  prevent  a Spanish 
officer  spitting  in  the  face  of  an  Englishman.  Indeed,  there  was  far 
more  danger  to  all  civilian  classes,  at  any  time,  from  the  Spanish 
soldiery  than  from  the  rebels,  who  were  strictly  prohibited  by  Admiral 
Dewey  to  attempt  to  enter  the  city.  Had  they  done  so,  certainly 
their  choicest  prize  would  have  been  the  Archbishop  Nozaleda,  who, 
well  aware  of  this,  escaped,  long  before  the  capitulation  of  the  city,  to 
Shanghai  on  board  the  German  warship  Darmstadt. 

The  Volunteers,  too,  were  constantly  giving  trouble  to  the  Spanish 
authorities,  from  whom  they  demanded  their  pay,  and  once  when  this 
was  refused  they  threatened  to  seize  the  stores. 

Although  trade  in  and  with  Manila  had  been  more  or  less  suspended 
and  at  intervals  absolutely  so  since  the  great  naval  engagement,  just 
a few  profited  by  the  circumstances  of  war.  One  British  firm  there, 
figuratively  speaking,  “ coined  ” money.  They  were  able  frequently 
to  run  a steamer,  well  known  in  Chinese  waters  (in  which  I have 
travelled  myself),  between  Manila  and  Hongkong  carrying  refugees, 
who  were  willing  to  pay  abnormally  high  rates  of  passage.  In 
ordinary  times  fares  range  from  $50  saloon  accommodation  to  $8  a 
deck  passage.  On  one  trip,  for  instance,  this  steamer,  with  the  cabins 
filled  at  $125  each,  carried  1,200  deck  passengers  (no  food)  at  $20 
and  30  deck  passengers  (with  food)  at  $30.  Their  unsold  cargoes  on 
the  way  in  steamers  when  Manila  was  blockaded  came  in  for 
enormously  advanced  prices.  Shiploads  of  produce  which  planters 
and  native  middlemen  were  glad  to  convert  into  dollars  at  panic  rates 
were  picked  up  “ dirt  cheap,”  leaving  rich  profits  to  the  buyers. 

When  steamers  could  not  leave  Manila,  a Britisher,  Mr.  B . 

walked  for  several  days  under  the  tropical  sun  to  reach  Yloilo  with 
trade  news,  and  steamers  were  run  at  high  war  rates  in  and  out  of 
Borneo,  Hongkong,  and  the  Philippine  southern  ports.  One  British 
firm  obtained  a special  licence  to  run  a steamer  between  Hongkono- 
and  the  port  of  Dagupan,  hitherto  closed  to  foreign  traffic.  These 
were,  naturally,  the  exceptions,  for,  upon  the  whole,  the  dislocation 
and  stoppage  of  trade  entailed  very  serious  losses  to  the  general 
body  of  merchants.  A few  days  after  the  bombardment  of  Cavite 
the  natives  refused  to  accept  the  notes  of  the  Banco  Espa~.ol  (the 


58G 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Spanish  bank),  and  a run  was  made  on  the  bank  to  convert  them  into 
silver.  However,  the  managers  of  the  Hongkong  and  Shanghai 
Banking  Corporation,  and  the  Chartered  Bank  of  India,  Australia,  and 
China,  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  Banco  Espanol  and  agreed  to  honour 
the  paper  issue  in  order  to  check  the  scare.  The  three  banks  there- 
upon opened  their  doors  and  satisfied  the  noteholders,  ordinary  business 
being,  meanwhile,  suspended. 

Aguinaldo  had  not  only  been  busy  organizing  his  forces,  but  had, 
i-n  several  engagements  with  the  Spaniards,  driven  them  back  with  loss, 
made  prisoners  and  replenished  his  own  armories.  He  then  issued  a 
proclamation,  of  which  the  following  is  a translation  : — • 

Filipinos  : 

The  Great  North  American  nation,  example  of  true 
liberty,  and,  as  such,  [the  friend  of  freedom  for  our  country 
oppressed  and  subjugated  by  the  tyranny  and  despotism  of  its 
rulers,  has  come  to  offer  its  inhabitants  protection  as  decisive  as  it 
is  disinterested,  regarding  our  unfortunate  country  as  gifted  with 
sufficient  civilization  and  aptitude  for  self-government.  In  order 
to.  justify  this  high  conception  formed  of  us  by  the  great  American 
nation,  we  ought  to  abstain  from  all  acts  which  would  destroy 
that  opinion,  such  as  pillage,  robbery  and  every  kind  of  outrage 
against  persons  or  property.  So  as  to  avoid  international  conflicts 
during  the  period  of  our  campaign  I order  as  follows  : — 

Article  1°. — The  lives  and  properties  of  all  foreigners  shall  be 
respected,  including  in  this  denomination  the  Chinese  and  all 
Spaniards  who  have  not  directly  or  indirectly  contributed  to  the 
bearing  of  arms  against  us. 

Article  2°. — Those  of  the  enemy  who  shall  surrender  their  arms 
shall  be,  in  tike  manner,  respected. 

Article  3°. — Medical  establishments  and  ambulances  shall  also 
be  respected  as  well  as  the  persons  and  effects  connected  therewith, 
provided  they  show  no  hostility. 

Article  4°. — Persons  disobeying  the  above  three  articles  shall 
be  summarily  tried  and  executed  if  their  disobedience  shall  lead  to 
assassination,  incendiarism,  robbery  or  rape. 

Given  at  Cavite,  24th  of  May,  1898. 


Emilio  Aguinaldo. 


THE  FILIPINOS  IN  SINGAPORE. 


587 


On  the  8th  of  June  at  o p.m.  a Philippine  deputation  waited  on  the 
American  Consul-General  in  Singapore,  Mr.  Spencer  Pratt,  at  his 
residence,  and  presented  him  with  an  address  congratulating  him  on 
the  American  successes  in  the  war  with  Spain.  The  editors  of  the 
Straits  Times  and  the  Singapore  Free  Press , as  well  as  Mr.  Howard 
W.  Bray,  were  present.  After  the  deputation  had  been  formally 
introduced  to  the  Consul-General  by  Mr.  Bray,  Dr.  Santo,  the 
representative  Filipino,  read  the  following  address  in  F rench  : — ■ 

( Translation .) 

To  the  Hon.  Edward  Spencer  Pratt, 

Consul-General  of  the  United  States 
of  North  America,  Singapore. 

Sir, 

The  Philippine  colony  resident  in  this  port,  comprising  represen- 
tatives of  all  social  classes,  have  come  to  present  their  respects  to 
you  as  the  legitimate  representative  of  the  great  and  powerful 
American  Republic,  with  the  desire  to  express  our  eternal 
gratitude  for  the  moral  and  material  protection  extended  by 
Admiral  Dewey  to  our  trusted  leader  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo, 
who  has  been  compelled  to  take  up  arms  in  the  name  of  eight 
millions  of  Filipinos  in  defence  of  these  same  principles  of  justice 
and  liberty  of  which  your  country  is  the  foremost  champion. 

Our  countrymen  at  home,  and  those  of  us  residing  here, 
refugees  from  Spanish  misrule  and  tyranny  in  our  beloved  father- 
land,  hope  that  the  United  States,  your  nation,  persevering  in  its 
humane  policy,  will  efficaciously  second  the  programme  arranged 
between  you,  sir,  and  General  Aguinaldo  in  this  port  of  Singapore, 
and  secure  to  us  our  independence  under  the  protection  of  the 
United  States. 

Our  deepest  gratitude  is  especially  due  to  you,  sir,  personally, 
for  having  been  the  first  to  cultivate  relations  with  General 
Aguinaldo,  and  arrange  for  his  co-operation  with  Admiral  Dewey, 
thus  supporting  our  aspirations,  -which  time  and  subsequent  events 
have  developed  and  found  the  applause  and  approbation  of  your 
nation. 

Finally,  we  request  you  to  convey  to  your  illustrious  President 
and  the  American  people  and  to  Admiral  Dewey  our  sentiments 


588 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


of  sincere  gratitude  and  our  most  ardent  wishes  for  their 
prosperity. 

Singapore,  8th  of  June,  1898. 

Hr.  Spencer  Pratt  replied  to  this  in  French,  in  the  following 

sense  : — 

Gentlemen, 

The  honour  you  have  paid  me  was  so  unexpected  that  I cannot 
find  words  with  which  to  adequately  thank  you  in  reply  to  the 
eloquent  address  you  have  just  read  to  me.  You  may  rest  assured 
that  I fully  understand  and  appreciate  the  motives  which  have 
prompted  your  present  action  in  giving  expression  to  words  which 
have  sunk  deep  into  my  heart.  These  words  shall  be  faithfully 
transmitted  to  the  President,  to  Admiral  Dewey  and  to  the 
American  people,  who  will  not  fail  to  greet  them  with  a generous 
response.  A month  ago  the  -world  echoed  the  praises  due  to 
Admiral  Dewey  and  his  comrades  for  a glorious  victory  won  by 
the  American  Asiatic  squadron  in  Manila  Bay.  To-day  we  have 
the  news  of  the  brilliant  achievements  of  your  own  distinguished 
chief,  General  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  co-operating  on  land  with  the 
Americans  at  sea.  You  have  just  reason  to  be  proud  of  the 
deeds  of  General  Aguinaldo  and  your  compatriots  under  his 
orders.  When  I heard,  six  weeks  ago,  that  General  Aguinaldo 
had  arrived  in  Singapore  incognito , I at  once  sought  him.  One 
hour’s  interview  convinced  me  that  he  was  the  man  for  the 
occasion,  and  I arranged  for  him  to  join  Admiral  Dewey  at  Cavite. 
You  know  what  followed.  I am  glad  I was  the  accidental  means 
of  bringing  about  this  arrangement,  which  has  resulted  so 
fortunately.  I trust  the  final  outcome  will  be  all  that  the 
Filipinos  can  desire.  My  parting  words  to  General  Aguinaldo 
were  “ General,  when  you  have  proved  yourself  great,  prove 
“ yourself  magnanimous,”  and  from  the  generous  way  he  has 
treated  the  Spanish  prisoners  he  has  proved  to  be  both. 

The  deputies  then  responded  to  the  call  for  cheers  for  the  President 
of  the  United  States  and  their  sympathisers  who  were  present.  Mr. 
Spencer  Pratt  presented  an  American  flag  to  Dr.  Santos  for  the 


THE  HEEELS  INVEST  MANILA. 


589 


deputation  with  some  appropriate  remarks,  and  after  repeated  cheers  from 
the  Filipinos,  a band  of  Philippine  musicians  played  a selection  of  airs 
of  their  native  isles. 

During  the  first  few  weeks  following  the  Cavite  naval  battle  nothing 
remarkable  transpired  between  the  belligerents.  The  British  Consul 
and  Vice-Consul  were  iudefatigable  in  the  services  they  rendered,  as 
intermediaries  between  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Augusti.  The 
American  fleet  was  well  supplied  with  coal  from  British  vessels. 
The  Manila-Dagupan  Railway  was  in  working  order  and  bringing 
supplies  into  the  city.  The  Spanish  authorities  issued  a decree  regu- 
lating the  price  of  meat  and  other  commodities.  American  vessels  made 
occasional  trips  outside  the  Bay  aud  brought  in  captive  sailing  vessels. 
Neutral  passenger  steamers  were  allowed  to  take  away  refugees,  other 
than  Spanish  subjects.  The  rebels  outside  Manila  were  very  active  in 
the  work  of  burning  and  pillaging  churches  and  other  property. 
Streams  of  smoke  were  daily  seen  rising  from  the  valleys.  In  the  out- 
skirts of  the  city  skirmishes  between  Spanish  troops  and  rebels  were  of 
frequent  occurrence.  The  Spaniards  still  managed  to  preserve  routes 
of  communication  with  the  country  districts,  although,  little  by  little, 
the  rebels  were  closing  in  upon  them.  Aguinaldo  and  his  subordinate 
leaders  were  making  strenuous  efforts  to  effectually  cut  off  all  supplies 
to  the  city,  with  the  view  of  co-operating  with  the  Americans  to  starve 
the  Spaniards  into  capitulation.  The  hospitals  in  the  capital  were 
crowded  with  wounded  soldiers,  brought  in  at  great  risk  from  the 
rural  districts.  Spanish  soldiers  sauntered  about  the  city  and 
Binondo — sad  spectacles  of  emaciation  in  which  body  and  soul  were 
only  kept  together  by  small  doles  of  rice  and  dried  fish.  The  volunteers 
who  had  enlisted  on  the  conditions  of  pay,  food  and  clothing,  raised  an 
unheeded  cry  of  protest,  and  threatened  revolt,  whilst  the  officers 
whiled  away  the  time  in  the  cafes  with  resigned  indifference.  The 
Archbishop  issued  his  Pastoral  Letter,  in  which  he  told  the  natives  that 
if  the  foreigners  got  possession  of  the  Islands  there  would  be  an  end  to 
all  they  most  dearly  cherished.  Their  altars  would  be  desecrated  ; the 
churches  would  become  temples  of  heresy  ; Christian  morality  would 
be  banished  and  vice  would  become  rampant.  He  reminded  them  (with 
the  proviso  “ circumstances  permitting  ”)  that  he  had  appointed  the 
17th  of  June  as  the  day  on  which  the  consecration  of  these  Islands  to 
the  “ Heart  of  Jesus  ” would  be  solemnly  confirmed. 


590 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


To  draw  the  remnant  of  loyalty  to  his  side,  the  Governor- General 
instituted  a reformed  “ Consulting  Assembly  ” composed  of  fifteen 
half-castes  and  natives,  under  the  nominal  presidency  of  Pedro  A. 
Paterno,  the  mediator  in  the  Biac-na-bato  negotiations.  Paterno, 
who  had  not  yet  lost  hope  of  gaining  his  reward,  issued  a Manifesto 
of  which  the  following  is  a translation  (published  in  El  Comercio  of 
Manila  on  the  2nd  of  June,  1898)  : — 

Filipinos  : Beloved  Brethren. 

I love  our  country  as  none  other  does.  I want  it  to  be 
great,  free,  and  happy,  and  to  shape  its  own  destinies  according 
to  its  desires  and  aspirations.  Therefore,  I respect  all  the  vital 
forces  in  it  at  the  cost  of  my  life  and  my  fortune.  A long  time 
ago  I risked  my  existence  for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
Philippine  people,  who  were  sorely  agitated,  by  bringing  the 
majority  together  and  directing  the  salvation  of  their  interests 
based  on  liberty  and  justice.  My  ideas  are  neither  strange  nor 
new  ; they  are  the  result  of  study  and  political  experience , and 
not  recently  conceived  under  the  existing  circumstances.  I desire, 
with  all  the  vehemence  of  my  soul,  to  see  my  country  strong  and 
great — its  honour  and  dignity  respected  and  in  the  enjoyment  of 
the  greatest  happiness.  But  however  great  our  efforts  may  be 
we  need  an  ally.  Let  us  imitate  the  example  of  the  Great 
Powers  ; they  cannot  exist  alone,  however  strong  and  great  they 
may  be.  They  need  help,  and  the  union  of  strength  increases  their 
power.  Russia  seeks  France  ; Germany  seeks  Italy  and  Austria. 
Unhappy  is  the  Power  that  isolates  itself  l1  And  what  better 
ally  can  we  have  than  Spain,  a nation  with  which  we  are  united 
for  nearly  four  centuries  in  religion,  laws,  morals,  and  customs, 
understanding  full  well  her  virtues  and  her  defects  ? The  evil 
days  of  Spanish  colonization  are  over,  and  by  dint  of  experience 
and  the  sacrifice  of  blood  Spain  lias  understood  that  we  are 
already  of  age  and  require  reforms  in  our  territory  such  as  the 
formation  of  Philippine  Militia,  which  gives  us  the  force  of  arms, 
and  the  Consulting  Assembly,  which  gives  us  the  power  of  speech, 
participation  in  the  higher  public  employments,  and  the  ability  to 


N.B. — Great  Britain,  for  instance,  which  has  no  ally. 


PEDRO  TATERNO’S  MANIFESTO. 


591 


control  the  peaceful  development  and  progress  of  society.  Spain 
is  at  war  with  the  United  States,  we  neither  know  that  nation 
nor  its  language.  The  Americans  will  endeavour  by  all 
imaginable  means  to  induce  us  to  help  them  against  Spain.  And 
then,  alas  ! they,  the  all-powerful,  will  absorb  us  and  reward  our 
treachery  to  Spain  by  betraying  us,  making  us  slaves  and  im- 
posing upon  us  all  the  evils  of  a new  colonization.  On  the  other 
hand,  by  helping  Spain,  if  we  die,  we  do  so  in  the  fulfilment  of 
our  duty  ; if  we  live,  we  shall  obtain  the  triumph  of  our  aspirations 
without  the  dangers  and  risks  of  a civil  war.  We  shall  not  die  ! 
^No  ! By  side  of  the  flag  which  shields  us  and  our  garrisons, 
fighting  with  faith,  decision,  and  ardour,  as  a country  does  which 
yearns  to  be  free  and  great,  the  enemy  will  disappear  like  the  wave 
which  washes  the  seashore.  Let  us  hope  to  obtain  from  Spain  all 
the  good  that  the  American  stranger  can  offer  to  us.  Let  us  help 
our  old  ally,  our  old  friend  Spain  and  realize,  with  her,  more 
quickly  our  aspirations.  These  are  they  : — With  the  greatest 
decentralization  possible  consistent  with  national  unity,  the  organi- 
zation and  attributions  of  public  powers  must  be  based  on  three 
principles: — (1°)  Spanish  sovereignty.  (2°)  Local  representation. 
(3°)  Colonial  Government  responsibility.  Three  institutions 
correspond  to  these  three  principles,  viz.  : (1°)  The  institution  of 

the  General  Government  of  the  Philippines.  (2°)  The  Insular 
Deputation  or  Philippine  Assembly.  (3°)  The  Governative 
Council.  In  this  way  the  rights  of  the  Government  and  those  of 
the  Colony  are  harmonized.  Let  us  shun  the  policy  of  suspicion 
and  doubt.  With  these  firm  and  solid  guarantees  let  us  establish 
civil  and  political  liberty.  The  Assembly,  representing  the  will  of 
the  people,  deliberates  and  resolves  as  one  would  treat  one’s  own 
affairs  in  private  life  and  thus  constitutes  the  legislative 
power  of  the  Archipelago.  Its  resolution  will  be  put  into  practice 
with  all  fidelity  by  the  executive  power  in  its  character  of 
responsible  government.  There  are  only  Spaniards  in  the  Archi- 
pelago ; we  are  all  Filipinos  and  all  European  Spaniards.  Such 
is  the  programme  of  the  party  who  want  home  rule  for  the 
Philippines — ever  Spanish  ! Thus  shall  we  sec  the  destinies  of 
this  country  guided  under  the  orange  and  red  flag.  Thus  will  my 
beloved  country  be  governed,  without  detriment  to  the  integrity 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


of  Spain.  Finally,  under  Spain  our  future  is  clear,  and  with  all 
certainty  we  shall  be  free  and  rule.  Under  the  Americans  our 
future  is  cloudy  ; we  shall  certainly  be  sold  and  lose  our  unity  ; 
some  provinces  will  become  English,  others  German,  others 
French,  others  Russian  or  Chinese.  Let  us  struggle,  therefore, 
side  by  side  with  Spain,  we  who  love  the  Philippines  united  and 
free.  Long  live  Spain  ! 

Pedro  Alejandro  Paterno. 

Manila,  31st  of  May,  1898. 

This  Manifiesto  was  replied  to  a week  later  by  the  Rebel  Partv, 
published  a Refutation,  of  which  the  following  is  a translation  : — 

Refutation  of  the  Manifiesto  of  Senor  Paterno. 
u Actions  speak  louder  than  words.” 

A better  phrase,  or  idea,  could  not  be  found  with  which  to 
reply  to  the  Manifiesto  of  Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno,  published  in 
El  Comercio  of  the  2nd  instant,  than  the  epigraph  which  heads 
these  lines. 

Senor  Paterno  begins  by  saying  that  he  loves  his  country  as 
none  other  does  ; he  wants  it  to  be  great,  free,  and  happy,  and  to 
shape  its  own  destinies  according  to  its  own  desires  and  aspirations. 
Would  to  God  such  beautiful  language  represented  the  truth,  for  it 
is  just  what  we  wish  and  what  we  have,  long  ago,  beeu  aimiug  at, 
at  the  risk  of  our  lives  and  property,  as  proved  by  our  actions  and 
our  arguments,  especially  since  the  middle  of  the  glorious  year 
of  1896,  the  period  in  which  we  commenced  the  conquest,  by  force 
of  arms,  of  our  most  cherished  liberties.  May  Senor  Paterno 
forgive  us  if  we  cite  a little  of  the  history  of  tbis  movement,  so 
that  he  may  see  that  neither  are  we  ungrateful,  nor  are  we  acting 
with  precipitation,  but  as  a logical  and  undeniable  consequence  of 
the  vile  conduct  and  bad  faith  of  the  Spanish  Government. 

For  over  300  years  the  country  slumbered  in  ignorance  of  all 
that  referred  to  its  rights  and  political  liberties.  It  was  resigned 
to  the  Spanish  governmental  system  of  spoliation,  and  no  one 
thought  of  reforms.  But  when  the  Revolution  of  September  1868 
broke  out  in  Spain  and  overthrew  the  throne  of  Isabella  II.,  the 
first  revolutionary  leaders,  inspired  by  ideas  of  humanity  and 
justice,  caused  an  Assembly  of  Reformists  to  be  established  here, 


rebels’  reply  to  paterno’s  manifesto. 


593 


one  of  the  members  of  which,  if  we  remember  rightly,  was  Don 
Maximo  Molo  Paterno,  father  of  Don  Pedro.  The  Assembly 
agreed  to  and  proposed  good  and  appropriate  reforms,  amongst  which 
was  that  relating  to  the  incumbencies  which  were  monopolised  by 
the  Friars.  What  did  the  Spanish  Government  do  with  these 
reforms  ? What  did  the  Friars  do  ? Ah  ! though  it  may  appear 
cruel  to  Senor  Paterno,  historical  facts  oblige  us  to  remind  him 
that  the  Government,  in  agreement  with  the  Friars,  engineered 
the  military  rising  of  the  City  of  Cavite  in  January,  1872,  and  at 
the  instigation  of  its  authors  and  accomplices,  sentenced  the 
secular  priests  Father  Jose  Burgos,  Father  Jacinto  Zamora, 
Father  Mariano  Gomez,  parish  priests  of  Manila,  Santa  Cruz 
(suburb),  and  Bacoor  (Cavite)  respectively,  to  be  garotted. 
Moreover,  another  secular  priest,  Father  Agustin,  the  Philippine 
lawyers  and  landed  proprietors,  Don  Joaquin  Pardo  de  Tavera, 
Don  Antonio  Regidor,  Don  Pedro  Carrillo,  Don  Jose  Basa,  and 
others,  amongst  whom  was  Don  Maximo  Molo  Paterno,  the  father 
of  Don  Pedro,  were  banished  to  the  Ladrone  Islands.  This 
virtuous  grand  old  man  (Don  Maximo  Paterno)  did  indeed  (and 
we  proclaim  it  with  pride)  make  sacrifices  of  health  and  fortune 
for  the  advancement  of  the  liberties  of  his  native  country.  From 
the  year  1872  the  Spanish  Government  carried  on  a persistent 
persecution  of  all  the  Philippine  reformers  by  unjust  imprisonment 
and  banishment.  In  1888  the  authorities  went  so  far  as  to 
prosecute  700  representative  men  of  the  suburbs  of  Manila,  simply 
for  having  presented  a petition  of  rights  and  aspirations  to  the 
Governor-General  Don  Emilio  Terrero.  There  is  not  a single 
insalubrious  island  or  gloomy  corner  in  the  country  which  has  not 
been  the  forced  home  of  some  banished  Filipino.  No  one  was 
sure  of  his  personal  liberty  ; none  were  safe  in  their  homes,  and  if 
three  or  four  Filipinos  met  together  for  an  innocent  purpose,  they 
were  spied,  arrested,  and  banished.  Calumny  has  brought  about 
enough  banishments  to  Fernando  Po,  Chafarinas  Islands,  Ceuta, 
and  other  African  and  Spanish  places  to  demonstrate  the  bad  faith, 
cruelty,  and  injustice  of  the  Spanish  Government  with  respect  to 
the  Philippine  people.  This  virile,  intelligent  people  received 
the  supreme  decree  of  reforms  with  joy  and  enthusiasm,  sharing 
the  feelings  of  those  who  felt  in  their  souls  the  flame  of  liberty. 

P P 


594 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


This  people  worked,  through  legitimate  channels,  to  advance  its 
ideal,  inspired  by  the  purest  loyalty  to  Spain.  How  did  the 
Spanish  Government  fulfil,  on  its  part,  the  decree  spontaneously 
issued  in  1S68  ? By  prosecuting  and  banishing  the  reformists, 
and  employing  a system  of  terror  to  damp  the  courage  of 
the  Filipinos.  Vain,  ridiculous  fallacy  ! — for  it  ought  to  have 
known  better  after  two  years  of  rule  of  that  country  of  intelligence, 
birthplace  of  Iiizal,  Luna,  Rosario  and  other  living  examples  of 
Philippine  energy.  The  Filipinos,  lovers  of  their  liberty  and 
independence,  had  no  other  recourse  open  to  them  than  an  appeal 
to  arms,  to  bring  force  against  force,  terror  against  terror,  death  for 
death,  resolute  and  sworn  to  practise  the  system  of  fire  and  blood, 
until  they  should  attain  for  the  whole  Philippine  Archipelago 
absolute  freedom  from  the  ignominious  sovereignty  of  Spain. 
Now  let  us  continue  our  comments  on  the  Manijieslo. 

Senor  Paterno  says  that  a long  time  ago  he  risked  his  exist- 
ence for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  Philippine  people,  even  at 
the  cost  of  his  health  and  his  fortune.  We,  however,  do  not  see 
how  he  put  into  practice  such  magnificent  ideas,  for  what  we  do 
know  is  that  Senor  Paterno  passed  his  younger  days  in  Madrid 
where,  by  dint  of  lavish  expenditure,  he  was  very  well  treated  by 
-the  foremost  men  in  Spanish  politics,  without  gaining  from  Spain 
anything  whereby  the  Philippine  people  were  made  free  and  happy 
during  that  long  period  of  his  brilliant  existence.  On  the  contrary, 
the  very  epoch  of  the  persecutions  narrated  above  coincided  with  the 
period  of  Don  Pedro  A.  Paterno’s  brilliant  position  and  easy  life 
in  Madrid,  where  because  he  published  a collection  of  poems  under 
the  title  of  “ Sampaguitas  ” he  became  distinguished  by  the  nick- 
name of  Sampaguitcro.  W e know,  also,  that  Senor  Paterno  came 
back  to  this,  his  native  soil,  appointed  director  of  a Philippine 
Library  and  Museum  not  yet  established,  without  salary,  but  with 
the  decoration  of  the  Grand  Cross  of  Isabella  the  Catholic.  This 
was  no  gain  to  us,  no  distinction  to  him,  seeing  that  the  same 
decoration  was  given  to  the  Chinaman  Palauca  and  two  others, 
without  their  leaving  their  homes  to  get  them. 

How  are  we  then  to  understand  those  generous  sacrifices  of 
health  and  fortune  for  the  cause  of  Philippine  liberty  ? Perhaps 
he  refers  to  the  recently  created  Philippine  Militia  and  Consulting 


rebels’  reply  to  paterno’s  manifesto. 


595 


Assembly.  Well,  admitting  for  argument  sake,  that  with  such 
Alilitia  and  Consulting  Assembly  the  liberty  aud  happiness  of  the 
Philippines  were  assured  (a  doubtful  hypothesis,  Sehor  Paterno), 
this  liappiuess  is  not  due  to  Sehor  Paterno’s  efforts,  but  simply  to 
the  circumstances.  Spain  is  at  war  with  North  America,  and  now 
offers  us  this  sugar-plum  to  draw  us  to  her  side  and  defend  her 
against  invasion. 

We  ask  you  again,  Sehor  Paterno,  where  are  those  sacrifices  ? 

We  do  not  see  them,  although  we  seek  them  with  the  light  of 
impartiality,  for,  as  the  splendour  of  justice  shines  on  our  flag,  we 
should  not  fail  to  do  this  even  for  our  greatest  enemies,  amongst 
whom  we  do  not  count  you. 

Do  you  allude  to  the  Peace  of  Biac-na-batd  ? If  so,  we  ask, 
what  have  you  done  with  that  peace  to  which  we  subscribed  in 
good  faith,  and  which  you  and  General  Primo  de  Rivera  together 
have  stupidly  and  scandalously  torn  into  shreds  ? You  have, 
indeed,  bungled  the  amnesty  when  many  of  the  banished  are,  up 
to  now,  suffering  the  miseries  of  their  sad  and  unjust  fate. 

You  have  put  off  the  promised  reforms  which,  even  yet,  have 
not  come. 

You  have  delayed  the  payment  of  the  $400,000  for  the  second 
and  third  instalments  of  the  agreed  sum. 

You  have  not  delivered  into  the  hands  of  our  chief,  Don  Emilio 
Aguinahlo,  the  money  as  agreed  upon. 

Ah  ! You  thought  that  when  we  had  surrendered  to  you  our  arms 
and  our  garrisoned  strongholds — when  our  forces  were  dispersed 
and  we  were  absent,  you  could  turn  back  to  the  Government 
of  iniquity  without  reflecting  that  Divine  Providence  could  permit, 
in  the  hour  of  great  injustice,  her  emissary  Don  Emilio  Aguinahlo 
to  return  resolved  to  chastise  energetically  the  immoral  and  impotent 
Spanish  Government. 

Then  comes  Senor  Paterno,  telling  us  that  however  great  our 
efforts  may  be  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  we  cannot  live  without 
anally,  and  that  we  can  find  no  better  alliance  than  the  sovereignty 
of  Spain.  Frankly,  we  must  say  that  this  is  inconceivably 
incompatible  with  Sehor  Paterno’s  clear  intelligence.  How  do  you 
understand  an  alliance  with  sovereignty  ? How  can  you  imagine 
a people  great,  free  and  happy  under  the  sovereignty  of  Spain  ? 

P P 2 


596 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Senor  Patemo  cites,  as  examples,  tlie  alliances  between  Russia  amT 
France,  Germany  and  Italy  and  Austria,  but,  so  far,  we  do  not 
know  that  Russia  is  tbe  sovereign  power  of  the  French,  nor  the 
Germans  that  of  the  Italians  and  Austrians.  Senor  Paterno 
further  says  that  by  helping  Spain  iu  the  war  with  the  United 
States,  if  we  die,  we  do  so  in  the  fulfilment  of  our  duty  ; if  we  live, 
we  shall  obtain  the  triumph  of  our  aspirations  without  the  dangers 
and  risks  of  a civil  war.  Know,  Senor  Paterno,  and  let  all  know, 
that  in  less  than  six  days’  operations  in  several  provinces  we  have 
already  taken  1,500  prisoners,  amongst  whom  is  the  Brigadier- 
General  Garcia  Pena,  one  Colonel,  several  Lieutenant-Colonels, 
ilajors  and  officers,  besides  the  Governor  of  the  Province  of 
Balacan,  his  wife  and  all  the  civil  service  staff  of  that  province. 
We  also  have  about  500  Philippine  volunteers  as  prisoners,  of 
which  10  have  died  and  40  are  wounded,  whilst  amongst  the 
European  prisoners  there  is  ouly  one  wounded.  This  goes  to  prove 
that  the  Europeans  were  too  cowardly  to  defend  the  sovereignty  of 
Spain  iu  these  Islands,  therefore  we  do  not  understand  the  appeal 
you  make  to  the  Filipinos  to  defend  Spain  as  a duty,  when  the 
Spaniards  themselves  are  heedless  of  that  which  ought  to  be  a more 
rigorous  and  strict  obligation  with  them,  seeing  that  they  defend 
their  own  possession  which  brings  them  so  much  lucre  and  profit. 
This  does  not  say  much  for  the  duty  when  the  favoured  ones  them- 
selves forget  it  and  trample  upon  it.  To  die  to-day  for  cowardly 
Spain  ! This  implies  not  only  want  of  dignity  and  delicate  feeling, 
but  also  gross  stupidity  in  weaving  a sovereignty  of  frightened 
Spaniards  over  the  heads  of  brave  Filipinos.  It  is  astonishing 
that  in  face  of  such  an  eloquent  example  of  impotence  there  should 
still  be  a Filipino  who  defends  the  sovereignty  of  Spain. 

Remember,  Senor  Paterno,  that  we  make  war  without  the 
help  of  any  one,  not  even  the  North  Americans  ; but  no  ! we 
have  the  help  of  God,  who  is  the  eternal  ally  of  the  great  and 
just  causes  such  as  that  which  we  defend  against  Spain — our 
beloved  independence  ! ! ! 

Senor  Paterno  concludes  by  explaining  his  political  and 
administrative  principles  on  the  basis  of  Spanish  sovereignty, 
but,  as  we  have  charged  that  sovereignty  with  cowardice  and 
immorality,  we  dismiss  this  detail. 


SPANISH  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  NORTH. 


597 


To  conclude,  we  will  draw  the  attention  of  Sefior  Paterno  to 
two  things,  viz.  : 

(1°)  That  he  commits  an  injustice  in  imputing  to  the  North 
Americans  the  intention  of  taking  possession  of  these  Islands  as 
soon  as  we  have  conquered  the  Spaniards,  for,  besides  having  no 
grounds  on  which  to  make  such  an  allegation  against  a nation 
distinguished  for  its  humanity  like  the  Federal  Republic,  there  is 
the  fact  that  its  owu  constitution  prohibits  the  absorption  of 
■territory  outside  America,  iu  accordance  with  that  principle  laid 
down  by  the  immortal  Monroe,  of  America  for  the  Americans 
There  is,  moreover,  the  historical  antecedent  that  the  independence 
of  South  America,  once  under  Spanish  dominion,  is  largely  due  to 
the  protection  of  the  United  States  ; and 

(2°)  That  Sefior  Paterno  should  reflect  on  the  fact  that  the 
Spaniards  would  never  have  allowed  him  to  publish  his  Mcinijiesto 
bad  it  not  been  for  the  existence  and  attitude  of  our  Dictator, 
Don  Emilio  Aguinaldo.  This  ought  to  serve  Senor  Paterno  as 
further  proof  of  the  cowardice  of  the  Spaniards,  who,  notwith- 
standing all  that  has  been  shown,  insist  on  creating  discord  by 
provoking  civil  war  : ou  their  heads  will  fall  the  responsibilities 
of  the  moment  and  of  the  historical  past. 

Cavite,  9th  of  June,  1898. 

The  Revolutionists. 

The  feeling  against  Pedro  A.  Paterno  in  the  rebel  camp  was  very 
strong,  because  of  his  complicity  in  the  alleged  Biac-na-bato  fraud. 
The  rebels  stopped  all  the  traffic  on  the  Malabon  steam  tramway  line, 
and  shortly  afterwards  the  railway  trains  had  to  temporarily  cease 
running.  General  Monet  had  been  so  long  in  the  northern  provinces 
unsuccessfully  trying  to  hold  them  against  the  rebels,  that  his  fate  was 
for  a while  despaired  of  in  Manila.  Lie  tried  hard  to  reach  the  capital, 
seeing  that  every  day  the  Spaniards  anticipated  a bombardment. 
Monet’s  forces,  however,  were  checked  everywhere  by  the  insurgents, 
with  whom  he  had  many  encounters,  at  each  of  which  he  was  deserted 
by  some  of  his  men,  whilst  others  were  made  prisoners,  until  he  was  so 
reduced  that  he  had  to  beat  a retreat  with  the  remnant  of  his  Spanish 
troops.  Eventually  he  got  into  Manila  alone.  General  Augusti’s 
wife  and  family  were  chivalrously  saved  through  the  efforts  of  a loyal 


598 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Philippine  volunteer  named  Blanco  (the  son  of  a planter  in  Pampanga) 
who  now  holds  effective  rank  of  Colonel  in  Spain.  They  were  conducted 
from  the  Hagonoy  marshes  to  the  Bay  of  Manila  and  found  generous 
protection  from  the  Americans,  who  allowed  them  to  quit  the  Islands. 
The  Spanish  garrisons  in  the  whole  of  Laguna  and  Pampanga  had 
surrendered  to  the  rebels,  who  were  in  practical  possession  of  two- 
thirds  of  Luzon  Island.  General  Augusti  was  personally  inclined  to 
capitulate,  but  was  dissuaded  from  doing  so  by  his  officers. 

The  American  Geuerals  Merritt,  Otis,  and  Anderson  had  arrived 
with  reinforcements  and  more  were  en  route.  On  the  way  out  from  San 
Francisco  to  Manila  some  American  ships  called  at  the  Ladrone  Islands 
and  brought  the  Spanish  garrison  of  about  40  men  prisoners.  The 
surrender  of  the  city  had  been  again  demanded  and  refused,  for  the 
Spaniards  were  far  from  being  starved  out,  and  the  Americau 
Commander  bad  strictly  forbidden  Aguinaldo  to  make  an  attack  on  the 
city.  Aguinaldo,  however,  elsewhere  had  been  wonderfully  active. 
Iu  several  engagements,  the  Spaniards  were  completely  routed  and  in 
one  encounter  Aguinaldo’s  party  took  over  350  prisoners,  including 
28  officers  ; in  another  250  prisoners  and  four  cannons,  and 
150  Spaniards  who  fled  to  Cavite  Viejo  church  were  quietly 
starved  into  surrender.  Amongst  the  prisoners  were  several  provincial 
governors,  one  of  whom  attempted  to  commit  suicide.  At  Bacoor  a 
hotly  contested  battle  was  fought  which  lasted  about  nine  hours.  The 
Spaniards  were  surprised  very  early  one  morning,  and  by  the  afternoon 
they  were  forced  to  retreat  along  the  Cavite-Manila  road  to  Las 
Pinas.  The  Spanish  loss  amounted  to  approximately  250  troops 
wounded,  300  dead,  and  35  officers  wounded  or  dead.  The  rebels  are 
said  to  have  lost  more  than  double  that  number,  but  whatever  may  have 
been  the  sacrifice,  the  victory  was  theirs.  The  Spaniards  would 
probably  have  come  better  out  of  this  combat  but  for  the  fact  that  a 
native  regiment,  hitherto  loyal,  suddenly  murdered  their  officers  and 
went  over  to  the  insurgents.  The  Spaniards,  undoubtedly,  suffered 
much  from  unexpected  mutinies  of  native  auxiliaries  and  volunteers  at 
the  critical  moment,  whilst  in  no  case  did  rebels  pass  over  to  the 
Spanish  side.1  They  were  not  long  left  in  possession  of  Las  Pinas, 


i Nf.B. — It  seems  almost  incredible  that,  even  at  this  crisis,  the  Spaniards  still 
counted  on  native  auxiliaries  to  fight  against  their  own  kith  and  kin. 


REBEL  VICTORIES. REVOLUTIONARY  GOVERNMENT.  599 


where  they  were  subsequently  attacked  in  overwhelming  numbers  and 
the  survivors  were  driven  still  nearer  to  the  capital. 

Long  before  the  capitulation  of  Manila  the  rebels  were  as  well 
armed  as  they  could  wish  from  three  sources,  that  is  to  say,  the 
Americans,  the  Spanish  arms'  seized  in  warfare,  and  consignments 
from  China.  They  also  made  good  use  of  their  field-pieces,  and 
ever  and  anon  the  booming  of  cannon  was  heard  in  the  streets  of 
Manila.  The  old  city  walls  were  cleaned,  the  moats  were  cleared  of 
the  mud  and  shrubs  which  had  flourished  in  them  for  years,  and  every 
tree  around  which  might  possibly  afford  shelter  to  the  besiegers  was  cut 
down.  The  Spaniards,  hard  pressed  on  all  sides,  seemed  determined 
to  make  their  last  stand  in  the  old  citadel.  The  British  banks  shipped 
away  their  specie  to  China,  and  the  British  community,  whose 
members  were  never  united  as  to  the  course  they  should  adopt 
for  general  safety,  was  much  relieved  when  several  steamers  were 
allowed,  by  the  mutual  consent  of  Admiral  Dewey  and  General 
Augusti,  to  lie  in  the  bay  to  take  foreigners  on  board  in  case  of 
bombardment.  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  on  his  return  to  the  Islands,  had 
declared  himself  Dictator.  The  Dictatorial  Government  administered 
the  provinces  as  they  were  conquered  from  the  Spaniards,  collected 
taxes  and  enacted  laws.  In  a couple  of  months  the  management  of 
these  rural  districts  had  so  far  assumed  shape  that  Aguinaldo  convened 
deputies  therefrom  and  summoned  a Congress  on  the  18th  of  June. 
He  changed  the  name  of  Dictatorial  to  Revolutionary  Government,  and 
proclaimed  the  Constitution  of  that  provisional  government  on  the 
23rd  of  June,  of  which  the  statutes  are  as  follows  : — 

( Translation .) 

Don  Emilio  Aguinaldo  y Famt, 

President  of  the  Philippine  Revolutionary  Government  and 
Commander-iu-Chief  of  its  army. 

This  Government,  desirous  of  demonstrating  to  the  Philippine 
people  that  one  of  its  objects  is  to  abolish  with  a firm  hand  the 
inveterate  vices  of  Spanish  administration,  substituting  a more 
simple  and  expeditious  system  of  public  administration  for  that 


600 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


superfluity  of  civil  service  and  ponderous,  tardy  and  ostentatious 
official  routine,  I hereby  declare  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

Chapter  I. 

Of  the  Revolutionary  Government. 

Article  1°. — The  Dictatorial  Government,  shall  be  henceforth 
called  the  Revolutionary  Government,  whose  object  is  to  struggle 
for  the  independence  of  the  Philippines,  until  all  nations,  including 
Spain,  shall  expressly  recognize  it,  and  to  prepare  the  country  for 
the  establishment  of  a real  Republic.  The  Dictator  shall  be 
henceforth  styled  the  President  of  the  Revolutionary  Government. 

Article  2°. — Four  Government  Secretaryships  are  created  : 
(1“)  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Xavy  and  Trade ; (2°)  of  War  and  Public 
Works  ; (3°)  of  Police,  Public  Order,  Justice,  Public  Education 
and  Health  ; (4°)  of  Finance,  Agriculture,  and  Manufactures.  The 
Government  has  power  to  increase  the  number  of  secretaryships 
when  experience  has  shown  that  the  above  distribution  of  public 
offices  is  insufficient  to  meet  public  requirements. 

Article  3°. — Each  Secretary  shall  assist  the  President  in  the 
administration  of  affairs  concerning  his  particular  branch.  The 
Secretary  at  the  head  of  each  respective  department  shall  not  be 
responsible  for  the  Presidential  Decrees,  but  shall  sign  the  same  to 
give  them  authenticity.  But  if  it  should  appear  that  the  decree 
has  been  issued  on  the  proposal  of  the  Secretary  of  the  corre- 
sponding branch,  then  the  Secretary  shall  be  jointly  responsible 
with  the  President. 

Article  4°. — The  Secretaryship  of  Foreign  Affairs  shall  be  divided 
into  three  centres,  one  of  Diplomacy,  one  of  Xavy,  and  another  of 
Trade.  The  first  centre  shall  study  and  execute  all  affairs  which 
concern  the  direction  of  diplomatic  negotiations  with  other  Powers 
and  the  correspondence  of  this  Government  connected  therewith. 
The  second  shall  study  all  that  relates  to  the  formation  and 
organization  of  our  Xavy,  and  the  fitting  out  of  whatever 
expeditions  the  circumstances  of  the  Revolution  may  require ; 
and  the  third  shall  attend  to  all  matters  concerning  home  and 
foreign  trade  and  the  preliminary  work  in  connection  with  the 
Treaties  of  Commerce  to  be  made  with  other  nations. 


STATUTES  OF  REVOLUTIONARY  GOVERNMENT.  601 


Article  5°. — The  Secretaryship  of  War  shall  be  divided  into 
two  centres,  the  one  exclusively  of  War  and  the  other  exclusively 
of  Public  Works.  The  first  centre  shall  be  divided  into  four 
sections,  oue  of  Campaign,  one  of  Military  Justice,  one  of 
Military  Administration,  and  the  other  of  Military  Health. 

The  Campaign  section  shall  draw  up  and  attend  to  all  matters 
concerning  the  service  and  enlistment  of  the  Revolutionary 
Militia,  the  direction  of  campaigns,  the  making  of  plans,  fortifi- 
cations, and  the  editing  of  the  announcements  of  battles,  the 
study  of  military  tactics  for  the  Army,  and  organization  of  the 
respective  staffs,  artillery,  and  cavalry  corps,  aud  all  other  matters 
concerning  campaigns  and  military  operations. 

The  section  of  Military  Justice  shall  attend  to  all  matters 
concerning  court-martials  and  military  sentences,  the  appointment 
of  judges  and  assistant  judges  in  all  military -judicial  affairs.  The 
military  administrator  shall  take  charge  of  the  commissariat 
department  and  all  Army  equipment,  and  the  Military  Health 
department  shall  take  charge  of  all  matters  concerning  the  health 
and  salubrity  of  the  militia. 

Article  6°. — The  other  secretaryships  shall  be  divided  into 
so  many  centres  corresponding  to  their  functions,  and  each  centre 
shall  be  sub-divided  into  sections  as  the  nature  and  importance  of 
the  work  requires. 

Article  7°. — The  Secretary  of  each  department  shall  inspect  and 
watch  over  the  work  therein  and  be  responsible  to  the  President 
of  the  Government.  At  the  head  of  each  section  there  shall  be  a 
director,  and  in  each  section  there  shall  be  an  official  in  charge 
assisted  by  the  necessary  staff. 

Article  8°. — The  President  shall  have  the  sole  right  to  appoint 
the  secretaries,  and  in  agreement  with  them  he  shall  appoint  all 
the  staff  subordinate  to  the  respective  departments.  Nevertheless, 
in  the  election  of  individuals  favouritism  must  be  avoided  on  the 
understanding  that  the  good  name  of  the  fatherland  and  the 
triumph  of  the  Revolution  need  the  services  of  the  most  really 
capable  persons. 

Article  9°. — The  secretaries  can  take  part  in  the  sessions  of  the 
Revolutionary  Congress,  whenever  they  have  a motion  to  present 
in  the  name  of  the  President,  or  on  the  interpellation  of  any  deputy, 


602 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


but  when  the  question  under  debate,  or  the  motion  on  which  they 
have  been  summoned  is  put  to  the  vote,  they  shall  retire  aud  not 
take  part  in  that  voting. 

Article  10°.— The  President  of  the  Government  is  the  personi- 
fication of  the  Philippine  people,  and  as  such  he  cannot  be  held 
responsible  for  any  act  whilst  he  holds  that  position.  His  position 
is  irrevocable  until  the  Revolution  shall  triumph,  unless  extra- 
ordinary circumstances  should  compel  him  to  tender  his  resignation 
to  Congress,  in  which  case  only  Congress  shall  elect  whomsoever 
is  esteemed  most  fit. 

Chapter  II. 

Of  the  Revolutionary  Congress. 

Article  11°. — The  Revolutionary  Congress  is  the  assembly  of 
those  deputies  from  the  Philippine  provinces,  elected  in  due  form, 
as  prescribed  in  the  Decree  of  the  18th  inst.  Nevertheless,  if  any 
province  could  not  elect  deputies  because  the  majority  of  its  towns 
had  not  yet  been  able  to  free  themselves  from  Spanish  dominion, 
the  Government  can  nominate  provisional  deputies  chosen  from 
the  persons  of  highest  consideration  by  reason  of  their  education 
and  social  position  up  to  the  number  fixed  by  the  said  Decree, 
always  provided  that  such  persons  shall  have  been  born  or  have 
resided  for  a long  time  in  the  provinces  to  be  represented. 

Article  12°. — When  the  deputies  shall  have  met  in  the  town  and. 
in  the  building  to  be  provided  by  the  Revolutionary  Government 
the  preliminary  act  shall  be  the  election  by  majority  of  votes  of  a 
commission  of  five  persons  who  shall  examine  the  documents 
accrediting  the  personality  of  each  person,  and  another  commission 
of  three  persons  who  shall  examine  the  documents  exhibited  by 
the  first  commission  of  five. 

Article  13®. — The  next  day  the  said  deputies  shall  again  meet 
and  the  two  commissions  shall  read  their  respective  reports  on  the 
validity  of  the  said  documents,  all  doubts  on  the  same  to  be  resolved 
by  an  absolute  majority  of  votes.  They  shall  then  at  once  proceed  to 
the  election,  by  absolute  majority,  of  a president,  a vice-president, 
and  two  secretaries,  to  be  chosen  from  among  the  same  deputies, 
after  which  the  Congress  shall  be  held  to  be  constituted,  and 
notice  of  the  same  shall  be  given  to  the  Government. 


THE  REVOLUTIONARY  CONGRESS. 


603 


Article  14°. — The  meeting- place  of  Congress  is  sacred  and 
inviolable,  and  no  armed  force  can  enter  therein  except  on  the 
summons  of  the  President  of  the  Congress  for  the  purpose  of 
restoring  order,  should  the  same  have  been  disturbed  by  those  who 
know  not  how  to  honour  themselves  and  their  solemn  functions. 

Article  15". — The  powers  of  Congress  are  : — To  look  after  the 
general  interests  of  the  Philippine  people  and  the  fulfilment  of  the 
revolutionary  laws  ; to  discuss  and  vote  laws  ; to  discuss  and 
approve,  before  ratification,  all  treaties  and  loans  ; to  examine  and 
approve  the  accounts  of  the  general  expenses  which  shall  be 
presented  annually  by  the  Finance  Secretary  and  to  fix  the 
extraordinary  taxes,  and  others  which,  in  future,  may  be  imposed. 

Article  16°. — The  voice  of  Congress  shall  also  be  heard  in  all 
matters  of  grave  importance  the  resolution  of  which  will  admit  of 
delay,  but  the  President  of  the  Government  can  resolve  questions 
of  an  urgent  character,  rendering  an  account  of  his  acts  to  Congress 
by  means  of  a message. 

Article  17°. — Any  Deputy  can  present  a bill  in  Congress  and  any 
Secretary  can  do  so  by  order  of  the  President  of  the  Government. 

Article  18". — The  sessions  of  Congress  shall  be  public,  and  only 
in  cases  where  reserve  is  necessary  shall  secret  sessions  be  held. 

Article  19°. — The  order  of  debate  and  parliamentary  usages  shall 
be  determined  by  instructions  to  be  formulated  by  Congress.  The 
President  shall  lead  the  debate,  but  shall  not  vote,  unless  there 
fail  to  be  a majority,  in  which  case  he  shall  give  his  casting  vote. 

Article  20°. — The  President  of  the  Government  cannot,  in  any 
manner,  impede  the  meeting  of  Congress,  nor  interfere  with  the 
sessions  of  the  same. 

Article  21°.  — Congress  shall  appoint  a permanent  judicial  com- 
mission, to  be  presided  over  by  the  Vice-President,  assisted  by  one 
of  the  Secretaries  and  composed  of  these  persons  and  seven 
assessors,  elected  by  majority  of  votes,  from  among  the  deputies. 
This  commission  shall  revise  the  sentences  given  in  criminal  cases 
by  the  provincial  councils,  and  shall  judge  and  sentence,  without 
right  of  further  appeal,  cases  brought  against  the  Government 
Secretaries,  Provincial  Chiefs  and  Provincial  Councillors. 

Article  22°. — In  the  office  o the  Secretary  to  Congress  there 
shall  be  a Book  of  Honour,  in  which  shall  be  noted  the  great 


604 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


services  rendered  to  the  Fatherland  and  esteemed  as  such  by 
Congress.  Any  Filipino,  military  or  civil,  can  solicit  of  Congress 
inscription  in  the  said  book  on  producing  the  documents  which 
prove  the  praiseworthy  acts  performed  by  him  for  the  good  of 
the  Fatherland  since  the  present  Revolution  began.  For 
extraordinary  services  which  may,  in  future,  be  rendered,  the 
Government  will  propose  the  inscription,  the  proposal  being 
accompanied  by  the  necessary  justification. 

Article  23°. — Congress  shall  determine,  on  the  proposal  of  the 
Government,  the  money  rewards  to  be  paid,  ouce  for  all,  to  the 
families  of  those  who  were  victims  to  duty  and  patriotism  in 
the  execution  of  heroic  acts. 

Article  24°. — The  resolutions  of  Congress  shall  not  be  binding 
until  they  have  received  the  sanction  of  the  President  of  the 
Government.  When  the  said  President  shall  consider  any  reso- 
lution undesirable,  or  imjrracticable,  or  pernicious,  he  shall  state 
his  reasons  to  Congress  for  opposing  its  execution,  and  if  Congress 
still  insisted  on  the  resolution  the  said  President  cau  outvote  it  ou 
his  own  responsibility. 

Chapter  III. 

Of  Military  Justice. 

Article  25°. — When  any  commandant  of  a detachment  shall 
receive  notice  of  an  individual  in  the  service  having  committed  a 
fault  or  having  performed  any  act  reputed  to  be  a military  mis- 
demeanour, he  shall  iuform  the  Commandant  of  the  District  of  the 
same,  and  this  officer  shall  appoint  a judge  and  secretary  to  con- 
stitute a Court  of  Enquiry  iu  the  form  prescribed  in  the  instructions 
dated  20th  instant.  If  the  accused  held  the  rank  of  lieutenant,  or 
a higher  one,  the  same  Commandant  shall  be  the  judge,  and  if  the 
Commandant  himself  were  the  accused  the  Superior  Commandant 
of  the  Province  shall  appoint  as  judge  an  officer  of  a higher  rank, 
and  if  there  were  none  such  the  same  Commandant  of  the  Province 
shall  open  the  enquiry.  The  judge  shall  always  hold  the  rank  of 
chief. 

Article 26°. — When  the  Courtof  Enquiry  has  finished  its  labours, 
the  Superior  Commandant  shall  appoint  three  assistant  judges  of 
equal  or  superior  rank  to  the  judge,  and  a Court-Martial  shall  be 


REVOLUTIONARY  MILITARY"  JUSTICE. 


605 


composed  of  the  three  assistant  judges,  the  judge,  the  assessor, 
and  the  president.  The  Commandant  of  the  District  shall  be  the 
judge  if  the  accused  held  the  rank  of  sergeant,  or  a lower  one,  and 
the  Superior  Commandant  shall  be  judge  if  the  accused  held  the 
rank  of  lieutenant,  or  a higher  one.  This  court  shall  pass  sentence 
in  the  same  form  as  the  Provincial  Courts,  hut  the  sentence  can  be 
appealed  against  before  the  Superior  Council  of  War. 

Article  27°. — The  Superior  Council  of  War  shall  be  composed  of 
six  assistant  judges,  who  shall  hold  the  minimum  rank  of  Brigadier- 
General,  and  the  War  Office  adviser.  If  the  number  of  generals 
residing  in  the  capital  of  the  Revolutionary  Government  were 
insufficient,  the  number  shall  be  made  up  by  deputies  to  be 
appointed  on  commission  by  Congress.  The  President  of  this 
Council  shall  be  the  general  of  the  highest  rank  amongst  them, 
and  if  there  were  more  than  one  of  the  same  rank,  one  shall  be 
elected  by  themselves  by  majority  of  votes. 

Article  28°. — The  Superior  Council  shall  judge  and  sentence, 
without  right  of  further  appeal,  Superior  Commandants,  Com- 
mandants of  Districts,  and  all  officers  who  hold  rank  of  Commandant, 
or  a higher  one. 

Article  29°. — Military  misdemeanours  are  the  following  : — 

(1°.)  Violation  of  the  immunity  due  to  foreigners,  both  as  to 
their  persons  and  their  goods,  and  violation  of  the  privileges 
appertaining  to  sanitary  establishments  and  ambulances,  as  well 
as  the  persons  and  effects  in,  or  belonging  to,  one  or  the  other,  and 
persons  employed  in  the  service  of  the  same  so  long  as  they 
commit  no  hostile  act.  (2°.)  Want  of  respect  for  the  lives,  money, 
and  jewellery  of  the  enemy  who  surrenders  his  arms,  and  for 
prisoners  of  war.  (3°.)  The  entry  of  Filipinos  into  the  service  of 
the  enemy  as  spies,  or  to  discover  war  secrets,  make  plans  of  the 
revolutionists’  positions  and  fortifications,  or  present  themselves 
to  parley  without  proving  their  mission  or  their  individuality. 
(4°.)  Violation  of  the  immunity  due  to  those  who  come  with  this 
mission,  duly  accredited,  in  the  form  prescribed  by  international 
law. 

The  following  persons  also  commit  military  misdemeanours : — 

(1.)  Those  who  endeavour  to  break  up  the  union  of  the 
revolutionists,  fomenting  rivalry  between  the  chiefs,  and  forming 


606 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


divisions  ami  armed  bands.  (2°.)  Those  who  collect  taxes  without 
being  duly  authorized  by  Government,  or  misappropriate  public 
funds.  (3°.)  Those  who,  being  armed,  surrender  to  the  enemy  or 
commit  any  act  of  cowardice  before  the  same  ; and  (4°.)  Those 
who  sequester  any  person  who  has  done  no  harm  to  the  Revolution, 
or  violate  women,  or  assassinate,  or  seriously  wound  any  undefended 
persons,  or  commit  robbery  or  arson. 

Article  30". — Those  who  commit  any  of  the  above-named  mis- 
demeanours shall  be  considered  declared  enemies  of  the  Revolution 
and  shall  be  punished  in  the  highest  scale  of  puuishment  provided 
for  in  the  Spanish  Penal  Code.  If  the  misdemeanour  were  not 
provided  for  in  the  said  code,  the  culprit  shall  be  confined  until 
the  Revolution  has  triumphed,  unless  his  crime  shall  have  caused 
an  irreparable  injury  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  court,  would 
justify  the  imposition  of  capital  punishment. 


Additional  Clauses. 

Article  31°. — The  Government  shall  establish  abroad  a Revolu- 
tionary Committee,  composed  of  an  indefinite  number  of  the  most 
competent  persons  in  the  Philippine  Archipelago.  This  Com- 
mittee shall  be  divided  into  three  sections,  viz.  : — Of  diplomacy  ; 
of  the  navy,  and  of  the  army.  The  diplomatic  section  shall 
negotiate  with  the  foreign  cabinets  the  recognition  of  belligerency 
and  Philippine  independence.  The  naval  section  shall  be  intrusted 
with  the  study  and  organization  of  a Philippine  navy  and  prepare 
the  expeditions  which  the  circumstances  of  the  Revolution  may 
require.  The  army  section  shall  study  military  tactics  and  the 
best  form  of  organizing  staff,  artillery  and  engineer  corps,  and  all 
that  is  necessary  to  put  the  Philippine  army  on  a footing  of 
modern  advancement. 

Article  32*. — The  Government  shall  dictate  the  necessary 
instructions  for  the  execution  of  the  present  decree. 

Article  33°. — All  decrees  of  the  Dictatorial  Government  which 
may  be  in  opposition  to  the  present  one  are  hereby  rescinded. 

Given  at  Cavite,  23rd  of  June,  1898. 


Emilio  Aguinaldo. 


PRESIDENT  AGUINALDO’S  MESSAGE. 


607 


The  promulgation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Revolutionary 
Government  was  accompanied  by  a message  from  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  of 
which  the  following  is  a translation  : — 

Message  of  the  President  of  the  Philippine  Revolution. 

It  is  an  established  fact  that  a political  Revolution,  judiciously 
carried  out,  is  the  violent  means  employed  by  nations  to  recover 
the  sovereignty  which  naturally  belongs  to  them,  when  the  same 
has  been  usurped  and  troddeu  under  foot  by  tryannical  and  arbitrary 
government.  Therefore,  the  Philippine  Revolution  cannot  be 
more  justifiable  than  it  is,  because  the  country  has  only  resorted  to 
it  after  having  exhausted  all  peaceful  means  which  reason  and 
experience  dictated. 

The  old  Kings  of  Castile  were  obliged  to  regard  the  Philippines 
as  a sister  nation  united  to  Spain  by  a perfect  similarity  of  aims 
and  interests,  so  much  so  that  in  the  Constitution  of  1812, 
promulgated  at  Cadiz,  as  a consequence  of  the  Spanish  War  of 
Independence,  these  Islands  were  represented  in  the  Spanish 
Parliament.  But  the  monastic  communities,  always  unconditionally 
propped  up  by  the  Spanish  Government,  stepped  in  to  oppose  the 
sacred  obligation,  and  the  Philippine  Islands  were  excluded  from 
the  Spanish  Constitution,  and  the  country  placed  at  the  mercy  of 
the  discretional  or  arbitrary  powers  of  the  Governor-General. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  country  clamoured  for  justice, 
demanding  of  the  metropolis  the  recognition  and  restitution  of  its 
secular  rights,  through  reforms  which  should  gradually  assimilate 
it  to  Spain.  But  its  voice  was  soon  stifled,  and  its  children  were 
rewarded  for  their  abnegation  by  punishment,  martyrdom  and 
death.  The  religious  corporations,  whose  interests  were  always  at 
variance  with  those  of  the  Filipinos  and  identified  with  the  Spanish 
Government,  ridiculed  these  pretensions,  calmly  and  persistently 
replying  that  liberty  in  Spain  had  only  been  gained  by  the  sacrifice 
of  blood. 

What  other  channel,  then,  was  open  to  the  country  through 
which  to  insist  upon  the  recovery  of  its  lawful  rights  ? No  other 
remedy  remained  but  the  application  of  force,  and  convinced  of 
this,  it  had  recourse  to  revolution. 


608 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Now  its  demauds  are  no  longer  limited  to  assimilation  with  the 
Spanish  Constitution.  It  asks  for  a definite  separation  therefrom  ; 
it  struggles  for  its  independence,  with  the  certainty  that  the  time 
has  arrived  when  it  is  able  and  ought  to  rule  itself. 

Hence,  it  has  constituted  a Revolutionary  Government,  based 
on  wise  and  just  laws,  suited  to  the  abnormal  circumstances  it  is 
passing  through,  preparatory  to  the  founding  of  a real  Republic. 
Accepting  Right  as  the  only  standard  of  its  acts,  Justice  as  its 
sole  aim,  and  honourable  Labour  as  its  sole  means,  it  calls  upon  all 
Filipinos,  without  distinction  of  birth,  and  invites  them  to  solidly 
unite  with  the  object  of  forming  a noble  society,  not  by  bloodshed, 
nor  by  pompous  titles,  but  by  labour  and  the  personal  merit  of 
each  one  ; a free  society  where  no  egoism  shall  exist, — where  no 
personal  politics  shall  overthrow  and  crush,  nor  envy  nor  partiality 
debase,  nor  vain  boasting  nor  charlatanry  throw  it  into  ridicule. 

Nothing  else  could  be  expected  from  a country  which  has 
proved  by  its  long  suffering  and  courage  in  tribulation  and  danger, 
and  industry  and  studiousness  in  peace,  that  it  is  not  made  for 
slavery.  That  country  is  destined  to  become  great ; to  become 
one  of  the  most  solid  instruments  of  Providence  for  ruling  the 
destinies  of  humanity.  That  country  has  resources  and  energy 
sufficient  to  free  itself  from  the  ruin  and  abasement  into  which 
the  Spanish  Government  has  drawn  it,  and  to  claim  a modest, 
though  worthy,  place  in  the  concert  of  free  nations. 

Given  at  Cavite,  23rd  of  June,  1898. 

Emilio  Aguinaldo. 

These  public  documents  were  supplemented  by  the  issue,  on  the 
27th  of  June,  of  “ Instructions,”  signed  by  Emilio  Aguinaldo,  which, 
as  they  relate  solely  to  working  details  of  the  Revolutionary  Government 
offices,  are  of  minor  interest  to  the  general  reader. 

Since  the  30tli  of  June  the  rebels  were  in  possession  of  Coloocan 
(the  first  station — past  Manila — on  the  Manila-Dagupan  Railway)  and 
the  Manila  suburbs  of  Santa  Cruz  and  Tondo.  The  insurgents  pur- 
chased four  vessels  in  Singapore  and  armed  them,  but,  later  on, 
Admiral  Dewey  forbade  them  to  fly  their  flag  pending  the  ultimate 
settlement  of  the  whole  Philippine  problem.  They  also  took  possession 


AMERICANS  AND  REBELS. 


609 


of  the  waterworks  of  Santolan  (near  San  Juan  del  Monte),  but  did  not 
cut  off  the  water  supply  to  the  capital.  Dissensions  arose  in  the  rebel 
camp  between  Emilio  Aguinaldo  and  the  leaders  Jocson,  Sandico  and 
Artachio.  Jocson  was  the  chief  who  carried  on  the  war  in  the 
northern  provinces  during  the  absence  of  Aguinaldo  and  his  companions. 
Aguinaldo  ordered  Jocson  and  Artachio  to  be  shot,  and  one  of  them 
went  on  board  an  American  warship  for  safety.  The  Americans, 
indeed,  had  no  less  difficulty  in  dealing  with  the  natives  than  with  the 
Spaniards.  There  were  frequent  altercations  between  individual  rebels 
and  American  soldiers  which,  in  one  case  at  least,  near  Cavite, 
resulted  very  seriously.  The  rebels  were  irritated  because  they  con- 
sidered themselves  slighted,  and  that  their  importance  as  a factor  in  the 
hostilities  was  not  duly  recognized ; in  reality,  there  was  nothing  for 
them  to  do  in  co-operation  with  the  Americans,  who  at  any  time  could 
have  brought  matters  to  a crisis  without  them  (by  shelling  the  city) 
but  for  considerations  of  humanity.  Aguinaldo’s  enemies  were  naturally 
the  Spaniards,  and  he  kept  his  forces  actively  employed  in  harassing 
them  in  the  outlying  districts  ; his  troops  had  just  gained  a great 
victory  in  Dagupan  (Pangasinan),  where,  on  the  22nd  of  July,  the 
whole  Spanish  garrison  and  a number  of  civilian  Spaniards  had  to 
capitulate  in  due  written  form.  But  experience  had  taught  him  that  any 
day  an  attempt  might  be  made  to  create  a rival  faction.  Such  a con- 
tingency had  been  actually  provided  for  in  Article  29  of  the  Statutes 
of  the  Revolutionary  Government  already  cited.  Presumably  with  a 
view  to  maintaining  his  prestige  and  keeping  his  individuality  well 
before  the  people,  he  was  constantly  issuing  edicts  and  proclama- 
tions. He  was  wise  enough  to  understand  the  proverbs,  “L’union  fait 
la  force,”  and  “A  house  divided  against  itself  shall  surely  fall.”  Not 
the  least  of  his  talents  was  that  of  being  able  to  keep  united  a force  of 
30,000  to  40,000  Filipinos  for  any  object.  His  proclamation  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  Revolutionary  Government  on  the  23rd  of  June 
implied  a declaration  of  independence.  He  really  sought  to  draw  the 
American  authorities  into  a recognition  of  it,  but  he  did  not  seem  to 
see,  what  others  saw,  the  inopportunity  of  their  doing  so  at  that  stage 
of  America’s  relations  with  Spain.  The  generals  were  not  the  arbiters 
of  the  political  situation.  Then  Aguinaldo  adopted  a course  quite 
independently  of  the  Great  Power  which  had  undertaken  the  solution 
of  the  Philippine  question,  and  addressed  a Memorandum  to  the 

Q Q 


610 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


foreign  Governments,  with  a copy  of  an  Act  of  Independence.1  The 
result  was  altogether  negative.  Not  a single  Power  chose  to  embarrass 
America,  especially  at  that  critical  period,2  by  a recognition  of 
Aguinaido’s  party.  The  Memorandum  read  as  follows : — 

( Translation .) 

To  the  Powers  : 

The  Revolutionary  Government  of  the  Philippines  on  being 
constituted,  explained,  by  means  of  a message  of  the  23rd  June  last, 
the  real  causes  of  the  Philippine  Revolution,  and  went  on  to  show 
that  this  popular  movement  is  the  result  of  those  laws  which 
regulate  the  life  of  a nation  ardently  desiring  progress,  and  the 
attainment  of  perfection  by  the  only  possible  road  of  liberty. 

The  Revolution,  at  the  present  moment,  is  predominant  in 
the  provinces  of  Cavite,  Batangas,  Mindoro,  Tayabas,  Laguna, 
Morong,  Bulacan,  Bataan,  Pampanga,  Nueva  Ecija,  Tarlac, 
Pangasinan,  Union,  Infanta  and  Zambales,  and  is  besieging  the 
capital,  Manila.  In  these  provinces  the  most  perfect  order  and 
tranquillity  reign  ; they  are  administered  by  the  authorities  elected 
by  themselves  in  conformity  with  the  decrees  of  the  18th  and 
23rd  of  June  last. 

Moreover,  the  Revolution  has  about  9,000  prisoners  of  war, 
who  are  treated  with  the  same  consideration  observed  by 
cultured  nations,  agreeably  with  the  sentiments  of  humanity, 
and  a regular  organized  army  of  more  than  30,000  men  fully 
equipped  on  a war  footing. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  representatives  of  the  townships 
comprised  within  the  provinces  above  mentioned,  interpreting  the 
popular  will  of  those  who  have  elected  them,  have  proclaimed 
the  Independence  of  the  Philippines,  and  requested  the  Revolu- 
tionary Government  to  petition  and  solicit  of  the  foreign  Powers 
an  acknowledgment  of  their  belligerency  and  independence,  under 
the  conviction  that  the  Philippine  nation  has  arrived  at  that  state 

1 This  Act  was  ratified  by  Congress  at  Malolos  with  great  pomp  on  the  29th 
of  September.  Emilio  Aguinaldo  walked  through  the  town,  surrounded  by  his 
chief  officers,  followed  by  a procession  of  rebel  troops  and  bands  of  music. 
Malolos  was  an  fete,  and  this  day  was  declared  by  Congress  to  be  a public  holiday 
jn  perpetuity. 

* The  Spanish-American  Commissioners  were  to  meet  in  Paris  in  a few  weeks. 


PHILIPPINE  ACT  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


611 


in.  which  it  can  and  ought  to  govern  itself.  As  a consequence,  the 
annexed  document  has  been  signed  by  the  said  representatives. 
Wherefore  the  undersigned,  using  the  faculties  reserved  to  him 
as  President  of  the  Revolutionary  Government  of  the  Philippines, 
and  in  the  name  and  representation  of  the  Philippine  nation, 
implores  the  protection  of  all  the  Powers  of  the  civilized  world, 
and  beseeches  them  to  formally  recognize  the  belligerency, 
the  Revolutionary  Government,  and  the  Independence  of  the 
Philippines,  because  these  Powers  are  the  bulwarks  designated 
by  Providence  to  maintain  the  equilibrium  amongst  nations  by 
sustaining  the  weak  and  refraining  the  ambitions  of  the  more 
powerful , in  order  that  the  most  faultless  justice  may  illuminate 
and  render  effective  indefinitely  the  progress  of  humanity. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  in  Bacoor,  in  the  Province 
of  Cavite,  this  6th  day  of  August  1898. 

Emilio  Aguinaldo, 

The  President  of  the  Revolutionary 
Government. 

The  accompanying  Act  of  Independence,  dated  August  1st,  1898, 
was  couched  in  the  flowery  language  of  his  former  edicts  and  pro- 
clamations, and  was  signed  by  those  Filipinos  who  had  been  appointed 
local  presidents  of  the  townships  in  the  provinces  referred  to.  The 
allusion  to  “ the  ambitions  of  the  more  powerful  ” could  well  be 
understood  to  signify  an  invitation  to  intervene  and  counteract 
America’s  projects,  which  might,  hereafter,  clash  with  the  Aguinaldo 
party’s  aspirations.  At  the  same  time  a group  of  agitators,  financed 
by  the  priests  in  and  out  of  the  Islands,  was  straining  every  nerve 
to  disseminate  false  reports  and  create  discord  between  the  rebels 
and  the  Americans  in  the  hope  of  frustrating  their  coalition.  But, 
even  then,  with  a hostile  host  before  Manila  and  the  city  inevitably 
doomed  to  fall,  the  fate  of  Spanish  sovereignty  depended  more  on 
politicians  than  on  warriors. 

In  the  absence  of  a Spanish  Ambassador  at  Washington,  the  French 
Government  had  accepted  to  look  after  Spanish  interests  there  and 
carry  on  any  negotiations  with  the  American  Government  which  might 
become  necessary.  In  August  the  city  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  was 
beleaguered  by  the  Americans  under  General  Shafter  ; the  forts  had 

QQ  2 


612 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


been  destroyed  by  Admirals  Scliley  and  Sampson  ; General  Linares, 
in  command  there,  had  been  wounded  and  placed  hors  de  combat  ; the 
large  force  of  Spanish  troops  within  the  walls  was  well  armed  and 
munitioned,  but  being  half-starved,  the  morale  of  the  rank  and  file  was 
at  a low  ebb,  and  General  Toral,  who  succeeded  General  Linares, 
capitulated.  The  final  blow  to  Spanish  power  and  hopes  in  Cuba  was 
the  destruction  of  Admiral  Cervera’s  fleet  outside  the  port  of  Santiago 
de  Cuba.  Cuba  was  lost  to  Spain.  The  cry  for  help  from  the 
Philippines,  together  with  the  riotous  denunciation  in  Spain,  of  the 
Government’s  prostration,  morally  compelled  the  Government  to  do 
something,  and  a fleet  was  fitted  out  under  Admiral  Camara  and  sent 
to  the  Suez  Canal  with  the  ostensible  object  of  relieving  Manila.  It 
was,  probably,  never  intended  to  let  it  leave  Europe.  In  a slight 
measure  it  appeased  the  people  and  saved  the  honour  of  the  Spanish 
Cabinet,  but,  fortunately,  America  threatened  to  send  a fleet  under 
Admiral  Watson  to  bombard  the  Spanish  ports,  affording  the  Spanish 
Government  a good  excuse  for  ordering  back  Admiral  Camara’s  fleet 
at  once.  No  material  advantage  could  then  possibly  accrue  to  Spain 
by  a prolongation  of  hostilities. 

Through  the  intermediary  of  the  French  Ambassador  at  Washington, 
M.  Cambon,  peace  negotiations  were  entered  into  and  a Protocol 
was  signed  by  him  and  Mr.  Secretary  Day  for  the  respective  Govern- 
ments they  represented  at  4.25  p.m.  on  the  12th  of  August,  1898.  It 
is  interesting  to  note  the  exact  hour  and  date,  in  view  of  subsequent 
events. 

The  provisions  of  the  Protocol  were  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

(1°.)  Spain  will  relinquish  all  her  claim  of  sovereignty  over  or 
title  to  Cuba. 

(2°.)  Puerto  Rico  and  the  other  Spanish  islands  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  an  island  in  the  Ladrones  to  be  selected  by  the  United 
States,  shall  be  ceded  to  the  latter. 

(3°.)  The  United  States  will  occupy  and  hold  the  city,  bay 
and  harbour  of  Manila  pending  the  conclusion  of  a treaty  of 
peace , ivhich  shall  determine  the  control,  disposition  and 
government  of  the  Philippines. 

(4*.)  Cuba,  Puerto  Rico  and  the  other  Spanish  islands  in  the 
West  Indies  shall  be  immediately  evacuated,  and  commissioners,  to 
be  appointed  within  ten  days,  shall,  within  thirty  days  from  the 


FIGHTING  BETWEEN  AMERICANS  AND  SPANIARDS.  613 


signing  of  the  Protocol,  meet  at  Havana  and  San  Juan  respectively, 
to  arrange  and  execute  the  details  of  evacuation. 

(5°.)  The  United  States  and  Spain  will  each  appoint'  not  more 
than  five  commissioners  to  negotiate  and  conclude  a Treaty  of 
Peace.  The  commissioners  are  to  meet  at  Paris  not  later  than 
October  1st. 

(6°.)  On  the  signing  of  the  Protocol  hostilities  will  he 
suspended,  and  notice  to  that  effect  will  be  given  as  soon  as 
possible  by  each  Government  to  the  commanders  of  its  military 
and  naval  forces. 

During  a month  before  the  Protocol  was  signed  the  relations 
between  Spaniards  and  Americans  were  verging  towards  a crisis.  The 
respective  land  forces  were  ever  on  the  point  of  precipitating  the  end. 
General  F.  V.  Greene  had  his  brigade  encamped  along  the  Cavite- 
Manila  road,  about  2^  miles  from  the  Spanish  fort  of  Malate,  with 
outposts  thrown  forward  to  protect  the  camp.  The  insurgent  lines 
were  situated  nearer  to  Manila,  between  the  Americans  and  Spaniards. 
On  July  28th  General  Greene  took  possession  of  a line,  from  the  road 
already  occupied  by  his  forces,  in  front  of  the  insurgents’  advanced 
position,  to  be  ready  to  start  operations  for  the  reduction  of  Manila. 
The  American  soldiers  worked  for  three  days  at  making  trenches, 
almost  unmolested  by  the  Spaniards,  who  had  a strong  line  of  breast- 
works not  more  than  1,000  yards  in  front.  No  Americans  were  killed 
or  wounded  whilst  so  working. 

On  July  31st  at  11  p.m.  the  Spaniards  opened  a furious  infantry 
and  artillery  fire  upon  the  American  lines  and  kept  it  up  for  two  hours. 
Fort  Malate  with  five  gims,  Blockhouse  No.  14  with  two  guns,  and 
connecting  infantry  trenches,  concentrated  fire  upon  the  American 
breastworks,  which  caused  considerable  annoyance  to  the  Americans. 
The  night  was  pitch  dark,  it  rained  in  torrents,  there  was  mud  and 
water  everywhere  and  the  ground  was  too  flat  to  drain.  The 
10th  Pennsylvania  Regiment  and  four  guns  of  the  Utah  batteries 
occupied  the  American  line,  with  two  batteries  of  the  3rd  Foot  Artillery 
in  reserve.  The  last  was  brought  up  under  a heavy  fire,  and  taking 
up  a position  on  the  right,  silenced  the  Spaniards,  who  were  pouring 
in  a flanking  fire.  The  whole  camp  was  under  arms,  and  ammunition 
and  reinforcements  were  sent.  The  regiments  were  standing  expectantly 
in  the  rain.  The  1st  California  was  ordered  forward,  the  bugle  sounded 


614 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


the  advance,  the  whole  camp  cheered,  and  the  men  were  delighted  at 
the  idea  of  meeting  the  enemy.  Over  a flat  ground  the  American 
troops  advanced  under  a heavy  Spanish  fire  of  shell  and  Mauser  rifles, 
but  they  were  steady  and  checked  the  Spaniards’  attack. 

General  Greene  went  forward  to  the  trenches,  firing  was  exchanged, 
and  the  wounded  were  being  brought  back  from  the  front  in  carromatax. 
The  Spaniards  and  Americans  were  separated  by  bamboo  thickets  and 
swamps.  The  Americans  lost  that  night  10  killed  and  30  wounded. 
The  Spanish  loss  was  much  heavier.  Most  of  the  Americans  killed 
were  shot  in  the  head.  The  Mauser  bullet  has  great  penetrating 
power,  but  does  not  kill  well,  in  fact  it  often  makes  a small  wound 
which  does  not  bleed.  As  already  pointed  out  at  page  517,  the  four 
Mauser  bullets  passed  right  through  Sancho  Valenzuela  at  his  execution 
and  left  him  still  alive.  Captain  Hobbs,  of  the  3rd  Artillery,  was  shot 
through  the  thigh  at  night  and  only  the  next  morning  saw  the  nature 
of  the  wound. 

During  the  following  week  the  Spaniards  made  three  more  night 
attacks.  The  total  killed  and  wounded  Americans  amounted  to  10  men. 
The  American  soldiers  were  not  allowed  to  return  the  fire,  unless  the 
Spaniards  were  evidently  about  to  rush  the  breastworks.  There  was 
some  grumbling  in  the  camp.  The  Spaniards,  however,  got  tired  of 
firing,  apparently  to  no  purpose,  for  no  Americans  were  wounded,  and  at 
the  end  of  the  third  night  there  was  silence.  Meanwhile,  in  the  day  time 
the  Americans  went  on  strengthening  their  line  without  being  molested. 

On  August  7th  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Merritt  sent  a joint 
note  to  the  Captain-General  of  Manila,  giving  him  48  hours  to  remove 
women  and  children,  as,  at  any  time  after  that,  the  city  might  be 
bombarded.  The  Captain-General  replied  thanking  the  Admiral  and 
General  for  their  kind  consideration,  but  pointed  out  that  he  had  no 
ships,  and  to  send  the  women  and  children  inland  would  be  to  place 
them  at  the  mercy  of  the  rebels.  On  the  expiration  of  the  48  hours’ 
notice,  i.e.,  at  noon  on  the  9th  of  August,  another  joint  note  was 
addressed  to  General  Augusti,  pointing  out  the  hopelessness  of  his 
holding  out  and  formally  demanding  the  surrender  of  the  city,  so  that 
life  and  property  of  defenceless  persons  might  be  spared.  The  Captain- 
General  replied  requesting  the  American  commanders  to  apply  to 
Madrid,  but,  this  proposal  being  rejected,  the  correspondence  ceased. 

On  August  11th  a Council  of  War  was  held  between  Generals 
Merritt,  Anderson,  McArthur  and  Greeue,  and  the  plan  of  combined 


AMERICAN  REVERSE. SAVED  BY  THE  INSURGENTS.  615 


attack  arranged  between  General  Merritt  and  Admiral  Dewey  was 
explained.  For  some  hours  a storm  prevented  the  landing  of  more 
American  troops  with  supplies,  but  these  were  later  on  landed  at 
Paranaque  when  the  weather  cleared  up,  and  were  hurriedly  sent 
on  to  the  camp,  where  preparations  were  being  made  for  the  assault  on 
the  city. 

Whilst  the  Protocol  was  being  signed  in  Washington  the  American 
troops  were  entrenched  about  350  yards  from  the  Spaniards,  who  were 
prepared  to  make  their  last  stand  at  the  fort  of  Malate.  From  the 
morning  of  that  day  there  were  signs  of  an  impending  attack  by  the 
Spaniards,  and,  in  view  of  this,  the  rebels  marched  towards  the 
American  lines,  but  were  requested  to  withdraw.  Night  came  on,  and, 
under  cover  of  darkness,  the  Spaniards,  in  superior  numbers,  charged 
the  Americans,  who  resisted  courageously,  and  drove  the  Spaniards 
back  to  their  second  trenches.  The  Americans  then  occupied  the  first 
Spanish  trench  and  continued  the  fight,  but  the  Spaniards  made 
such  a furious  bayonet  charge  that  the  Americans  were  forced  to 
retreat  to  their  own  trench,  which,  subsequently,  they  also  had  to 
abandon,  leaving  four  field  pieces  in  it.  The  insurgents  then  advanced, 
and  the  Spaniards  being  no  longer  in  overwhelming  numbers,  were 
forced  to  precipitately  retreat  to  their  own  positions,  and  the  American 
cannons  were  recovered  by  the  insurgents. 

Why  the  Spaniards  were  still  holding  the  city  of  Manila  at  this  date 
is  perhaps  best  understood  by  the  Americans.  To  the  casual  observer 
it  would  have  appeared  expedient  to  have  made  the  possession  of 
Manila  a fait  accompli  before  the  Protocol  of  Peace  was  signed.  The 
Americans  had  a large  and  powerful  fleet  in  Manila  Bay  ; they  were  in 
possession  of  Cavite,  the  arsenal  and  forts,  and  they  had  a large  army 
under  Major-General  Merritt  and  his  staff.  General  Augusti  was,  for 
weeks  previous,  personally  disposed  to  surrender,  and  only  refused  to 
do  so  as  a matter  of  form,  hence  the  same  means  as  were  finally 
employed  could  apparently  have  brought  about  the  same  result  at 
an  earlier  date.1  The  only  hope  the  Spaniards  could  entertain  was  a 

1 Captain  T.  Bentley  Mott.  A.D.C.  to  General  Merritt,  writing  in  Scribner’s 
Magazine  (December,  1898)  says  : — “ Neither  the  fleet  nor  the  army  was,  at 
“ this  time,  ready  for  a general  engagement.  The  army  did  not  have,  all  told, 
“ enough  ammunition  for  more  than  one  day  of  hard  fighting,  and  only  a part  of 
“ this  was  in  the  camp.”  Admiral  Dewey  had  then  been  in  possession  of  Manila 
bay  and  port  three  months  and  12  days. 


616 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


possible  benefit  to  be  derived  from  international  complication.  From 
the  tone  of  several  of  the  Captain-General’s  despatches,  published  in 
the  Madrid  papers,  one  may  deduce  that  capitulation  to  a recognized 
Power  would  have  relieved  him  of  the  tremendous  anxiety  as  to  what 
would  befall  the  city  if  the  rebels  did  enter.  It  is  known  that,  before 
the  bombardment,  Admiral  Dewey  and  his  colleagues  had  given  the 
humane  and  considerate  assurance  that  the  city  should  not  be  left  to 
the  mercy  of  the  natives. 

The  next  day,  Saturday,  the  13th  of  August,  the  Americans  again 
demanded  the  surrender  of  the  city  within  an  hour,  and  on  this  being 
refused,  according  to  Spanish  custom,  operations  commenced  at  9.45  a.m. 
The  ships  present  at  the  attack  were  the  Olympia  (flag-ship),  Monterey , 
Raleigh , McCulloch , Petrel , Charleston , Baltimore , Bostoti , and 
Concord , with  the  little  gunboat  Rapido,  and  the  captured  (Spanish) 
gunboat  Callao , and  the  armed  steam  launch  Barcelo.  The  Concord 
watched  the  fort  of  Santiago  at  the  Pasig  River  entrance.  The 
American  commanders  confined  the  bombardment  to  the  forts  and 
trenches  situated  to  the  south  of  the  city.  The  whole  of  the  walled 
city  and  the  trading  quarter  of  Binondo  were  undamaged.  The  fighting 
line  was  led  by  the  Olympia , which  sent  4-inch  shells  in  the  direction 
of  the  fort  at  Malate  (San  Antonio  de  Abad).  A heavy  shower  of 
rain  made  it  difficult  to  get  the  range,  and  every  shell  fell  short.  The 
Petrel  then  took  up  a position  and  fired  towards  the  fort,  followed  by 
the  Raleigh.  The  Rapido  and  the  Callao , being  of  light  draught, 
were  able  to  lie  close  in  shore  and  pour  in  a raking  fire  from  their 
small  calibre  guns  with  considerable  effect.  The  distance  between  the 
ships  and  the  fort  was  about  3,500  yards,  and,  as  soon  as  this  was 
correctly  ascertained,  the  projectiles  had  a telling  effect  on  the  enemy’s 
battery  and  earthworks.  The  Olympia  hurled  about  70  5-inch  shells 
and  16  8-inch  shells,  and  the  Petrel  and  the  Raleigh  about  the  same 
number  each.  There  was  rather  a heavy  -wash  in  the  bay  for  the  little 
Callao  and  the  Barcelo,  but  they  -were  all  the  time  caperiug  about, 
pouring  a hail  of  small  shell  whenever  they  got  a chance.  The 
Spaniards  at  Malate  returned  the  fire  and  struck  the  Callao  without 
doing  any  damage.  The  transport  Zajiro  lay  between  the  fighting 
line  and  the  shore,  having  on  board  General  Merritt,  his  staff,  and  a 
coloured  regiment.  The  transport  Kwonghoi  was  also  in  readiness 
with  a lauding  party  of  troops  on  board.  In  another  steamer  were  the 


CAPTURE  OF  MANILA. 


617 


correspondents  of  the  London  Times  and  Nciv  York  Herald,  and  the 
special  artists  of  the  Century  Magazine  and  the  Herald.  The  shore 
mounted  artillery  did  not  take  part  in  the  operations.  The  shelling  of 
Malate  fort  from  the  ships  lasted  until  about  1 1 a.m.,  when  the  general 
signal  was  given  to  cease  firing.  The  field  batteries  carried  away  a 
deal  of  the  Malate  fort  stonework.  One  shell,  from  Malate,  reached 
the  American  camp.  The  firing  from  the  ships  had  caused  the 
Spaniards  to  fall  back.  General  Greene  then  ordered  the  1st  Colorado 
regiment  to  advance.  Two  companies  deployed  over  a swamp  and 
went  along  the  beach  under  cover  of  the  Utah  battery.  Two  other 
companies  advanced  in  column  towards  the  Spanish  entrenchments 
with  colours  flying  and  bands  of  music  playing  lively  tunes.  The  first 
and  second  companies  fired  volleys  towards  the  Spaniards  to  cover  the 
advance  of  the  other  columns.  They  crossed  the  little  creek,  near 
Malate,  in  front  of  the  fort  ; then,  by  rushes,  they  got  to  the  fort  which 
they  entered,  and  the  other  troops  swarmed  in  only  to  find  it  deserted. 
The  Spaniards  had  retreated  to  a breastwork  at  the  rear  of  the  fort, 
and  kept  up  a desultory  fire  at  the  Colorado  troops,  killing  one  man 
and  wounding  several.  Fort  Malate  was  then  in  possession  of  the 
1st  Colorado  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  McCoy,  who  climbed  up  the 
flag-pole,  took  down  the  Spanish  flag,  and  hauled  up  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  amidst  cheers  from  the  army  and  fleet. 

Four  companies  of  the  1st  Colorado  advanced  across  the  fields, 
entered  the  Spanish  trenches,  crossed  the  bridge  and  moved  up  the 
road.  The  Spaniards  still  kept  up  an  ineffective  fire  from  a long  range. 

The  3rd  Battalion  Colorado  came  up  with  a band  of  music,  and  then 
the  whole  regiment  deployed  in  skirmishing  order  and  kept  up  a 
continual  musketry  fire  until  they  halted  on  the  Luneta.  The  band 
took  up  a position  in  an  old  Spanish  trench  and  played  as  the  troops 
filed  past  up  the  beach.  The  Spaniards  were  gradually  falling  back  on 
the  city,  and  the  rebels  who  were  located  near  the  Spanish  lines  continued 
the  attack,  but  the  Americans  gave  them  the  order  to  stop  firing,  which 
they  would  not  heed.  The  Americans  thereupon  pointed  their  guns 
towards  the  rebels,  who  did  the  same,  but  neither  cared  to  fire  the  first 
shot,  so  the  rebels,  taking  another  road,  drove  the  Spaniards,  in  confusion, 
as  far  as  Hermita,  when  Emilio  Aguinaldo  ordered  them  to  cease  firing 
as  they  were  just  outside  the  city  walls.  The  rebel  commander  had 
received  strict  orders  not  to  let  his  forces  enter  Manila.  The  American 


618 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


troops  then  followed  up  the  charge,  and  the  Spaniards  made,  at  first,  a 
stubborn  resistance,  apparently  for  appearance  sake,  for  the  fight  lasted 
barely  an  hour  when  the  Spaniards  in  the  city  hoisted  the  white  flag  on 
a bastion  of  the  old  walls.  Orders  were  then  given  to  cease  firing,  and 
by  1 o’clock  the  terms  of  capitulation  were  being  negotiated.  General 
Greene  then  sent  an  order  to  the  troops  for  the  rear  regiments  to  muster 
on  the  Luneta,  and  there  half  the  American  army  waited  in  silent 
expectation.  The  Spanish  entrenchments  extended  out  from  the  city 
walls  in  different  directions  as  far  as  three  miles.  The  defenders  were 
about  2,500  in  number,  composed  of  Spanish  regular  troops,  volunteers 
and  native  auxiliaries,  about  the  same  number  of  troops  being  in  the 
hospitals  inside  the  city.  The  attacking  force  amounted  to  about 
15,000  rebels  and  10,000  Americans  ashore  and  afloat.  The  attacking 
guns  threw  heavier  shot  and  had  a longer  range  than  the  Spanish. 
The  Americans  were  also  better  marksmen  than  the  Spaniards.  They 
were,  moreover,  better  fed  and  in  a superior  condition  generally.  The 
Americans  were  buoyed  up  with  the  moral  certainty  of  gaining  an  easy 
victory,  whereas  the  wearied  Spaniards  had  long  ago  despaired  of 
reinforcements  coming  to  their  aid,  hence  their  defence  in  this  hoDeless 
struggle  was  merely  nominal  for  the  “ honour  of  the  country/’ 

For  some  time  after  the  white  flag  was  hoisted  there  was  street 
fighting  between  the  rebels  and  the  loyals.  The  rattling  of  musketry 
was  heard  all  round  the  outskirts.  The  rebels  had  taken  three  to  four 
hundred  Spanish  prisoners  and  seized  a large  quantity  of  stores. 
Before  hostilities  ceased,  General  Basilio  Augusti  jumped  on  board  a 
Germau  steam  launch  which  was  waiting  for  him  and  conveyed  him  to 
the  Germau  cruiser  Kaiserin  Augusta , which  immediately  steamed  out 
of  the  bay  northwards.  General  Fermin  Jaudenes  remained  as  Acting- 
Captain-General.  Flag-Lieutenant  Brumby  then  went  on  shore  in  the 
Belgian  Consul’s  launch,  together  with  Inspector-General  Whittier,  of 
General  Merritt’s  staff,  and  at  an  interview  with  General  Jaudenes  the 
draft  terms  of  Capitulation  were  agreed  upon.  Lieutenant  Brumby 
returned  to  General  Merritt,  and  the  two  went  back  on  shore.  In  the 
meantime  General  Jaudenes  had  taken  refuge  in  the  sacristy  of  a 
church  which  was  filled  with  women  and  children,  presumably  with  the 
wise  object  of  keeping  clear  of  the  unrestrained  mobs  fighting  in  the 
suburbs.  For  some  time  the  Spauish  officers  refused  to  reveal  his 
whereabouts  to  General  Merritt,  but  eventually  they  met,  and  the 


CAPITULATION  OF  MANILA. 


619 


terms  of  the  Capitulation  were  signed  between  General  Nicolas  de  la 
Pena  y Cuellas  and  Colonels  Jose  Maria  Olaguer  Tellin  and  Carlos 
Rey  y Rich,  as  Commissioners  for  Spain,  and  Generals  Greene  and 
Whittier,  Colonel  Crowder  and  Captain  Lamberton,  as  Commissioners 
for  the  United  States.  The  most  important  conditions  embodied  in 
the  Capitulation  are  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

(1°)  The  surrender  of  the  Philippine  Archipelago. 

(2°)  Officers  to  be  allowed  to  retain  their  swords  and  personal 
effects,  but  not  their  horses. 

(3°)  Officers  to  be  prisoners  of  war  on  parole. 

(4°)  The  troops  to  be  prisoners  of  war  and  deposit  their  arms 
at  a place  to  be  appointed  by  General  Merritt. 

(5°)  All  necessary  supplies  for  their  maintenance  to  be  provided 
from  the  public  Treasury  funds,  and  after  they  are  exhausted  by 
the  United  States. 

(6°)  All  public  property  to  be  surrendered. 

(7°)  The  disposal  of  the  troops  to  be  negotiated,  later  on  by 
the  United  States  and  Spanish  Governments. 

(8°)  Arms  to  be  returned  to  the  troops  at  General  Merritt’s 
discretion. 

The  Capitulation  having  been  signed,  Lieutenant  Brumby  imme- 
diately went  to  Fort  Santiago  with  two  signalmen  from  the  Olympia 
and  lowered  the  Spanish  flag,  which  had  been  flying  there  all  day. 
Many  Spanish  officers  and  a general  crowd  from  the  streets  stood 
around,  and  as  he  drew  near  to  the  flagstaff  he  was  hissed  by  the 
onlookers.  When  the  orange  and  red  banner  was  actually  replaced  by 
the  Stars  and  Stripes,  many  in  the  crowd  shed  tears.  The  symbol  of 
Spanish  sovereignty  had  disappeared  for  ever.  The  attitude  of  the 
mob  was  not  reassuring,  so  Lieutenant  Brumby  asked  an  infantry 
officer  who  was  present  to  bring  his  detachment  as  a guard.  A 
company  of  infantry  happened  to  be  coming  along,  and  presented  arms 
whilst  the  band,  playmg  “ The  Star-spangled  Banner,”  enlivened  this 
melodramatic  ceremony.  Whilst  this  was  going  on  the  Spaniards 
hoisted  the  Spanish  flag  in  the  gunboat  Cebu , and  brought  it  down  to 
the  mouth  of  the  River  Pasig,  where  they  set  fire  to  it.  A party  of 
American  marines  boarded  her,  hauled  down  the  Spanish  flag,  and  tried 
to  save  the  hull,  but  it  was  too  far  consumed.  The  Spaniards  also 
destroyed  barges  and  other  Government  property  lying  in  the  river. 


620 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


In  the  official  reports  handed  in  by  Generals  Anderson  and 
McArthur  and  published  in  America,  the  total  casualties  on  the 
American  side  are  stated  to  be  as  follows,  viz.  : — On  the  13th  of  August, 
five  killed  and  43  wounded.  Previous  to  this  in  the  trenches  there 
were  14  killed  and  60  wounded,  making  a total  of  122. 

The  approximate  number  of  European  Spanish  troops  in  the 


Archipelago  during  the  year  1S98  would  stand  thus  : — 

Total  of  troops  under  General  Primo  de  Rivera  in 

January,  1898,  say  - 25,000 


Shipped  back  to  Spain  by  General  Primo  de  Rivera 

in  the  spring  - - - - 7,000 

At  the  date  of  the  Capitulation  of  Manila. 

Prisoners  in  hands  of  the  rebels  - 8,000 

Detachments  in  the  Luzon  Provinces  (subsequeutly 

surrendered  to,  or  killed  by,  the  rebels)  - - 1,000 

Killed  or  mortally  wounded  in  general  combat  - 1,000 

Wounded  and  diseased  in  Manila  hospitals  - - 2,600 

Approximate  total  in  Yisayas  aud  Mindanao 

(General  Rios’  jurisdiction)  ...  3,000 

Approximate  total  of  able-bodied  troops  in  Manila, 
prisoners  of  war  (to  America),  up  to  the  10th  of 
December,  1898  -----  2,400 

25,000 


General  Greene  marched  his  troops  down  the  Calzada  and  entered 
the  walled  city,  where  he  amassed  his  forces  in  the  Plaza  Calderon 
de  la  Barca.  Sentinels  were  placed  at  all  the  city  gates  ; some  rebels 
got  inside  the  city,  but  were  disarmed  aud  sent  out  agaiu.  At  7 p.m. 
the  American  troops  took  up  their  quarters  iu  public  buildings,  porches 
and  eveu  on  the  streets,  for  they  were  tired  out.  One  might  have 
imagined  it  was  a great  British  festival,  for  the  streets  were  bedecked 
everywhere  with  the  British  colours  displayed  by  the  Chinese  •who 
were  under  British  protection.  And  that  night  General  Merritt, 
General  Greene  and  staff  officers  were  served  at  dinner  by  the  late 
Captain-General’s  servants  iu  the  Town  Hall  (Plaza  de  la  Catedral), 
the  splendid  marble  eutrauce  of  which  became  temporarily  a depot 
for  captured  arms,  ammunition,  and  accoutrements  of  war. 


AMERICANS  IN  POSSESSION  OF  MANILA. 


621 


No  hostile  feeling  was  shown  by  Spaniards  of  any  class.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  city  looked  remarkably  well  after  the  105  days’  siege. 
Trade  was  absolutely  at  a standstill,  and  American  troops  were  drafted 
out  of  the  walled  city  to  occupy  the  commercial  quarter  of  Binondo  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  The  government  of  the  city  was  at 
once  taken  over  by  Major-General  Merritt,  appointments  being  made 
by  him  to  the  principal  departments  as  follows,  viz.  : — 

By  General  Order,  dated  the  loth  of  August,  Brigadier-General 
T.  M.  Anderson  became  Commandant  of  the  Cavite  district,  the  garrison 
of  which  would  be  increased  on  the  arrival  of  the  transports  on  the 
way.  Brigadier-General  Arthur  McArthur  became  Military  Com- 
mandant of  the  walled  city  of  Manila  and  Provost-Marshal  of  the  city 
of  Manila,  including  all  the  suburbs,  his  barracks  and  staff-quarters 
to  be  within  the  walled  city.  The  Commandant  was  to  take  over  the 
offices,  staff,  and  functions  of  the  late  Civil  Governor.  Colonel 
Ovenshine  became  Deputy  Provost-Marshal  of  the  walled  city  south  of 
the  river.  Colonel  James  S.  Smith  became  Deputy  Provost-Marshal 
of  Binondo  and  all  districts  situated  south  of  the  river. 

By  General  Order,  dated  the  16th  of  August,  Brigadier-General 
F.  Y.  Greene  became  Treasurer-General  ; Lieutenant-Colonel  of 
Volunteers  C.  A.  Whittier  became  Commissioner  of  Customs. 

By  General  Order,  dated  the  loth  of  August,  it  was  provided  that 
within  10  days,  a complete  list  should  be  sent  to  Washington  of  all 
public  establishments  and  properties  of  every  description,  including 
horses  ; that  all  private  property,  including  horses,  would  be  respected, 
and  that  lodging  for  the  prisoners  of  war  would  be  provided  by  the 
Military  Commandant  of  the  city  in  the  public  buildings  and  barracks 
not  required  for  the  American  troops.  Colonel  C.  M.  C.  Reeve  was 
appointed  Chief  of  Police  with  the  13th  Regiment  of  Volunteer 
Minnesota  Infantry  for  this  service. 

On  the  16th  of  August  a notice  was  put  up  outside  the  General 
Post  Office  to  the  effect  that,  as  all  the  Spanish  staff  had  refused  to 
work  for  the  Americans,  the  local  and  provincial  correspondence  could 
not  be  attended  to.  This  was,  however,  soon  remedied. 

In  an  order  issued  on  the  22nd  of  August  it  was  enacted  that  all 
natives  and  all  Spanish  soldiers  were  to  be  disarmed  before  they  were 
admitted  into  the  walled  city.  The  insurgent  troops  were  included  in 
the  above  category,  but  their  arms  were  restored  to  them  on  their 


622 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


leaving  the  city.  An  exception  was  made  in  favour  of  the  native 
insurgent  officers,  from  the  grade  of  lieutenant  upwards,  who  were  per- 
mitted to  enter  and  leave  Manila  with  their  swords  and  revolvers. 

On  the  25th  of  August  a provisional  agreement  was  entered  into 
between  the  American  authorities  and  Emilio  Aguiualdo,  to  remain  in 
force  pending  the  result  of  the  Paris  Peace  Commission,  whereby  their 
respective  spheres  were  defined.  The  Americans  retained  jurisdiction 
over  Manila  City,  Binondo,  the  right  bank  of  the  River  Pasig  up  to  the 
Calzada  de  Iris  and  thence  to  Malacanan,  which  was  included.  The 
remaining  districts  were  necessarily  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels,  there 
being  no  recognised  independent  government  in  the  islands,  other  than 
the  American  military  occupation  of  the  capital  and  environs. 

The  British  Consul,  Mr.  E.  A.  Rawson  Walker,  who  had  rendered 
such  excellent  service  to  both  the  contending  parties,  died  of  dysentery 
in  the  month  of  August,  and  was  buried  at  Paco  cemetery. 

Philippine  refugees  returned  to  the  Islands  in  large  numbers,  but  the 
American  authorities  notified  the  Consul  in  Hongkong  that  only  those 
Chinese  who  could  prove  to  his  satisfaction  previous  residence  in 
Manila  would  be  allowed  to  return  there. 

Trading  operations  were  resumed  immediately  after  the  capitulation, 
and  the  first  shipment  of  cigars  made  since  that  date  consisted  of 
140,000  cigars  shipped  to  Singapore  in  the  first  week  of  September  and 
consigned  to  the  Tabaqucrin  Universal.  Business  in  Manila,  little  by 
little,  resumed  its  usual  aspect.  The  old  Spanish  newspapers  continued 
to  be  published,  and  some  of  them,  especially  El  Comercio , were 
enterprising  enough  to  print  alternate  columns  of  English  and  Spanish, 
and,  occasionally,  a few  advertisements  in  very  amusing  broken 
English.  Two  rebel  organs.  La  Independencia  and  La  Republica 
Filipina , soon  appeared.  They  were  shortly  followed  by  a number  of 
periodicals  of  minor  importance,  such  as  El  Soldado  Espanol,  La 
Restaur acion  (a  Carlist  organ),  The  Kon  Leche,  El  Cometa  and  El 
Mot  in  (satirical  papers)  and  two  papers,  in  English,  viz.,  The  American 
and  The  Manila  Times.  Liberty  of  the  press  was  such  a novelty  in 
Manila  that  La  Voz  Espanola  over-stepped  the  bounds  of  prudence 
and  started  a press  campaign  against  the  Americans.  Delgado,  the 
editor,  after  repeated  warnings  from  the  Provost-Marshal,  was  at  length 
arrested.  The  paper  was  suppressed  for  abusing  the  Americans  from 
the  President  downwards,  and  publishing  matter  calculated  to  incite 


MALOLOS  BECOMES  THE  REBEL  CAPITAL. 


623 


the  Spanish  inhabitants  to  riot.  On  November  6th  the  first  Philippine 
Club  was  opened. 

For  some  weeks  before  the  capitulation  there  had  been  a certain 
amount  of  friction  between  the  American  soldiery  and  the  rebels,  who 
resented  being  held  in  check  by  the  American  authorities.  Emilio 
Aguinaldo  had  his  headquarters  at  Bacoor,  on  the  Cavite  coast, 
situated  between  two  divisions  of  the  American  army,  one  at  Cavite 
and  the  other  at  Manila,  and  within  easy  shelling  distance  from  the 
American  fleet.  For  obvious  reasons  he  decided  to  remove  his  centre 
of  operations,  for  it  was  becoming  doubtful  how  long  the  two  parties 
would  preserve  peace.  The  rebels  had  been  sorely  disappointed  that 
they  were  not  allowed  to  enter  Manila  with  the  Americans,  or  even 
before,  for  since  the  first  few  months  of  the  rebellion  they  had  pictured 
to  themselves  the  delights  of  a free  raid  on  the  city.  Aguinaldo, 
therefore,  removed  his  headquarters  to  about  three  miles  north  of 
Manila,  but  General  Otis  intimated  to  him  to  go  farther  away  from  the 
capital.  As  he  hesitated  to  do  so,  the  General  sent  him  an  ultimatum 
on  the  13th  of  September  ordering  him  to  evacuate  that  place  by  the 
afternoon  of  the  loth,  so,  during  the  night  of  the  14th,  Aguinaldo 
moved  on  with  his  troops  to  Malolos.  From  this  town,  situated  about 
20  miles  from  Manila,  he  could  better  unite  and  control  the  rebel  factions 
here  and  there  over  the  northern  provinces  ; he  could,  moreover,  either 
make  use  of  the  line  of  railway,  or  cut  off  the  connection  with  Manila, 
or  he  could  divert  supplies  from  the  rich  rice  districts  and  Paugasinan 
ports,  whilst  the  almost  impregnable  mountains  were  of  easy  access  iu 
case  of  need. 

Aguinaldo  declared  Malolos  to  be  the  provisional  capital  of  his 
Revolutionary  Government,  and  convened  a Congress  to  meet  there  on 
the  15th  of  September  in  the  church  of  Barasoain.1  About  a hundred 
deputies  responded  to  the  summons,  and  in  conformity  with  Aguinaldo’s 
proclamation  of  the  23rd  of  June,  they  proceeded  to  elect  a President 
of  Congress,  Vice-president,  Secretaries,  etc.  The  votes  were  handed 
in,  and  Congress  adjourned  for  the  result  until  the  17th  of  September. 
This  result  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  events  of  the  revolution. 
Pedro  A . Paterno  was  elected  President  of  Congress  ! The  aristocrat 


1 Barasoain  is  another  parish,  but  it  is  only  separated  from  Malolos  by  a bridged, 
river.  It  is  only  five  minutes’  walk  from  Malolos  church  to  Barasoain  church. 


624 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


■who  claimed  to  be  the  Great  Maguinong , alias  Prince  of  Luzon  ; tbe 
aspirant  to  a Spanish  dukedom  and  consequent  grandeeship,  was  to 
preside  over  a legislative  body  based  on  republican  principles  of  equality  ! 
The  Filipino  who  published,  as  a “result  of  study  and  political 
“ experience,”  “ the  programme  of  the  party  who  want  home  rule  for  the 
“ Philippines,  ever  Spanish  !”  and  cried  Vi va  Espana  ! as  late  as  the 
31st  of  May,  (vide  pages  590  et  seq()  was,  within  less  than  four  months, 
elected  to  guide  the  destinies  of  this  budding  democracy  ! Deputies 
Benito  Legarda  and  Ocampo  were  chosen  to  be  Vice-president  and  Sec- 
retary respectively.  Congress  voted  for  Aguinaldo  a salary  of  $50,000, 
and  $25,000  for  representation  expenses.  These  figures  were  afterwards 
reversed,  i.e.,  $25,000  salary,  and  $50,000  for  expenses,  but  Aguinaldo, 
who  never  showed  any  desire  for  personal  gain,  was  quite  willing  to 
set  aside  the  vote.  A decree  in  Congress,  dated  the  21st  of  September, 
imposed  compulsory  military  service  on  every  able-bodied  Philippine 
male  over  18  years  of  age,  excepting  those  who  hold  office  under  the 
Revolutionary  Government.  At  an  early  session  of  Congress  Deputy 
Tomas  del  Rosario  made  a long  speech  advocating  Church 
Disestablishment.1 

The  night  before  Congress  met  to  announce  the  election  of 
President,  e tc.,  an  attempt  was  made  to  poison  Emilio  Aguinaldo. 
Dinner  was  about  to  be  served  to  him  ; the  soup  was  in  the  tureen, 
when  one  of  the  three  Spanish  prisoners,  who  were  allowed  to  be 
about  the  kitchen,  tasted  the  soup  in  a manner  to  arouse  suspicion.  The 
steward  at  once  took  a spoonful  of  it  and  fell  dead  on  the  spot.  The 
three  prisoners  in  question,  as  well  as  11  Franciscan  Friars,  were  con- 
sequently placed  in  close  confinement.  At  the  next  sitting  of  Congress 
the  incident  was  mentioned  and  it  was  resolved  to  go  en  masse  to 
congratulate  Aguinaldo  on  his  lucky  escape.  At  5 p.m.  the  same  day 
a Te  Deum  was  sung  in  Malolos  church  anent  this  occurrence. 

The  Americans  were  the  nominal  possessors  of  the  Philippine 
Islands,  under  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  pending  their  ultimate 
disposition.  The  terms  of  peace  were  referred  to  a Spanish-American 
Commission,  which  met  in  Paris  on  the  1st  of  October.  The  American 
Commission  was  composed  of  five  members,  of  whom  the  President  was 
Mr.  ex-Secretary  Day.  The  Secretary  to  the  Commission  was 

1 For  want  of  space  I am  obliged  to  omit  the  summary  of  all  the  debates  in  the 
Eevolutionary  Congress  of  1898,  printed  reports  of  which  I have  before  me. 


THE  TARTS  PEACE  COMMISSION. 


625 


Mr.  John  Bassett  Moore,  late  Assistant  Secretary  of  State,  an 
eminent  professor  of  international  law.  The  Spanish  Commission, 
under  the  leadership  of  Senor  Montero  Bios  (President  of  the  Senate), 
represented  Spain.  The  deliberations  were  carried  on  in  a suite  of 
apartments  at  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs,  placed  at  their  disposal 
by  M.  Delcasse.  Among  other  questions  to  be  agreed  upon  and 
embodied  in  the  treaty,  was  the  future  of  the  Philippines.  For 
Washington  officials  these  Islands  really  constituted  a terra  incognita. 
General  Merritt  left  Manila  (after  appointing  General  Otis  to  take  his 
place),  and  went  to  Paris  to  be  examined  before  the  Commission.  At 
their  request,  conveyed  to  me  through  the  American  Embassy,  I also 
proceeded  to  Paris  in  October,  and  expressed  my  views  before  the 
Commissioners,  who  examined  me  on  the  whole  question.  The  future 
of  the  Philippines  was  really  the  knotty  point  in  the  whole  debate. 
The  Spanish  Commissioners  maintained  that  the  Protocol  did  not 
determine  the  question  of  sovereignty,  but  left  it  open  for  discussion. 
They  argued  that  the  Capitulation  of  the  13th  of  August  did  not 
signify  a surrender  of  the  Islands  on  the  part  of  Spain,  because  an 
armistice  had  been  already  concluded  prior  to  that  date.  From  all 
possible  points  of  view  they  energetically  upheld  Spain’s  rights  of 
sovereignty  in  the  Islands.  The  Americans  claimed  possession  of  the 
whole  group,  and  offered  a money  indemnity  for  improvements  and 
public  property  there.  The  Spaniards  were  so  obdurate  that,  for  a 
while,  a rupture  of  the  Conference  and  resumption  of  hostilities  were 
considered  probable.  Finally,  the  American  Commissioners  handed  an 
ultimatum  to  the  Spaniards  and  retired  without  discussion.  In  this 
ultimatum  they  claimed  an  absolute  cession  of  the  Islands,  and  offered 
to  pay  to  Spain  §20,000,000  gold.  For  a few  days  the  Spaniards  still 
held  out,  whilst  America  was  prepared,  if  necessary,  to  seize  the 
Archipelago  by  force,  and  send  a fleet  to  Spanish  waters.  Sagasta’s 
Government  had  not  the  least  intention  of  letting  matters  go  so  far  as 
that,  but  it  suited  the  Spanish  Cabinet,  already  extremely  unpopular, 
to  make  an  appearance  of  resistance.  Moreover,  Senor  Sagasta  had 
personal  motives  for  wishing  to  protract  the  negotiations,  the 
examination  of  which  would  lead  one  too  far  away  from  the  present 
subject  into  Spanish  politics. 

On  the  8th  of  December  the  Commissioners  on  both  sides  met  again 
for  discussion.  The  demands  of  the  Americans  were  reluctantly 

R R 


C2G 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


yielded  to.  The  form  in  which  the  treaty  was  to  be  drafted  was  finally 
settled.  The  sitting  of  the  Commission  was  terminated  by  the  reading 
of  a strongly-worded  protest  by  Senor  Montero  Rios,  in  which  the 
Spanish  Commissioners  declared  that  they  had  been  compelled  to  yield 
to  brute  force  and  an  abuse  of  international  law  against  which  they 
vehemently  protested.  The  secretaries  of  the  respective  Commissions 
were  then  instructed  to  draw  up  the  document  of  the  Treaty  op 
Peace,  which  was  signed  at  9 p.m.  on  Saturday,  December  10th, 
1898,  in  the  Grand  Gallery  of  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  Paris. 
The  expenses  of  the  Spanish  Commission  amounted  to  £8,400.  A delay 
of  six  months  was  agreed  upon  for  the  ratification  by  the  two  Govern- 
ments of  the  Treaty,  the  (translated)  text  of  which  is  given  at  the  end  of 
this  chapter.  The  Spaniards  having  urged  for  certain  tariff  guarantees 
in  their  commercial  relations  with  the  Philippines,  the  United  States 
undertook  to  establish  equal  duties  on  Spanish  and  American  goods 
for  a period  of  ten  years.  But  it  subsequently  transpired  that  this 
was  no  special  boon  to  Spain,  seeing  that  America  declared  shortly 
after  the  signing  of  the  treaty  that  there  would  be  no  preferential 
tariff,  and  that  merchandise  of  all  nations  could  enter  the  Islands  at  the 
same  rate  of  duty  and  on  equal  terms  with  America.  The  clauses  of 
the  treaty  relating  to  the  Philippines  met  with  determined  opposition  in 
the  United  States,  where  politicians  were  divided  into  three  parties 
advocating  respectively  annexation,  protection,  and  abandonment  of  the 
Islands  to  the  natives. 

We  mast  now  go  back  to  September  to  follow  the  thread  of  events 
which  intervened  from  that  period,  and  during  the  71  days’  sitting  of 
the  Peace  Commission  in  Paris.  An  old  acquaintance  of  mine,  Felipe 
Agoncillo,  was  sent  to  Washington  in  September  by  Emilio  Aguinaldo 
to  obtain  permission  from  the  United  States  Government  to  represent 
the  rebels’  cause  on  the  Paris  Commission,  or,  failing  this,  to  be 
allowed  to  state  their  case.  The  United  States  Government  refused 
to  officially  recognize  him,  so  he  proceeded  to  Paris.  Having  unsuc- 
cessfully endeavoured  to  be  heard  before  the  Commission,  he  drew  up  a 
protest  in  duplicate,  handing  a copy  to  the  Spanish  and  another  to  the 
American  Commissioners.  The  purport  of  this  document  was  that 
whereas  the  Americans  had  supplied  the  insurgents  with  war  materials 
and  arms  to  gain  their  independence  and  not  to  fight  against  Spain  in 
the  interests  of  America,  and  whereas  America  now  insisted  on 


MANILA  UNDER  AMERICAN  RULE. 


627 


claiming  possession  of  the  Archipelago,  he  protested,  in  the  name  of 
Emilio  Aguinaldo,  against  what  he  considered  a defraudment  of  his 
just  rights.  His  mission  led  to  nothing,  so  he  returned  to  Washington 
to  watch  events  for  Aguinaldo. 

In  this  interval,  too,  matters  in  Manila  remained  in  statu  quo  so  far 
as  the  American  occupation  was  concerned.  General  Otis  was  left  in 
supreme  command  in  succession  to  General  Merritt,  and  reinforcements 
were  sent  from  the  United  States  to  strengthen  their  position.  General 
Otis’s  able  administration  wrought  a wonderful  change  in  the  city. 
The  weary,  forlorn  look  of  those  who  had  great  interests  at  stake 
gradually  wore  off ; business  was  as  brisk  as  in  the  old  times,  and  the 
Custom  House  was  being  worked  with  a promptitude  hitherto  unknown 
in  the  islands.  There  were  no  more  sleepless  nights,  fearing  an  attack 
from  the  dreaded  rebel  or  the  volunteer.  The  large  majority  of  foreign 
(including  Spanish)  and  half-caste  Manila  merchants  showed  a higher 
appreciation  of  American  protection  than  of  the  prospect  of  an 
absolutely  independent  Philippine  Republic.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
drunken  brawls  of  the  American  soldiers  in  the  cafes,  drinking  shops, 
and  the  open  streets  constituted  a novelty  in  the  colony.  It  was  most 
unfortunate,  because  of  the  extremely  bad  impression  it  made  on  the 
natives  and  Spaniards,  who  are  remarkably  abstemious.  It  must  also 
have  been  the  cause  of  a large  percentage  of  the  sickness  of  the 
American  troops  (wrongly  attributed  to  climate),  for  I know  that 
inebriety  in  the  Philippines  is  the  road  to  death. 

The  German  trading  community  observed  that,  due  to  the  strange 
conduct  of  the  Commanders  of  the  German  Fleet,  who  showed  such 
partiality  towards  the  Spaniards  up  to  the  capitulation  of  Manila,  the 
natives  treated  them  with  marked  reticence.  The  Germans,  therefore, 
addressed  a more  than  ample  letter  of  apology  on  the  subject  to  the 
newspaper  La  Independencia  (17th  October). 

As  insurgent  steamers  were  again  cruising  in  Philippine  waters,  all 
vessels  formerly  flying  the  Spanish  flag  were  hastily  placed  on  the 
American  register  to  secure  the  protection  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and 
Consul  Williams  was  deputed  to  attend  to  these  and  other  matters 
connected  with  the  shipping  trade  of  the  port. 

It  was  yet  theoretically  possible  that  the  Archipelago  might  be 
handed  back  to  Spain,  hence  pending  the  deliberations  of  the  Peace 
Commission,  no  movement  was  made  on  the  part  of  the  Americans  to 

R R 2 


628 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


overthrow  the  de  facto  Spanish  Government  still  existing  in  the 
southern  islands.  General  Fermiu  Jiiudenes,  the  vanquished  Com- 
lnander-in-Chief  of  the  Spanish  forces,  in  Manila  (Sub-Inspector  until 
General  Augusti  left),  was  liberated  on  parole  until  the  first  week  of 
October,  when  the  American  Government  allowed  him  to  return  to 
Spain.  He  left  in  the  s.s.  Esmeralda  for  Hongkong  on  the  loth  of 
October.  Meanwhile,  a month  before,  the  Spanish  Government 
appointed  General  Diego  de  los  Rios,  Governor-General  of  the  Philip- 
pines, with  residence  at  Yloilo.  Spaniards  of  all  classes  were  at  least 
personally  safe  in  Manila  under  American  protection.  All  who  could  reach 
the  capital  did  so,  for  Spanish  control  of  the  provinces  was  practically  at 
an  end.  Aguinaldo,  therefore,  directed  his  attention  both  to  matters  of 
government  in  Luzon  and  to  the  conquest  of  the  southern  islands.  Of 
course  he  could  not  foresee  (no  one  could)  that  the  evacuation  by  the 
Spaniards  of  all  the  islands  would  be  decided  by  treaty.  Moreover,  it 
was  no  easy  task  to  maintain  his  own  personal  prestige  (an  indispensable 
condition  in  all  revolutions),  carry  out  his  own  plans  of  government, 
and  keep  together,  in  inactivity,  a large  half-disciplined  fighting  force. 
Three  weeks  after  the  capitulation  of  Manila,  Aguinaldo  sent  several 
small  vessels  to  the  Island  of  Pauay,  carrying  Luzon  rebels  to  effect  a 
landiug  and  stir  up  rebellion  in  Yisayas.  He  was  anxious  to  secure  all 
the  territory  he  could  before  the  conditions  of  peace  should  be  settled 
in  Paris.  General  Rios  was,  therefore,  compelled  to  enter  on  a new 
campaign,  assisted  by  the  small  gunboats  which  had  remained  south 
since  hostilities  commenced  north  in  May.  Spanish  troops  were  seut 
to  Singapore  en  route  for  Yloilo,  and  then  a question  arose  between 
Madrid  and  Washington  as  to  whether  they  could  be  allowed  to  proceed 
to  their  destination  under  the  peace  protocol.  The  Tagalog  rebels 
landed  in  the  province  of  Antique  (Pauay  Island),  and  a few  natives  of 
the  locality  joined  them.  They  were  shortly  met  by  the  Spanish  troops, 
and  severe  fighting  took  place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bugason,  where 
the  rebels  were  ultimately  routed  with  great  loss  of  men  and  impedi- 
menta. 

The  survivors  fled  to  their  vessels  and  landed  elsewhere  on  the 
same  coast.  In  several  places  on  the  island  the  flag  of  rebellion  had 
been  unfurled  and  General  Rios’  troops  showed  them  no  quarter.  At 
the  end  of  six  weeks  the  rebels  had  been  beaten  in  numerous 
encounters,  without  the  least  apparent  chance  of  gaining  the  objective 


INSURGENTS  FORCED  BACK  FROM  NEAR  MANILA.  629 


point — the  seizure  of  the  port  of  Yloilo.  The  rebel  chief  in  the 
Concepcion  district  (East  Panay),  named  Perfecto  Poblado,  who  with 
his  followers  had  taken  a mountain  refuge  in  Monte  Jaimig,  sent  a 
message  to  General  Rios  in  Yloilo  on  the  9th  of  October.  He  offered 
his  submission  and  craved  pardon  for  himself  and  38  other  leaders  with 
4,000  men  wrho  were  willing  to  surrender.  General  Rios  acceded 
to  this  petition  on  the  sole  condition  of  depositing  their  arms. 
About  this  time  a Mindanao  Chief,  Datto  Maudi,  sent  150  fighting 
men,  of  splendid  physique,  to  help  the  Spaniards  against  the  Yisayos, 
for  whom  they  have  a traditional  hatred. 

About  this  time,  in  Manila,  there  was  by  no  means  that  entente 
cordiale  which  should  have  existed  between  the  rebels  and  the 
Americans,  supposing  them  to  be  real  allies.  Aguinaldo  was  naturally 
uneasy  about  the  possible  prospect  of  a protracted  struggle  with  the 
Spaniards,  if  the  Islands  reverted  to  them  ; he  was  none  the  less 
irritated  because  his  repeated  edicts  and  proclamations  of  independence 
received  no  recognition  from  the  Americans.  His  swaggering  soldiery, 
with  the  air  of  conquerors,  were  ever  ready  to  rush  to  arms  on  the 
most  trivial  pretext,  and  became  a growing  menace  to  the  peaceful 
inhabitants.  Therefore,  on  the  25th  of  October,  Aguinaldo  was  again 
ordered  to  withdraw  his  troops  still  farther,  to  distances  varying  from 
five  to  eight  miles  off  Manila,  and  he  reluctantly  complied.  When 
this  order  was  sent  to  him  from  Manila  his  forces  in  the  neighbour- 
hood were  estimated  to  be  as  follows  : — At  Coloocan,  3,000  men,  with 
two  cannons  pointed  in  the  direction  of  Binondo  ; Santa  Mesa,  380  ; 
Pasig,  400 ; Paco,  Santa  Ana,  Pandacan,  and  Pasay,  400  to  500  each  ; 
south  of  Malate,  1,200,  and  at  Santolan  waterworks  (on  which  the 
supply  of  potable  water  to  the  capital  depended),  380. 

In  Panay  Island  General  Rios  published  an  edict  offering  consider- 
able reforms,  but  the  flame  of  rebellion  was  too  far  spread  for  it  to 
have  any  effect.  The  Island  of  Cebu  also  was  in  revolt ; the  harsh 
measures  of  General  Montero  effected  nothing  to  Spain’s  advantage, 
whilst  that  miserable  system  of  treating  suspects  as  proved  culprits 
created  rebels.  Montero’s  uncontrollable  volunteer  Moro  contingent 
(from  Mindanao)  simply  gave  way  to  pillage  and  unnecessary  blood- 
shed ; more  than  half  the  villages  defied  Spanish  authority,  refused  to 
pay  taxes,  and  forced  the  friars  to  take  refuge  in  the  capital,  which  was, 
so  far,  safe.  Those  who  were  able,  took  passage  to  ports  outside  the 


630 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Archipelago.  In  Leyte  there  were  risings  of  mine  - importance, 
instigated  by  Tagalog  insurgents,  and  chiefly  directed  against  the 
friars,  who  were  everywhere  obnoxious  to  the  people.  At  Catbalogau 
(Samar)  an  armed  mob  attacked  the  Spaniards,  who  fled  to  the  house 
of  an  American.  General  Rios  had  not  sufficient  troops  to  dominate 
several  islands  covering  such  a large  area.  He  was  so  hard  pressed  in 
Panay  alone  that,  even  if  he  had  had  ample  means  of  transport,  he 
could  neither  divide  his  forces  nor  spend  time  in  carrying  them  from 
one  island  to  another.  Towards  the  end  of  October  he  ran  short  of 
ammunition,  but,  opportunely,  the  Spanish  mail  steamer  tlncyios  Aires 
brought  him  a supply  with  which  he  could  continue  the  struggle. 
Fresh  Tagalog  expeditions  were,  meanwhile,  sent  south,  and  coerced 
or  persuaded  the  Panay  people  to  rise  in  greater  force  than  ever,  till, 
finally,  General  Rios  had  to  fall  back  on  Yloilo.  By  the  middle  of 
November  practically  the  whole  island,  except  the  town?  of  Yloilo, 
Molo,  Jaro  and  La  Paz,  was  under  rebel  dominion. 

The  small  detachments  and  garrisons  in  Negros  Island  had  been 
unable  to  resist  the  tide  of  revolt ; the  west  coast  of  that  island  was 
overrun  by  the  rebels  under  the  leadership  of  Juan  Araneta  (a  much 
respected  planter  of  Bago,  personally  known  to  me),  and  the  local 
Spanish  Governor,  Don  Isidro  Castro,  was  forced  to  capitulate,  in  due 
Avritteu  form,  at  Bacolod,  on  the  6th  of  November,  with  his  troops  and 
all  the  Spanish  civil  and  military  employes.  By  the  1st  of  December 
it  was  evident  that,  although  Spanish  empire  in  Visayas  had  been 
definitely  broken,  there  was  absolute  discord  among  the  (southern) 
rebels  themselves.  They  broke  up  into  rival  factions,  each  one 
wanting  to  set  up  a government  of  its  own.  The  American  Peace 
Commissioners  had  made  their  formal  demand  for  the  cession  of  all 
the  Islands,  and  it  was  clear  to  the  Spanish  Government  that  General 
Rios  would,  sooner  or  later,  have  to  evacuate  under  the  treaty.  It  was 
useless,  therefore,  to  continue  to  shed  European  blood  and  waste 
treasure  in  those  regions.  In  the  first  week  of  December  the  Madrid 
Government  ordered  General  Rios  to  suspend  hostilities  and  retire 
to  Mindanao  Island  with  his  troops,  pending  arrangements  for  their 
return  to  the  Peninsula.  General  Rios  replied  to  this  order,  saying 
that  he  would  make  the  necessary  preparations.  Meanwhile,  on  the 
1 1 tli  of  December,  the  rebels  approached  the  fortifications  around 
Yloilo  town,  and  the  Spaniards  kept  up  an  almost  continual  fnsi’ade. 


GENERAL  RIOS  EVACUATES  VISAYAS. 


031 


In  the  morning  of  the  14th  of  December,  before  daybreak,  the  rebels, 
armed  with  bohie-knives,  attacked  the  Spanish  entrenchments  in  great 
force  and  drove  the  Spaniards  back  from  their  first  to  their  second 
redoubt.  The  Spaniards  rallied,  turned  their  four  field-pieces  on  the 
enemy,  and  opened  a raking  cannon  and  musketry  fire  which  mowed 
down  the  rebels,  who  retired  in  great  disorder,  leaving  about  500  dead 
and  wounded.  The  Spaniards,  who  were  well  protected  behind  their 
stockades,  had  6 dead  and  17  wounded.  General  Rios  then  took 
measures  for  evacuation.  On  the  23rd  of  December  he  formally  handed 
over  Yloilo  to  the  mayor  of  the  town  in  the  presence  of  his  staff,  the 
naval  commanders,  and  the  foreign  consuls,  and  requested  the  German 
Vice-Consul  to  look  after  Spanish  interests.  The  Spanish  troops  and 
war  material  were  embarked  in  perfect  order,  without  any  unfortunate 
incident  occurring.  Before  leaving  Yloilo,  after  many  tedious  delays 
respecting  the  conditions,  an  exchange  of  prisoners  was  effected  with 
the  rebels  who,  at  the  outset,  were  inclined  to  be  unduly  exacting. 

The  rebels  at  once  took  possession  of  Yloilo,  but  a controlling 
force  was  already  in  the  roadstead.  On  the  18th  of  December  an 
expedition,  under  the  command  of  General  Miller,  left  Manila  for  that 
port.  It  consisted  of  the  transports  Newport , Arizona , and  Pennsyl- 
vania., convoyed  by  the  warship  Baltimore  and  the  gunboat  Callao. 
On  board  was  a battalion  of  Iowa  Volunteers,  with  the  6th  Artillery 
and  a signal  corps  detachment. 

The  Caroline  Islands  were  provisioned  for  three  months  and  the 
troops  in  Cebu  Island  and  Yligan  (Mindanao  Island)  had  been  already 
ordered  to  concentrate  and  prepare  for  embarkation  on  the  same  day. 
On  the  24th  of  December  the  steamers  Buenos  Aires,  Isla  de  Luzon, 
Cachemir  and  Leon  XIII.  transported  General  Rios  and  all  the  troops 
from  Yloilo,  Cebu  and  Yligan  to  Zamboanga  (Mindanao  Island), 
where  the  bulk  of  them  remained  until  they  could  be  brought  back  to 
Spain  on  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace.  In  a few  days  General 
Rios  left  Zamboanga  in  the  s.s.  Leon  XIII.  for  Manila,  and  remained 
there  to  endeavour  to  negotiate  the  liberation  of  the  Spanish  prisoners 
detained  by  Aguinaldo.  They  were  kept  under  guard  far  away  north 
in  the  mountain  districts  in  groups  miles  away  from  each  other.  No 
one  outside  the  rebel  camp  could  ascertain  the  exact  number  of  these, 
which  was  kept  secret.  They  were  supposed  to  amount  to  about  11,000 
in  all,  of  which  1,500  would  be  civil  servants  with  their  wives  and 


632 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


families,  9,400  soldiers  and  officers,  and  about  100  friars.  Cut  off 
from  all  communication  with  the  world,  one  has  yet  to  learn  what  were 
their  privations.  The  rebels  insisted  that  they  were  well  cared  for, 
but  no  independent  and  disinterested  information  on  the  subject  was 
obtainable.  According  to  the  rebel  newspaper  La  Independencia , in 
several  towns  the  prisoners  were  invited  to  dances  and  feasts. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  Spain  failed  to  fulfil  the  stipulations  of 
clause  6 of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  ( vide  page  634),  and  at  this  date 
(end  of  1898)  there  were  many  Filipinos  not  only  not  returned  to  the 
Philippines,  but  forcibly  detained  in  Spanish  territory  as  political 
prisoners.  There  existed  no  proviso  that  they  should  only  be  liberated 
on  condition  of  Aguinaldo  giving  the  Spanish  prisoners  their  liberty. 
Moreover,  even  if  Aguinaldo  had  liberated  the  Spanish  prisoners, 
Spain  was  not  immediately  ready  with  ships  of  her  own  or  chartered 
vessels  in  the  Far  East  to  transport  11,000  persons.  To  have  set  free 
1 1,000  prisoners,  unless  they  could  have  been  immediately  shipped,  might 
have  led  to  consequences  which  no  general,  revolutionary  or  otherwise, 
would  run  the  risk  of.  It  is  even  questionable  whether  Spain  had 
made  provision  for  feeding  these  people  in  the  interval  between 
freedom  and  embarkation. 

The  other  above-mentioned  steamers  carried  the  Spanish  sick  and 
wounded  troops  and  the  civil  servants  to  the  Peninsula,  direct  from 
Zamboanga,  via  the  Straits  of  Balabac. 

In  Luzon,  the  Congress  at  Malolos  had  now  (26th  of  December) 
adjourned  in  great  confusion.  The  deputies  could  not  agree  upon 
the  terms  of  a Constitution.  They  were  already  divided  into  tw'o 
parties,  the  Pacificos  and  the  Irreconcilables.  The  latter  were  headed 
by  a certain  Mabini,  a man  hitherto  unknown  and  a notorious  opponent 
of  Aguinaldo.  The  Cabinet  resigned,  and  Aguinaldo  prudently  left 
Malolos  on  a visit  to  Pedro  Paterno,  at  Santa  Ana,  on  the  Pasig  River. 

At  the  end  of  the  year  1898,  after  327  years  of  sovereignty,  all  that 
remained  to  Spain  of  her  once  splendid  Far  Eastern  colonial  possessions 
were  the  Caroline,  the  Pelew,  and  the  Ladrone  Islands,  minus  the 
Island  of  Guam.  Under  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  signed  in  Paris,  the 
United  States  became  nominal  owners  of  the  evacuated  territories,  but 
they  were  only  in  real  possession  by  force  of  arms  of  Cavite  and 
Manila.  The  rest  of  the  Archipelago,  excepting  Mindanao  and  the 
Sulu  Sultanate,  was  virtually  aud  forcibly  held  by  the  natives  in  arms. 


THE  PEACE  TREATY  OF  PARIS. 


G33 


At  the  close  of  1898  the  Americans  and  the  rebels  had  become  rival 
parties,  and  the  differences  between  them  foreboded  either  frightful 
bloodshed  or  the  humiliation  of  the  one  or  the  other. 

TREATY  OF  PEACE 

concluded  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  Spain,  signed  in 
Paris  on  the  10th  of  December,  1898,  and  ratified  in  Washington  on 
the  10th  of  February,  1899.  The  original  documents  are  drawn  up  in 
Spanish  and  in  English. 

Translation  of  Spanish  Text. 

Article  1°. — Spain  renounces  all  sovereign  rights  and  dominion 
over  Cuba.  Considering  that  when  Spain  shall  evacuate  the 
said  island  it  will  be  occupied  by  the  United  States,  the  United 
States  undertake,  so  long  as  they  shall  remain  in  occupation,  to 
fulfil  those  duties  which  international  law  imposes  for  the 
protection  of  lives  and  property. 

Article  2°. — Spain  cedes  to  the  United  States  the  Island  of 
Porto  Rico,  all  others  under  her  sovereignty  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  the  Island  of  Guam  in  the  Marianas  or  Ladrone 
Archipelago. 

Article  3°. — Spain  cedes  to  the  United  States  the  Archipelago 
known  by  the  name  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  which  comprises  all 
those  islands  situated  between  the  lines  beginning  and  ending  as 
follows,  viz.  : — A line  drawn  from  W.  to  E.  near  the  22nd  parallel 
of  N.  latitude,  crossing  the  centre  of  the  navigable  Channel  of 
Bashee,  from  the  118th  to  the  127th  degree  of  longitude  E.  of 
Greenwich;  another  from  the  127th  degree  of  longitude  W.  of 
Greenwich  to  the  parallel  4°  45'  N.  latitude  ; another  follows  in 
the  parallel  of  4°  25'  up  to  its  intersection  with  the  meridian  of 
longitude  119°  35'  E.  of  Greenwich.  From  this  last  point  starts 
another  parallel  of  latitude  7°  40',  and  follows  up  to  the  inter- 
section with  the  116th  degree  of  longitude  E.  of  Greenwich  ; 
another  line  is  drawn  up  to  the  intersection  of  the  10th  parallel  of 
N.  latitude,  with  the  118th  degree  of  longitude  E.  of  Greenwich  ; 
the  zone  comprised  in  this  cession  is  closed  by  the  line  which  runs 
from  the  said  118th  degree  up  to  the  first  line  of  those  named  in 
this  clause. 


634 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


The  United  States  will  pay  to  Spain  the  sum  of  $20,000,000 
within  three  months  after  the  ratified  Treaty  is  exchanged. 

Article  4°. — For  the  period  of  10  years,  counting  from  the 
exchange  of  ratifications  of  this  Treaty,  the  United  States  will 
admit  Spanish  ships  and  merchandise  into  the  Philippine  ports 
with  the  same  conditions  as  the  ships  and  merchandise  of  the 
United  States. 

Article  5°. — As  soon  as  the  present  Treaty  shall  be  signed  the 
United  States  will  begin  to  transport  to  Spain,  at  their  expense, 
the  Spanish  soldiers  which  have  fallen  prisoners  of  war  to  the 
American  forces  on  the  taking  of  Manila  ; these  soldiers  shall 
have  their  arms  returned  to  them. 

As  soon  as  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty  shall  have  been 
exchanged,  Spain  shall  proceed  to  evacuate  the  Philippine  Islands 
as  well  as  that  of  Guam  on  the  same  conditions  agreed  to  by 
the  Commissioners  for  the  evacuation  of  Porto  Rico  and  the  other 
Antilles,  and  in  conformity  with  the  Protocol  of  the  12th  of 
August,  which  remains  in  force  until  its  stipulations  shall  have 
been  complied  with. 

The  respective  Governments  shall  fix  the  period  within  which 
the  evacuation  of  the  Philippine  Islands  and  that  of  Guam  shall 
be  effected. 

The  flags  aud  standards,  the  ships  of  war  not  captured  in 
battle,  the  small  arms,  cannons  of  all  sizes,  with  their  carriages 
and  fittings,  gunpowder,  ammunition,  provisions,  material,  and 
effects  of  all  kinds  in  possession  of  the  Spanish  sea  and  land 
forces  in  the  Philippines  and  Guam  will  remain  Spanish  property. 
The  cannons  of  large  calibre  which  are  not  field-pieces,  and  are 
mounted  on  the  fortifications  in  the  interior  or  on  the  coasts,  shall 
remain  in  their  present  positions  during  six  months  after  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty,  aud  shall  be  purchased  during  that 
period  by  the  United  States  if  the  contracting  Governments  can 
arrive  at  a satisfactory  and  voluntary  agreement  thereon. 

Article  6°. — As  soon  as  the  present  treaty  shall  be  signed, 
Spain  shall  liberate  all  prisoners  of  war  and  all  persons  arrested 
and  detained  for  political  reasons  connected  with  the  Cuban  and 
Philippine  insurrections  aud  the  war  with  the  United  States. 


THE  PEACE  TREATY  OF  PARIS. 


635 


Reciprocally  the  United  States  shall  liberate  all  prisoners  of  war 
taken  by  the  American  forces,  and  shall  negotiate  the  liberty  of 
all  the  Spanish  prisoners  which  may  be  held  by  the  insurgents 
of  Cuba  and  the  Philippines.  The  United  States  Government 
shall  transport,  at  its  own  expense,  to  Spain,  and  the  Spanish 
Government  shall  transport,  at  its  own  expense,  to  the  United 
States,  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and  Philippines,  as  the  case  may  be,  all 
those  prisoners  and  arrested  persons  whom  they  have  respectively 
undertaken  to  liberate  in  virtue  of  this  article. 

Article  7°. — Spain  and  the  United  States  of  America  mutually 
renounce,  by  the  present  treaty,  all  national  or  individual  claims 
for  compensation  of  any  kind  which  might  be  brought  against  the 
other,  or  which  might  be  brought  by  their  subjects  or  citizens 
against  the  other  Government  on  account  of  anything  which  may 
have  taken  place  from  the  beginning  of  the  last  Cuban  insurrection 
up  to  the  moment  of  the  ratification  of  the  present  treaty.  They 
also  renounce  all  right  to  indemnity  for  expenses  incurred  during 
the  war.  The  United  States  shall  judge  and  decide  the  claims  of 
American  citizens  against  Spain. 

Article  8°. — In  fulfilment  of  the  first  three  articles  Spain 
abandons  in  Cuba  and  cedes  in  Porto  Rico,  in  all  the  other  West 
Indian  Islands,  in  the  Island  of  Guam,  and  in  the  Philippine 
Archipelago,  all  the  buildings,  fortresses,  barracks,  establishments, 
public  roads,  and,  in  short,  all  those  things  which,  by  custom  or 
right,  constitute  public  property  and  appertain  to  the  sovereignty 
of  the  Spanish  crown.  Although  quite  unnecessary  to  do  so,  it  is 
hereby  declared  that  the  abandonment  and  cession  stipulated  shall 
in  no  way  affect  the  property  and  rights  accorded  by  custom  or 
law  to  the  peaceful  holders  of  goods  of  any  sort  in  the  provinces, 
cities,  public  or  private  establishments,  civil  or  ecclesiastical 
corporations,  or  any  other  collectivity  which  has  any  legal  right 
to  acquire  goods  or  rights  in  the  ceded  or  abandoned  territories, 
and  the  same  applies  to  the  rights  and  properties  of  individuals  of 
every  nationality  whatsoever. 

The  abandonment  or  cession  referred  to  comprises  the  delivery 
of  all  documents  relating  exclusively  to  the  said  renounced  or 
ceded  sovereignties,  and  which  documents  may  have  been  deposited 
in  the  archives  in  the  Peninsula.  When  the  documents  existing 


636 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


in  the  archives  of  the  Peninsula  refer  only  in  part  to  the  said 
sovereignty,  it  will  suffice  for  Spain  to  remit  a copy  of  the  matter 
affecting  the  said  sovereignty. 

Reciprocally,  Spain  has  the  same  right  with  respect  to 
documents  existing  in  the  archives  of  the  said  Islands. 

In  the  said  abandonment  and  cession  are  comprised  the  rights 
of  the  Spanish  crown  and  its  authority  over  the  archives  and 
official  register,  administrative  as  well  as  judicial,  which  relate  to 
rights  and  properties  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  Islands. 

The  archives  in  registers  shall  be  carefully  kept,  and  the 
interested  parties,  without  any  exception,  shall  obtain,  in  legal 
form,  authorised  copies  of  the  contracts,  wills  and  whatever  other 
documents  form  part  of  the  notarial  archives,  or  which  may  be 
found  in  the  judicial  and  administrative  archives,  whether  these 
official  documents  be  in  Spain  or  whether  they  be  in  the  said 
Islands. 

Article  9°. — Spanish  subjects  born  in  the  Peninsula,  and 
resident  in  the  territories,  the  sovereignty  of  which  Spain 
abandons  or  cedes,  may  remain  in  or  go  away  from  those  territories 
and  still  hold,  in  either  case,  their  property  rights,  as  well  as  the 
right  to  sell  or  dispose  of  the  real  estate  or  its  produce.  They 
shall  also  have  the  right  to  follow  their  trades  or  professions 
subject  to  the  laws  affecting  all  other  foreigners.  If  they  wish  to 
remain  in  these  territories  and  preserve  their  Spanish  nationality 
they  will  have  to  inscribe  their  names  in  the  official  register 
declaring  their  intention  to  remain  Spaniards,  and  this  must  be 
done  within  the  first  year  following  the  ratification  of  this  treaty  ; 
those  who  fail  to  so  declare  themselves  will  be  considered  as 
naturalized  in  the  territory  in  which  they  reside. 

The  United  States  Congress  will  decide,  in  due  course,  all  that 
concerns  the  civil  rights  and  political  status  of  the  natives  who 
inhabit  the  ceded  territories. 

Article  10°. — Religious  tolerance  is  guaranteed  to  the  in- 
habitants of  the  territories  abandoned  and  ceded  by  Spain. 

Article  11°. — The  Spaniards  resident  in  the  territories  named 
in  this  treaty  shall  be  subject  to  the  civil  and  criminal  courts  of 
the  country  in  which  they  live,  and  in  conformity  with  the  law 


THE  PEACE  TREATY  OF  PARIS. 


637 


therein  established,  they  shall  be  liable  to  be  cited  before  these 
Courts  in  the  same  manner  and  under  the  same  procedure 
established  for  the  citizens  of  the  country  they  live  in. 

Article  12°. — Judicial  proceedings  now  pending  shall  be 
continued  on  the  following  conditions  : — 

(1°)  Sentences  already  given,  against  which  there  would  be 
no  right  of  appeal  under  Spanish  law,  shall  be  executed  by  the 
competent  authorities  of  the  territory. 

(2°)  Civil  suits  shall  continue  to  take  their  course  before  the 
same  Courts,  or  before  those  which  may  be  established  in  their 
stead. 

(3°)  Criminal  cases  pending  before  the  Supreme  Court  in 
Spain,  against  citizens  resident  in  the  ceded  or  abandoned 
territory,  shall  continue  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Spanish 
Supreme  Court,  but  the  execution  of  the  sentence  given  shall  be 
confided  to  the  authority  of  the  territory. 

Article  13°. — Literary,  artistic,  and  industrial  copyright, 
acquired  by  Spaniards  in  the  territories  mentioned  herein,  shall  be 
respected  up  to  the  ratification  of  the  Treaty.  Spanish  literary, 
scientific,  and  artistic  works,  which  are  not  a menace  to  public 
order,  may  enter  free  of  all  duties  and  taxes  for  the  period  of  ten 
years  counting  from  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of  this  Treaty. 

Article  14°. — Spain  can  establish  Consular  Agencies  in  the 
territories  herein  named. 

Article  15°. — The  Governments  of  the  two  countries  shall 
reciprocally  concede  to  merchant  ships  identical  treatment  with 
regard  to  port  dues,  storage,  tonnage,  etc.,  as  that  accorded  to  their 
own  merchant  ships  which  are  not  engaged  in  coasting  trade. 
This  Article  can  be  rescinded  on  either  side  on  six  months’  notice 
of  same  being  given  by  the  one  party  to  the  other. 

Article  16°. — It  is  hereby  understood  that  the  obligations 
accepted  by  the  United  States  with  regard  to  Cuba  shall  only  be 
in  force  during  the  occupation  of  that  island,  although  the  United 
States  undertake  to  advise  the  Government  which  may  hereafter 
be  established  there,  to  take  up  the  same  obligations. 


638 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Article  17°. — This  Treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  Her  Majesty 
the  Queen  Regent  of  Spain  and  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States  with  the  consent  and  approbation  of  the  Seuate.  The 
ratifications  shall  be  exchanged  in  Washington  within  six  months 
from  this  date,  or  before  if  possible. 

In  witness  whereof  the  respective  plenipotentiaries  sign  and 
seal  this  Treaty. 

Done  in  duplicate  in  Paris  on  the  10th  day  of  December,  1898. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS. 

Ubi  felicitas,  ibi  patria. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  incentive  which  impelled  the 
Spanish  monarchs  to  encourage  the  conquest  of  these  Islands,  there  can, 
at  least,  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  earnestness  of  the  individuals  intrusted 
to  carry  out  the  Royal  will.  The  nerve  and  muscle  of  chivalrous 
Spain  ploughing  through  a wide  unknown  ocean  in  quest  of  glory  and 
adventure — the  unswerving  devotion  of  the  ecclesiastics  to  the  cause  of 
Catholic  supremacy — each  hearing  intense  privations,  cannot  fail  to 
incite  the  wonder  of  succeeding  generations. 

But,  unfortunately,  whilst  only  a small  fraction  of  thi3  Archipelago 
was  subdued,  millions  of  dollars  and  hundreds  of  lives  were  expended 
in  futile  attempts  at  conquest  in  Gambodge,  Siam,  Pegu,  Moluccas, 
Borneo,  Japan,  etc. — and  for  all  these  toils  there  came  no  reward,  not 
even  the  sterile  laurels  of  victory.  The  Manila  seat  of  Government 
nad  not  been  founded  five  years  when  the  Governor-General  solicited 
Royal  permission  to  conquer  China  ! 

Extension  of  dominion  seized  them  like  a mania.  Had  their 
joint  efforts  been  confined  to  the  development  of  the  territory  already 
annexed — had  only  half  the  energy  and  money  squandered  on  fruitless 
and  inglorious  expeditions  been  spent  on  high  roads  crossing  and 
re-crossing  the  islands,  tenfold  wealth  would  have  accrued  and 
civilization  would  have  followed  as  a natural  consequence. 

The  government  of  the  Archipelago  alone  was  no  mean  task.1 

A group  of  islands  inhabited  by  several  heathen  races — surrounded 
by  a sea  exposed  to  typhoons,  pirates,  and  Christian-hating  Mussulmans 
— had  to  be  ruled  by  a handful  of  Europeans  with  inadequate  funds,  bad 


1 In  1885,  the  retiring  Governor-General,  Joaquin  Jovellar,  terminated  his 
farewell  proclamation  to  the  Colony  with  the  following  frank  confession  of  his 
incapacity,  viz.  : — <;  Habitantes  de  Filipinas  : — No  os  he  gohernado  con  acierto, 
pero  si  con  justicia,”  (i.e.,  I have  EOT  governed  you  adroitly , but  I have  done  so 
with  justice.”) 


640 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


ships  and  scant  war  material.  For  nearly  two  centuries  the  financial 
administration  was  a chaos,  and  military  organization  hardly  existed. 
Local  enterprise  was  disregarded  and  discouraged  so  long  as  abundance 
of  silver  dollars  came  from  across  the  Pacific.  Such  a short-sighted, 
unstable  dependence  left  the  Colony  resourceless  when  bold  foreign 
traders  stamped  out  monopoly  and  brought  commerce  to  its  natural 
level  by  competition.  In  the  meantime  the  astute  ecclesiastics  quietly 
appropriated  to  themselves  the  best  arable  lauds  within  easy  reach  of 
the  Capital  and  the  Arsenal  of  Cavite.  Landed  property  was  undefined. 
It  all  nominally  belonged  to  the  State,  which,  however,  granted  no  titles  ; 
“ squatters  ” took  up  land  where  they  chose  without  determined  limits, 
and  the  embroilment  continues,  in  a measure,  to  the  present  day. 

About  the  year  1885  the  question  was  brought  forward  of  granting 
Government  titles  to  all  who  could  establish  claims  to  land.1  Indeed, 
for  about  a year,  there  was  a certain  enthusiasm  displayed  both  in  the 
application  for  and  the  concession  of  “ Titulos  Reales.” 

But  the  large  majority  of  holders — among  whom  the  monastic 
element  conspicuously  figured — could  only  show  their  title  by  actual 
possession.  It  might  have  been  sufficient,2 3  but  the  fact  is  that  the 
clergy  favoured  neither  the  granting  of  “ Titulos  Reales  ” nor  the 
establishment  of  the  projected  Real  Estate  Registration  Offices. 
Why  ? * 


1 The  conditions  of  land  tenure  under  Spanish  rule  in  this  colony  stood  briefly 
thus  : — The  owners  either  held  the  lands  by  virtue  of  undisturbed  possession  or  by 
absolute  freehold  under  title  deeds  granted  by  the  State.  The  tenants — the  actual 
tillers — were  one  degree  advanced  beyond  the  state  of  slave  cultivators,  inasmuch 
as  they  could  accumulate  property  and  were  free  to  transfer  their  services.  They 
corresponded  to  that  class  of  farmers  known  in  France  as  metayers  and  amongst 
the  Komans  of  old  as  Coloni  Paiiiarii,  with  no  right  in  the  land,  but  entitled  to 
one  half  of  its  produce.  Like  the  ancients,  they  had  to  perform  a number  of 
services  to  the  proprietor  which  were  not  specified  in  writing,  but  enforced  by 
usage.  Tenants  of  this  species  recently  subsisted — and  perhaps  still  do — in 

Scotland  (ride  “Wealth  of  Nations,”  by  Adam  Smith,  edition  of  1886,  page  160). 
Leases  for  long  periods  were  exceptional,  and  I never  heard  of  compensation  being 
granted  for  improvements  of  Philippine  estates. 

3 “ Dominium  a possessione  coepisse  dicitur  ” — Law  maxim. 

3 In  September,  1890,  a lawsuit  was  still  pending  between  the  Dominican 
Corporation  and  a number  of  native  residents  in  Calamba  (Laguna)  who  disputed 
the  Dominicans’  claim  to  lands  in  that  vicinity  so  long  as  the  Corporation  were 
unable  to  exhibit  their  title.  For  this  implied  monastic  indiscriminate  acquisition 
of  real  estate,  several  of  the  best  native  families  (some  of  them  personally  known 
to  me)  were  banished  to  the  Island  of  Mindoro.  Vide  “ La  Solidaridad,”  No.  40, 
page  218,  published  in  Madrid. 


CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS. 


641 


Every  impediment,  possible  up  to  the  last,  was  placed  in  the  way 
of  trade.  In  former  times,  when  worldly  majesty  and  divinity  were 
one  idea,  the  struggle  with  the  king  and  his  councillors  for  the  right 
to  legitimate  traffic  was  fierce. 

Father  Pedro  Murillo  Velarde  in  his  writings  admits  that  when 
the  possession  of  the  Philippines  became  an  accomplished  fact,  the 
Spaniards  were  more  anxious  about  their  own  gain  than  their  own 
honour,  or  the  service  of  the  king,  or  the  welfare  of  the  natives. 

Everywhere  the  white  race  urged  activity  like  one  who  sits  behind 
a horse  and  goads  it  with  the  whip.  But  good  advice  without  example 
was  lost  to  an  ignorant  class  more  apt  to  learn  through  the  eye  than 
through  the  ear.  They  forgot,  or  did  not  care  to  heed,  the  truism 
that,  to  civilize  a people,  every  act  one  performs,  or  intelligible  word 
one  utters,  carries  an  influence  which  pervades  and  gives  a colour  to 
the  future  life  and  thoughts  of  the  native  and  makes  it  felt  upon  the 
whole  frame  of  the  society  in  embryo. 

The  University  and  the  High  Schools  and  Colleges  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  Friars,  who  remained  as  stumbling-blocks  in  the  intel- 
lectual advancement  of  the  Colony.  “ Knowledge  is  power,”  and 
instead  of  the  State  holding  the  founlains  of  knowledge  within  its 
direct  control,  it  yielded  them  to  the  exclusive  manipulation  of  those 
who  eked  out  the  measure  as  it  suited  their  own  interests. 

Criticism,  physical  discovery  of  the  age,  and  contact  with 
foreigners  shook  the  ancient  belief  in  the  fabulous  and  the  super- 
natural ; the  latter-day  modified  form  of  mythology  and  polytheism 
was  doomed  to  give  way  to  more  certain  scientific  theses  about  which 
the  rising  generation  began  to  inquire.  The  immutability  of  Theology 
is  inharmonious  to  Science — the  School  of  Progress,  and  long  before 
they  had  finished  their  course  in  these  islands  the  Friars  quaked 
at  the  possible  consequences. 

The  dogmatical  affirmation  Uqui  non  credit  anathema  sit,”  so 
indiscrimately  used,  had  lost  its  power.  Public  opinion  protested 
against  an  order  of  things  which  checked  the  social  and  material 
onward  movement  of  the  Colony.  And,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  Spain 
was  absolutely  impotent,  even  though  it  cost  her  the  whole  territory 
(as  has  now  happened)  to  remedy  the  evil.  So  far  as  these  Islands 
were  concerned,  what  is  known  to  the  world  as  the  Government  of 

S S 


642 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


Spain,  was  virtually  the  Executive  of  the  Religious  Corporations,  who 
constituted  the  real  Government,  the  members  of  which  never  under- 
stood patriotism  as  men  of  the  world  understand  it.  Every  interest 
was  made  subservient  to  the  welfare  of  the  Orders.  If,  one  day,  the 
Colony  must  be  lost  to  them,  it  was  a matter  of  perfect  indifference 
into  whose  hands  it  passed.  It  was  their  happy  hunting-ground  and 
last  refuge.  But  the  real  Government  could  not  exist  without  its 
Executive,  and  when  that  Executive  was  attacked  and  expelled  by 
America,  the  real  Government  fell  as  a consequence.  If  the  Executive 
had  been  strong  enough  to  emancipate  itself  from  the  dominion  of  the 
Friars  only  a few  years  ago,  the  Philippines  might  have  remained  a 
Spanish  Colony  to-day.  But  the  wealth  in  hard  cash  and  the  moral 
religious  influence  of  the  Monastic  Orders  were  factors  too  powerful 
for  any  number  of  executive  ministers,  who  would  have  fallen  like 
ninepins  if  they  had  attempted  to  extricate  themselves  from  the 
thraldom  of  sacerdotalism.  Outside  political  circles  there  was,  and 
still  is  in  Spain,  a class  who  shrink  from  the  abandonment  of  ideas 
of  centuries’  duration.  Whatever  the  fallacy  may  be,  not  a few  are 
beguiled  into  thinking  that  its  antiquity  should  command  respect. 

The  conquest  of  this  Colony  was  decidedly  far  more  a religious 
achievement  than  a military  one,  and  the  most  that  could  be  fairly  due 
to  the  Friars  of  old  was  their  nation’s  gratitude  for  having  contributed 
to  its  glory — but  that  gratitude  was  not  an  inheritance. 

Prosperity  began  to  dawn  upon  the  Philippines  when  restrictions 
on  trade  were  gradually  relaxed  since  the  second  decade  of  this  century. 
As  each  year  came  round,  reforms  were  introduced,  but  so  clumsily  that 
they  brought  into  existence  a community  whose  civil  emancipation  had 
reached  them  too  suddenly  and  too  narrowly  ; hence  the  small  minority 
of  natives,  who  had  acquired  the  habits  and  necessities  of  their 
conquerors,  yearned  to  secure  for  all  an  equal  civilization,  for  which 
the  masses  were  unprepared.  The  abolition  of  tribute  in  1884 
obliterated  caste  distinction  ; the  university  graduate  and  the  herder 
were  on  a legal  equality  if  they  each  carried  a ccdula  personal , whilst 
certain  Spanish  legislators  exercised  a rare  effort  to  persuade  themselves 
and  their  partisans  that  the  Colony  was  ripe  for  the  impossible 
combination  of  liberal  administration  under  monastic  rule. 


CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS. 


643 


During  the  debate  on  the  Universal  Suffrage  Bill  of  the  Sagasta 
Ministry  in  1890,  Senor  Calvo  Munoz  championed  the  Philippine 
Islanders’  cause,  and  introduced  an  amendment  extending  elective 
rights  to  this  Colony,  but  it  was  rejected  after  a brief  discussion. 

One  cannot  help  feeling  pity  for  the  Spanish  nation  which  has  let 
the  Pearl  of  the  Orient  slip  out  of  its  fingers  through  culpable  and 
stubborn  mismanagement,  after  repeated  warnings  and  similar 
experiences  in  other  quarters  of  the  globe.  The  intelligent  world 
will  watch  with  considerable  interest  the  development  of  Philippine 
Home  Rule  under  American  auspices,  and  expect  America  to  substitute 
a better  government,  as  satisfactory  to  the  foreigners,  who  have  vast 
trade  interests  there,  as  to  the  natives  themselves. 

The  Filipinos  have  made  enormous  sacrifices  for  the  justifiable 
cause  of  liberty.  At  the  end  of  1897  the  realization  of  their  aims 
was  postponed  (whether  by  trick  or  by  treaty  matters  not)  for  an 
indefinite  period.  Possibly  it  would  have  been  left  to  another 
generation  to  expel  Spanish  sovereignty  and  gain  independence,  but 
for  the  timely  advent  of  the  Americans  in  1898,  and  one  can  only  hope 
that  the  Filipinos  are  about  to  enter  on  a new  era  of  prosperity  and 
contentment  under  the  protecting  mantle  of  the  greatest  Republic  the 
world  has  yet  seen. 

Happiness  is  merely  comparative  : with  a lovely  climate — a 
continual  summer — and  all  the  absolute  requirements  of  life  at  hand, 
there  is  not  one-tenth  of  the  misery  in  the  Philippines  that  there  is  in 
Europe,  and  none  of  that  forlorn  wretchedness  facing  the  public  gaze. 
Beggary — that  constant  attribute  of  the  highest  civilization — is  as  yet  in 
its  infancy — there  are  only  some  decrepit  professionals  who  have  been 
thriftless  in  their  youth  and  know  that  Friday  is  alms-giving  day. 
Still  this  exists  only  in  the  most  Europeanized  centre — Manila,  and 
even  the  few  mendicants  one  meets  seem  gay  and  cheerful  in  their  way. 
Suicide  is  extremely  rare.  The  hospitality  of  the  settled  Spaniards  and 
Tagalog  natives  in  the  provinces  is  a novel  but  charming  experience 
to  the  traveller,  for  there  is  nothing  to  be  compared  with  it  in  Europe. 
The  tourist,  of  a genial  and  forbearing  disposition,  can  roam  through 
half  the  Colony  without  heed  for  the  morrow.  There  is  yet  a million 
acres  of  virgin  soil  only  awaiting  the  co-operation  of  husbandman  and 
capitalist  to  turn  it  to  lucrative  account. 


S S 2 


644 


PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS. 


It  is  a beautiful  country,  copiously  endowed  by  Nature,  where  the 
effulgent  morning  sun  contributes  to  a happy  frame  of  mind — where 
the  European  colonist’s  rural  life  passes  pleasantly  enough  to  soothe  the 
longing  for  “ home,  sweet  home.” 

“ And  yet  perhaps  if  countries  we  compare 
And  estimate  the  blessings  which  they  share, 

Though  patriots  flatter,  yet  shall  wisdom  find 
An  equal  portion  dealt  to  all  mankind.” 


INDEX 


A. 

Antipolo  wood 

. 

PAGE 

368 

PAGE 

Antojo,  The  - 

- 

450 

Abuses  of  Officials 

- 

- 

243 

Apiton  wood  - - - 

- 

368 

Acle  wood 

- 

- 

368 

Arandia,  Pedro  de  - 

- 

83 

Aetas  - 

- 

129,481 

Aranga  wood  - 

- 

368 

Agana  (Ladrones) 

- 

- 

37 

Archbishop  banished  from 

Agoncillo’s  Mission,  Felipe 

- 

626 

Manila  - - - - 

59,  60 

Agriculture 

- 

- 

306 

Archbishop  Poblete’s  contumacy 

60 

Aguinaldo,  Emilio 

- 

- 

518 

Archbishop’s  revenge 

- 

61 

Aguinaldo’s  Agreement  with  the 

Areca  Nut  Palm 

- 

356 

United  States  Consul, 

Singa- 

Army  Estimates 

- 

256 

pore  ... 

- 

- 

567 

„ in  olden  times  - 

52,87 

,256 

Aguinaldo,  Attempt  to  poison 

- 

624 

„ pay  - 

255, 258 

Aguinaldo’s  Memorandum  to  the 

Arolas,  Colonel  Juan 

- 

156 

Powers  - - - 

- 

- 

610 

Asiento  Contract 

- 

288 

Albinos  - 

- 

- 

138 

Augusti’s  Proclamation, General 

573 

Alcalde-Governors  - 

- 

- 

231 

Austin  Friars  rise  to  power 

- 

55 

Alcayceria,  The 

- 

- 

117 

Alferez  Real 

- 

- 

49 

Allocution  of  the  Archbishop 

B. 

of  Madrid,  1898 

- 

- 

571 

American  occupation  of  Manila, 

Babel  Druap  - 

- 

41 

1898 

- 

- 

618 

Bacolod  town  - 

- 

472 

American-Spanish  Protocol 

of 

Balabac  Island  - 

- 

176 

Peace  - 

- 

- 

612 

Balate  - 

- 

366 

Americans  maltreated 

- 

- 

553 

Bamboo  - 

- 

362 

Amours  of  a Nun 

- 

- 

85 

Banaba  wood  - 

_ 

369 

Anagap  wood  - 

- 

- 

368 

Bananas  - 

- 

374 

Ancient  nomenclature  of  Islands 

5 

Bancal  wood  - 

_ 

369 

Anda,  Simon  de 

- 

- 

99 

Banco  Espanol  de  Isabel  II 

- 

290 

Anito  Idol 

- 

- 

136 

Bangi,  The  Holy  Child  of 

- 

196 

Anobing  wood  - 

- 

- 

368 

Bank  Branches,  British  - 

_ 

290 

Anting  Anting 

- 

- 

265 

Bansalague  wood 

. 

369 

Antipolo,  The  legend  of  the  Virgin 

Barangay  Chiefdom  - 

- 

246 

of  - 

- 

- 

198 

j Batitinan  wood 

- 

369 

646 


INDEX. 


Bats  - 

PAGE 

394 

Battle  of  Aliaga,  1897 

- 

539 

„ „ Cavite,  1898 

- 

576 

„ „ Playa  Honda 

- 

80 

„ „ San  Juan  del  Monte, 

1896  ----- 

515 

Bautista,  Pedro 

- 

67 

„ crucified,  Pedro 

- 

69 

Baybay  Island  (old  name) 

- 

5 

Bejuco  - _ . . 

- 

364 

Berenguery  Marquina,  Governor 

83 

Betel  - - - - 

- 

355 

Betis  wood  - - - 

- 

368 

Biac-na-bato  Treaty  - 

- 

545 

Bilibid  Jail  - - - 

- 

262 

Binondo  Suburb  of  Manila 

- 

400 

„ feast  - - - 

- 

404 

Birds  - - - - 

- 

394 

Birds’  nests.  Edible  - 

- 

366 

Bishoprics  - - - - 

- 

225 

Blanco  as  Governor-General 

- 

526 

Blood  Compact 

- 

22 

Boa  Constrictor 

- 

393 

Boars,  "Wild  - 

- 

394 

Bojo  - . . - 

- 

364 

Bojol,  Rising  in 

- 

111 

Boleta  shipping  licence 

273 

, 279 

Bolinao  Cable  Station  attacked  - 

555 

Boom  in  Silver  exchange  - 

- 

291 

Botocan  Waterfall  - 

- 

428 

Brewery  in  Manila  - 

- 

301 

Brigands  - - - - 

263. 

, 452 

British  occupation  of  Manila 

- 

94 

Budget  figures  - - - 

- 

250 

„ in  1757 

- 

281 

Buffalo-riding  - - - 

- 

483 

Buffaloes  - - - - 

- 

390 

Buglas  Island  (old  name) 

- 

5 

Bull-ring  - - - - 

- 

403 

Buquils  race.  The  - 

- 

129 

Burgos,  Dr.  Joseph  - 

- 

114 

Bustamente  murdered,  Governor 

61 

Bustos,  Lieutenant-General 

- 

100 

Butler,  Mr.  - 

- 

288 

Butterflies  - 

- 

393 

Buyo  - 

- 

355 

c. 

PAGE 


Cabezas  de  Barangay  - - 245 

Cable  Station  at  Bolinao 
attacked  - 555 

Cables  -----  304 
Cacao  353 

Calamba  town  - 420 

Calilayan  Province  (old  name)  - 5 

Calle  de  Camba  Tragedy  - - 551 

Camagon  wood  - 369 

Camote  -----  355 
Capture  of  Manila  by  Americans  616 
Capuchin  Friars  - 225 

Carabao  -----  390 
Caroline  Islands  - - 35 

„ ,,  Germans  seize 

the  -----  41 

Casa  Misericordia  - - 276 

Castor  oil  - - - - - 355 

Catapusan,  The  - - 211 

Catipad,  The  - 208 

Cauit  Province  (old  name)  - 5 

Causes  of  American  - Spanish 
"War,  1898  - 564 

Cavite  Insurrection,  1872  - - 113 

Cavite  town  - 457 

Cebu  city  -----  502 
„ Exports  - - - - 294 

„ Rebellion  - - - - 551 

Cedar  wood  - 369 

Cedula  Personal  ...  248 

Chapdiki  -----  405 
Character  of  Natives  - - 179 

Chinese  -----  116 
„ Taxes  first  levied  on  - 120 
„ Guilds-  - - - 126 

„ Population  - - - 118 

Cholera 207 

Church  and  Clergy,  Cost  of  - 225 
„ Revenues  - 226 

Cigar  Cases  - - - - 300 

Cigars,  Prices  and  weights  of  - 351 
Cinnamon  -----  365 
Civil  Guard  Estimates  - - 255 

Climate  -----  409 


INDEX. 


647 


Club  opened,  The  first  Philip- 

PAGE 

Dasmariuas,  Gomez  Perez  - 

PAGE 

55 

pine  - 

- 

- 

623 

Datto  Utto  - - - 

- 

154 

Coal  . 

- 

- 

378 

Deer  - 

- 

394 

Cock-fighting  laws  - 

- 

- 

406 

Defences,  Cost  of  - 

- 

258 

Cocoa  - 

- 

- 

353 

Deputation  of  Filipinos 

to 

Cocoa-nut  - 

- 

- 

356 

United  States  Consul 

at 

„ „ oil  - 

- 

- 

358 

Singapore  - 

- 

587 

Coffee  - 

- 

- 

337 

Deputation  of  Rebels  to  Japan  - 

512 

„ planting  - 

- 

- 

340 

Dinglas  wood  - 

- 

370 

„ quotations 

- 

- 

338 

Directorcillo  - 

- 

245 

„ shipments 

- 

- 

338 

Disciplinary  Corps  Estimates 

- 

255 

„ trading  - 

- 

- 

339 

Discovery  of  the  Islands  - 

- 

18 

Cogon  - 

- 

- 

361 

Diseases,  Prevalent  - 

- 

207 

Coir  - - - 

- 

- 

290 

Dita  (quinine)  - 

- 

361 

„ of  cocoa-nut 

- 

- 

359 

Documents  re  surrender 

of 

Colleges  - - - 

- 

- 

190 

Rebel  Chiefs,  1897 

- 

562 

Coloocan  raid,  The  - 

- 

- 

514 

Dollars,  Mexican 

- 

291 

Comenge’s  speech  at  Military 

„ gold  - 

- 

290 

Club  - 

- 

- 

549 

Domesticated  Natives 

- 

177 

Comintan  Province  (old  name)  - 

5 

„ „ origin 

of  - 

178 

Compahia,  General  de  Tabacos  - 

350 

Donkeys  - 

- 

391 

„ Guipuzcoana 

de 

Draper,  General- 

- 

95 

Caracas  - 

- 

- 

282 

Dress  of  Natives 

- 

412 

Conflicts  with  the  Dutch 

- 

- 

76 

Dry  measure  - 

- 

318 

Consanguine  marriages 

• 

- 

207 

Dungon  wood  - 

- 

369 

Consulado,  The  - 

- 

272 

276 

Dutch  conflicts  - 

- 

76 

Convent  of  Santa  Clara 

- 

- 

84 

Convict  corps  - 

- 

- 

255 

Copper  - 

• 

- 

386 

Coprah  - 

- 

- 

41 

E. 

„ shipments 

- 

- 

359 

Corcuera,  Sebastian  Hurtado 

de 

Earthquakes  - 

16 

,411 

58,  59,  82 

Ebony  wood  - 

- 

370 

Costumes  of  Natives  - 

- 

- 

412 

Ecclesiastics  as  traders  273,  277,  280 

Cotton  tree 

- 

- 

361 

Edible  birds’  nests  - 

- 

366 

Count  Pedro  Gumapos 

- 

- 

112 

Education  - 

- 

190 

Crocodile  Lake  - 

- 

- 

422 

Elcano,  Juan  Sebastian  de 

- 

25 

Cuadrilleros 

- 

- 

247 

Encomiendas  - 

- 

229 

Currency,  The  - 

- 

- 

290 

Evacuation  of  Philippines  by 

Curriculum  of  students 

- 

- 

192 

Spain  - - - - 

- 

631 

Custom  houses  - 

- 

- 

293 

Exchange  fluctuations 

- 

292 

Customs  values  - 

- 

- 

297 

Excise  revenue  - 

- 

297 

Executions  of  rebels  in  1896,  The 

D. 

first  - 

- 

517 

Exports  from  Cebu  - 

294 

Danao  River 

_ 

- 

477 

„ „ Yloilo  - 

- 

294 

Dancing  - 

211, 

445 

, 470 

„ „ the  Philippines  - 

295 

G48 


INDEX. 


F. 


PAGE 


Fajardo  de  Tua  kills  his  wife  - 

83 

Ferdinand  I.,  Snltan  of  Sulu  - 

145 

Finances  - - - 

- 

250 

Flowers  - 

- 

376 

Forces  in  the  Islands, 

1898  ; 

Spanish  - 

- 

620 

Foreign  traders  excluded 

- 

289 

Formosa  Island,  a Spanish 

Colony 

80 

?>  !>  a 

Dutch 

Colony  - 

- 

87 

Fortifications  of  Manila 

- 

53 

Freemasonry,  so-called 

- 

510 

Friars’  immorality 

- 

219 

„ Native  - 

- 

224 

„ in  open  rebellion 

- 

62 

Fruits  ... 

- 

373 

G. 

Gabi  ... 

- 355 

Gaddanes  Tribe 

- 132 

Galleon,  Royal  dues  - 

- 278 

Galleons  - 

- 271 

Garcia,  Yofre  de  Loaisa 

- 27 

Gobemadorcillos 

- 244 

Goiti,  Martin  de 

- 31,32,46 

Gold  - 

- 290,  380 

Governmental  divisions 

- 232 

Guavas  ... 

- 375 

Guijo  wood 

- 370 

Guilds  of  the  Chinese 

- 126 

Guinaanes  Tribe 

- 129,  136 

Gmn-mastic,  shipments 

- 365 

Gutta  Percha  - 

- 365 

H. 

Half-Castes  ... 

- 214 

Harbour  Masters 

- 261 

Hard  woods  - 

- 367 

Harun  Xarrasid,  Sultan 

- 153 

Hats  - - 

VAGK 

- 300 

Hemp,  fibre  and  cultivation 

- 326 

„ ,,  extraction 

- 323 

Hemp-planting  estimates  - 

- 333 

Hemp  shipments 

- 331 

Hierarchy,  The, 

- 223 

High  Host  is  stolen  - 

- 85 

Holy  Child  of  Bangi 

- 196 

Horse-fight  - 

- 484 

Hospitals  - 

54,  74 

Husi  ----- 

- 301 

I. 

Ibabao  (old  name) 

_ 

5 

Ibalon  (old  name) 

- 

5 

Igorrote- Chinese  Tribe 

- 

135 

Igorrote  Tribe  - 

- 

132 

Immorality  of  Friars 

- 

219 

Imus  taken  by  rebels  in  1896 

- 

519 

Indemnity  to  Rebels  - 

- 

546 

Indulgences  - - - 

- 

58 

Inquisition  - 

55,  86 

Ipil  wood  - - - - 

- 

370 

Itavis  Tribe  - 

- 

132 

Itineraries  for  travellers  - 

- 

489 

J. 

Jalajala  - 

Japanese  relations  with  the 

422 

Philippines  - - - 

- 

6'5 

Jaramillo,  General  - 

- 

521 

Jealousy  of  Fajardo  - 

- 

83 

Jesuits  expelled  in  1768 

- 

63 

„ return  in  1852 

- 

223 

„ in  scholastic  work  - 

- 

193 

Jimamaylan  town 

- 

483 

Journalism  - 406,468,503,622 

Judicial  Statistics 

- 

262 

Judge-Governors 

- 

231 

Judges’  Salaries 

- 

262 

Juramentados  (sworn  Moros) 

- 

158 

Justice  of  the  peace  - 

- 

249 

INDEX.  649 


K. 

M. 

TAGB 

PAGE 

Kanakas  - 

- 

44 

Mabolo  - 

- 

376 

Katipunan  ... 

- 

511 

Macan  rice  - - - 

- 

320 

King  Lacandola 

- 

31 

Macao  attacked  by  Spaniards 

- 

84 

„ Malong  - 

- 

112 

Macasin  wood  - 

- 

371 

„ Tapas  - 

- 

31 

Maestre  de  Campo  Island 

- 

464 

Kosor  .... 

- 

41 

Magellan  Straits  discovered 

- 

21 

Koxinga,  King  of  Formosa, 

Maghallanes,  Hernando  de 

- 

19 

threatens  Manila  - 

- 

87 

„ death  of 

- 

23 

Mahamad  Alimudin,  Sultan 

- 

144 

Maillard  de  Tournon,  The 

Pope’s  Legate 

- 

91 

L. 

Mait  (old  name) 

- 

5 

Maize  - 

- 

352 

La  Solidaridad  - 

- 

510 

Majasari  - - - - 

- 

163 

Lacandola,  King 

- 

31 

Majayjay  town 

- 

427 

Lachambre,  General 

- 

527 

Malolos,  the  rebel  capital  - 

- 

623 

Ladrone  Islands 

- 

35 

Malong,  King 

- 

112 

„ „ discovered 

- 

22 

Mancono  wood  - 

- 

371 

Laguimanoe  village  - 

- 

430 

Mangachapuy  wood  - 

- 

371 

Lake  Malanao  expedition  - 

- 

157 

Mangoes  - 

o 

- 

373 

Lakes  - 

- 

7 

Mangosteen  - 

375 

Land  measure  - - - 

- 

308 

Mani  - 

- 

355 

„ tenure,  Conditions  of 

- 

640 

Manifesto  of  Paterno 

- 

590 

„ Yalue  of  arable 

- 

307 

Manila  city  and  port 

- 

397 

Lanete  wood 

- 

370 

„ British  occupation  of 

- 

94 

Last  expedition  against  Moros 

- 

158 

„ American  „ „ 

- 

620 

Latitude  and  longitude 

- 

5 

,,  captured  by  Americans  - 

616 

Lauan  wood  ... 

- 

370 

Manrique  de  Lara,  Sabiniano 

- 

59 

Law  Courts  estimate 

- 

262 

Manufactures  - 

- 

300 

„ suits  - 

- 

267 

Marauit  campaign 

157 

, 511 

Leeches  - 

- 

393 

Marble  - 

- 

386 

Legaspi,  Miguel  Lopez  de 

- 

29 

Mariveles  town 

- 

495 

Lepers  - 

74 

,405 

Marriages,  Consanguine  - 

- 

207 

Leprosy  - 

- 

207 

Martins  - 

- 

394 

Letter  of  Anathema 

- 

86 

Maybun  - - - 

- 

165 

Leyte,  Rising  in 

- 

111 

Measles  - 

- 

207 

Li-ma-hong,  the  Corsair  - 

- 

45 

Measure,  Dry  - 

- 

318 

Lipa  town  ... 

- 

435 

Medicinal  Herbs 

- 

377 

Llaneras,  The  rebel  leader 

- 

521 

Memorandum  to  the  Powers, 

Loaisa,  Garcia  Yofre  de  - 

- 

27 

Aguinaldo’s  - 

- 

610 

Local  funds  (J'ondos  locales ) 

- 

238 

Mendicant  Friars 

- 

55 

Locusts  - 

- 

394 

| Mestizos  - 

- 

214 

Loney,  Mr.  Nicholas 

- 

286 

Meycauayan  (old  name)  - 

- 

5 

Longitude  and  latitude 

- 

5 

Military  Service  Edict,  1898 

- 

572 

Los  Banos  town 

- 

420 

Mineral  oil 

- 

387 

Luna,  the  painter,  Juan  - 

- 

194 

i Missionaries,  Early  - 

- 

55 

GoO 


INDEX, 


Missions  to  Japan 

PAGE 

66 

Mixed  marriages 

- 

190 

Molave  wood  - - - 

- 

370 

,,  ,,  tests  — — 

- 

371 

Molucca  Islands 

2c 

»,  76 

Molucca  „ abandoned 

by 

Spaniards  - - - 

- 

87 

Monet  in  the  north,  General 

- 

556 

Monsoons  - 

- 

16 

“MoroMoro”  - 

- 

455 

Moros  - 

- 

139 

Moslem  priests  - - - 

- 

161 

Moths  - 

- 

393 

Municipal  Captain 

- 

249 

Music  - 

** 

195 

N. 

Nagasaki,  Jesuits  in 

. 

67 

Narra  wood  - - - 

- 

372 

Naval  Battle  of  Cavite,  1898 

- 

576 

Navy  Statistics,  1888 

- 

259 

„ _ „ 1898 

- 

260 

Negrito  tribe  - - - 

129, 

481 

Negros,  Rising  in 

- 

235 

Nipa-palm  - 

- 

360 

Nito  wares  - - - 

- 

300 

Nomenclature  (ancient) 

of 

Islands  - - - - 

- 

5 

Nuestra  Senora  de  Casaysay 

- 

197 

Nunnery  of  Santa  Clara  * 

84 

0. 

Obras  Pias  - - - 

274, 

,282 

Our  Lady  of  Casaysay 

- 

197 

Outrage  on  Americans 

553 

P. 

Pacto  de  Sangre 

- 

22 

Paga  rice  - 

* 

320 

PAGE 


Paguian  Tindig,  the  Moslem  - 139 

Palauan  Island  - 173 

Palauan  Is.  planting  and  mining 
concession  - - - - 175 

Palma  Brava  - - - - 361 

Palo  Maria  de  Playa  wood  i-  372 
Pampanga,  Rising  in  - - 112 

Panditas  (Moslem  priests)  161, 170 
Panguingui  - 405 

Papaw  fruit  - 375 

Paragua  Island  - - - - 173 

Parian.  The  - - - 117 

Paris  Peace  Commission  of  1898  624 
„ Treaty  of  Peace  - - 633 

Parish  priests  - 218 

Parliamentary  representation  - 509 
Paseo  del  Real  Pendon  - - 49 

Pasig  town  attacked  by  Chinese  125 
Paterno’s  Manifesto  - 590 

„ „ Rebel  reply  to  592 

„ reward  claim  - - 557 

Peace  with  Rebels,  1897  - - 548 

Peace  Commission  in  Paris,  1898, 
i The  American-Spanish  - - 624 

Peculations  - - - 243 

„ of  Governor-Generals  82 
Pelew  Islands  - - - - 35 

I Penal  Settlements  - 172 

Penitentiaries  Estimates  - - 262 

Periodicals  - - 406, 468,  622 

Petate  - - - 439 

Philippine  Exports,  totals  - - 295 

,.  Islands  named  - - 28 

Pili  nuts  -----  354 

Pina  ------  301 

Piracy  - 141,267 

Poison  Aguinaldo,  Attempt  to  624 
Polavieja,  General  Camilo  - 527 

„ reception  in  Spain  - 529 

Poll  tax 247 

Ponape  (Caroline  Is.)  - 41, 43 

Ponies  -----  389 
} Pontifical  rewards  to  Friars  - 56 

Population  of  Cebu  - - - 502 

„ of  Manila  and 

suburbs  -----  401 
Population  of  Manila  walled  city  411 


INDEX. 


651 


Ports  open  to  foreign  trade 


PAGE 

293 


Portuguese  rivalry  - 

- 

25 

Potatoes  - - - - 

- 

355 

Primo  de  Rivera,  General  133, 
Primo  de  Rivera  - Paterno 

538, 

557 

Agreement  - - - 

Primo  de  Rivera  returns 

to 

546 

Soain,  1898  - - - 

- 

560 

Prince  Pagbuaya  - 

Protocol  of  Peace,  American- 

30 

Spanish  - - - 

- 

612 

Provincial  Governor’s  duties 

- 

235 

Public  expenditure  - 

- 

253 

„ revenue  - - - 

- 

252 

Puerta  del  Parian,  Manila 

- 

117 

„ Princesa 

- 

172 

R. 

Railways  - - - - 

- 

301 

Railway,  The  first  Philippine  - 
„ stock,  Official  quota- 

301 

tions  of  - 

- 

303 

Rajah  Matanda 

- 

31 

„ Soliman  - 

- 

31 

Real  Compania  de  Filipinas 

- 

283 

„ Pendon,  Paseo  del 

- 

49 

„ Quinto  - - - 

- 

55 

Rebellion  in  Bojol  - 

- 

111 

„ ,.  Cavite  - 

- 

113 

„ „ Cebu  - 

- 

551 

„ „ Leyte  - 

- 

111 

„ „ Negros  - 

- 

113 

„ „ Pampanga  - 

- 

112 

„ „ Samar  - 

- 

112 

„ „ Surigao 

- 

111 

„ „ Ylocos  Province 

- 

109 

„ of  1896-98, The  Tagalog  509 
Rebels’  indemnity  - 546 

„ refutation  of  Paterno’s 
Manifesto  - - - 592 

Reforms,  The  first  55 

Refutation  by  rebels  of  Paterno’s 
Manifesto  - 592 

Regium  Exequatur  93 


PAGE 


Religious  credulity  - 196 

„ frauds  - - - 203 

„ rites  of  Sulus  - - 161 

Reptilia  -----  392 
Revolutionary  Government, 
Constitution  of  599 

Reward  claimed  by  P.  Paterno  - 557 
„ for  Simon  de  Anda’s 
head  - 103 

Riccio,  Yittorio  87 

Rice-cleaning  - 319 

„ measures  - - - - 318 

Rios,  General  Diego  de  los  520,  628 
Rising  in  Negros  Island  - - 235 

Rivalries  of  the  Friars  - - 227 

Rivers  - - - - - 6 

Rizal,  Dr.  Jose  - - - - 194 

Rizal’s  career,  Dr.  Jose  - - 530 

.,  widow,  Dr.  Jose  - - 535 

Rodriguez’s  expedition  against 
Moros  -----  140 
Rojas  executed,  Francisco  L.  - 513 
„ Pedro  - - - . 513 

Rojo,  Archbishop  Manuel 

Antonio  95 

Russell  and  Sturgis  - - - 286 


s. 


Sabas,  Colonel  - - - - 114 

Saint  Francis  saves  Manila  - 123 

Salaries  of  high  civil  servants  - 232 
„ in  civil  service  230,  232.  243 
„ in  military  service  232,  258 

„ in  naval  service  - - 259 

Salazar,  Domingo,  first  Bishop  - 56 

„ „ Archbishop  - 56 

Salcedo,  Diego  - 59 

„ „ dies  of  grief  - 60 

Samar,  Rising  in  - - - 112 

Sanchez’s  mission,  Fray  Alonso  - 51 

Sanctorum  tax  - 224 

San  Juan  de  Bocboc  town  - - 431 

„ del  Monte,  Battle  of-  515 
San  Ramon,  Agricultural  Colony 
of  - - - - - 266 


652 


INDEX. 


PAGE 

PAGE 

Santa  Clara  Convent 

- 

- 

84 

Supa  wood 

- 

372 

„ Crnz  town 

- 

- 

423 

Suplan  village  - 

- 

- 

446 

Santo  Nino  de  Cebu  - 

- 

- 

196 

Supreme  Court 

55,  57,  262 

Sapanwood 

- 

- 

366 

Surigao,  Rising  in 

- 

- 

111 

Saps  of  woods  - 

- 

- 

367 

Schools  ... 

- 

38 

190 

Sculpture  - 

- 

- 

195 

Seasons  - 

- 

- 

16 

T. 

Sheep  - 

- 

- 

391 

Taal  town 

_ 

449 

Shell  Money 

- 

- 

272 

Taguima  (old  name) 

- 

- 

5 

Silan  the  rebel,  Diego  de 

- 

- 

109 

Tagulauay 

- 

- 

377 

,,  town 

- 

- 

454 

Talisay  town 

- 

- 

447 

Silay  town 

- 

- 

473 

Tamarinds 

_ 

_ 

376 

Simon  de  Anda 

- 

- 

99 

Tapa  - 

_ 

- 

391 

Sinamay  - 

- 

- 

300 

Tawi  Tawi  Island 

_ 

. 

148 

Situado,  The  Mexican  subsidy  - 

272 

Telegraphs 

. 

_ 

304 

Slavery  - 

54, 

164, 

206 

Temperature 

- 

16 

409 

Small-pox  - 

- 

- 

207 

Theatres  in  Manila  - 

_ 

403 

Smuggling 

- 

275, 

291 

Tindalo  wood  - 

_ 

. 

372 

Snakes  ... 

- 

- 

393 

Tinguianes  Ti’ibe 

- 

. 

135 

Sogbu  Island  (old  name) 

- 

- 

5 

Tithes  - 

_ 

54 

224 

Solidaridad,  La  - 

- 

- 

510 

Tobacco  - 

_ 

. 

342 

Soliman,  Rajah  - 

- 

- 

31 

„ shipments  - 

- 

- 

349 

Stone  - 

- 

- 

387 

„ under  free  trade  - 

- 

347 

Student,  The  Manila 

- 

- 

193 

„ „ Government 

Student’s  curriculum 

- 

- 

192 

monopoly 

- 

343 

Suhuano  Tribe  - 

- 

- 

169 

Tondo  Province 

- 

- 

5 

Suffragan  bishops  appointed 

- 

56 

Tonquin,  Natives  in  - 

- 

- 

188 

Sugar  classification  - 

- 

- 

314 

Tordesillas  Treaty  - 

- 

- 

19 

„ culture 

- 

- 

312 

Torralba,  Jose  - 

- 

- 

82 

„ estimate  - 

- 

- 

315 

Town  Hall 

- 

- 

487 

„ exports  - 

- 

- 

309 

Trading  by  ecclesiastics 

273,  277,  280 

„ juice  extract  - 

- 

- 

313 

„ governors  - 

- 

- 

230 

„ making,  Cost  of 

- 

- 

315 

„ in  olden  times 

- 

- 

271 

„ planting  - 

- 

- 

314 

Tragedy  of  the  Calle  de 

Camba 

551 

„ yield 

- 

- 

311 

Travelling  requisites 

- 

- 

487 

Sulphur  - 

- 

14,  387 

Treasury  Estimates  - 

- 

- 

253 

Sultan  Ferdinand  I.  of  Sulu 

- 

145 

Treaty  of  Antwerp  - 

- 

- 

76 

,,  Harun  Narrasid 

- 

- 

153 

„ Biac-na-bato 

- 

- 

545 

,,  Mahamad  Alimudin 

- 

144 

„ Peace,  Text 

of 

the 

Sulu  dres3 

- 

- 

159 

Spanish- American  - 

633 

„ pensions  from  Spain 

- 

163 

„ Tordesillas 

- 

- 

19 

„ religious  rites  - 

- 

- 

161 

„ Utrecht  - 

- 

- 

288 

„ town 

- 

- 

162 

Tribunal  - 

- 

- 

487 

„ trade 

- 

- 

160 

Troops  in  the  Islands  in  1898, 

„ weapons  - 

- 

- 

160 

Spanish  - 

- 

- 

620 

Sumag  town 

- 

- 

469 

Tuba  ... 

- 

- 

357 

INDEX. 


653 


U. 

PAGE 

University  of  St.  Thomas  - 193 

Urdaneta,  Andres  de  - 27, 29 


V. 


Yalenzuela,  Sancho,  The  Rebel 

leader  - - 515 

Yalenzuela,  the  Court  favourite  89 
Yargas,  Juan  82 

Yehicles  in  Manila  - 402 

Yera’s  rebellion,  Melchor  de  - 113 

Veteran  Civil  Guard  Estimates-  255 
Villa  Corta  - 102 

„ ransomed  - - 103 

Villalobos,  Ruy  Lopez  de  - 27 

Virgin  of  Anti  polo,  The 
legend  of  the  ...  198 
Volcanoes  8, 448 


w. 


War  Indemnity  to  the  British  - 97 

Wax  ------  365 

White  ants  - 393 

Wild  boars  - 394 

Woods  -----  367 

Woods  and  Forests  Inspection  - 251 


Y. 


Yacal  wood  - - - 

- 372 

Yap  - 

- 41 

Ylocos  Province  in  revolt  - 

- 109 

Yloilo  exports  - 

- 294 

„ town  and  port 

299, 467 

Z. 

Zamboanga  - - 143,  298, 507 


illustrate 


THE  SECOND  EDITION  OF 


IPPINE  ISLANDS' 


JOHN  FOREMAN  F.R.G.S. 


h »h  Mil  r 


8ATANES  PROVINCE 


■ Sif|>6j‘jr 


BRITISH 

NORTH  BORNEO  COMPANY 


US658  .F72 
The  Philipp, ne  Islands.  A political, 


